Iranian textiles and politics of identity in Eastern Europe

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1 Iranian textiles and politics of identity in Eastern Europe European fascination with oriental textiles began gradually during the past centuries, as a result of political and commercial activities between Western societies and the Orient. Middle-Eastern carpets were largely acquired by Europeans since the time of the Crusaders, and they are evidence of a longstanding Western relationship with the Orient. As recent scholars have argued, commodities have their own social existence that is not distinct from political, economic and cultural conditions of their production and of their larger international context (Helfgott 275). The latter also includes commodity demand and consumption. In the case of highly valued Persian carpets called Polonaise, the scarcity of sources obscures for us the condition of production of these textiles. Instead, we can try to reconstitute their value by studying the consumer s desire with a focus on Eastern Europeans who largely acquired these oriental goods since the 17 th century. They could have considered these carpets as a part commodity part symbol (Spooner 200). It was in 1878 at the Universal Exhibition held in the Trocadero Palace in Paris when the Polish prince Wladyslaw Czartoryski ( ) exhibited Persian carpets in the newly constructed Polish Pavilion. A few of those carpets had the coat-of-arms of his family woven in the design, which were not the component of the original material (Biedronska-Slota ). The use of this emblem produced false theories and misleading associations concerning the place of production of these textiles. Stories were raised in order to associate their weaving to Eastern Europe and especially to Polish workshops. Some even believed that in the 15 th century Armenian traders started production in Kiev for the Polish aristocracy and called these textiles Polish in Persian style. The general opinion was that the carpets had been woven in the factory of an Armenian - Leon Madziarski (Biedronska-Slota ), who had founded his workshop not earlier than in 1757 (Valentiner 283). This misattribution was detected by Wilhelm Van Bode, when the first significant publications appeared on the market for the purpose of an exhibition of Islamic art in Vienna, around 1890 (Valentiner 283). Today, there is no doubt that the carpets called Polonaise were produced in the royal workshops at Kashan or Isfahan, under Shah Abbas ( ) of Persia, during the late 16 th and the early 17 th century. Additionally, Friedrich Spuhler, the specialist of Islamic carpets, suggested that the uniform style of these carpets had been developed after 1598, when Shah Abbas moved to his new capital in Isfahan (109). It is commonly admitted that the manufacture of these textiles is associated with the prosperity of the Safavid dynasty. The period of carpet production lasted for a short time, probably until 1650, during the time when Isfahan maintained relatively close relations with Europe (G. U. -W. M. M. 55). It is interesting to note that the name of these textiles from the French Polonaise or simply so-called Polish has been associated with them until now in order to identify a common group of carpets distinguished by the material used for their production (silk and, silver and gold threads), their design and the purpose for which they had been woven. This persistence of the name Polonaise carpets in the scholarly publications might indicate the existence of an enduring relationship between Poland and Iran, and a long-standing legacy which is hidden behind the name of these textiles. These Persian carpets were considered by scholars as one of the precious objects brought along the caravan routes from the Orient, because the place of their production, Safavid Persia, for centuries appealed to the Western imagination as the land of mystery and romance (G. U. -W. M. M. 54). This statement indicates that the oriental Persian carpets were acquired by Europeans 1

2 because of a common fascination for the Middle Eastern art and exoticism. However, the Eastern European reception of these textiles was particular. This part of Europe had a specific relationship with the Middle East and these carpets were used for particular purposes that did not pertain to the Orientalist theories of exotic consumption. It is important to remind here that the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth was a large and ethnically diverse country from the 16 th through the end of the 18 th centuries. Its territories were probably the best positioned for trade with the East. The Polish people and other ethnic groups cohabiting in the same territories were in close contact with Islamic countries. Because of this advantageous geographical position, the Middle Eastern influences started to mingle and become introduced to Polish art, which subsequently undermined the impact of Western European and especially Italian influences in Poland (Mankowski 93). As a Polish historian said: for the inhabitants of Poland, the East existed as a real thing (Walaszek 22). This may signify that the population of the Polish Commonwealth had an intimate understanding of Ottoman and Persian culture; this fascination aroused their interest in purchasing oriental carpets, especially the highly valued Polonaise. According to Beata Biedronska-Slota, the chief curator of the Textile Department at the National Museum in Cracow, where some of these textiles are stored, the coat-of-arms displayed on the textiles in 1878 was added to the carpets by Wladyslaw Czartoryski for the purpose of the exhibition. One of the reasons could have been the tradition of displaying a heraldic design woven into scarves, carpets and arms, as a symbol unique to a person, family, or state. This custom was popular in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth over the past centuries and served the Polish nobility to legitimize their status in society ( ). If this is true, 17 th century Polish noblemen may have provided themselves with the Polonaise carpets in order to underscore their identity, rather than for an interest in the East, its commodities, luxuries and culture. Today, it is difficult to count all the Polonaise carpets held in global collection, since many of them are kept in private collections or in the museums storerooms. Specialists argue that their number might vary from 200 to 300 pieces worldwide. There are just a few of them that are kept in Polish collections. This, however, does not reflect the situation from the 17 th century when Persian carpets were acquired largely by the Polish nobility. Jan Chryzostom Pasek, writer and nobleman of the time, wrote in his historical memoirs that around 1620, the Polish ground was covered with golden and silver carpets (Biedronska-Slota ). Unfortunately, a great number of those textiles belonging in the past to Polish families were lost during the Second World War. Many of the carpets were taken by Germans and appeared several years later on the American market. Today, the majority of Polonaise rugs, that have been published or studied, are those acquired by American museums during the 20 th century. The Persian carpets called Polonaise are different from other types of oriental textiles. First, the special value attributed to these carpets is due to the use of silk for their production. Additionally, they were brocaded with gold and silver threads, which rarely appear in other oriental textiles, made usually of cotton, wool or silk. The precious metals were worked in silk threads wrapped in metal strips and inserted horizontally (Spuhler 108). The use of costly material for the production created a shiny impression on the spectators. Silver and gold threads were supposed to reflect the light, which consequently was absorbed by the silk yarn (Biedronska- Slota ). The costly material used in weaving of the Polonaise left a common understanding that these carpets were one of the most luxurious productions of the Persian rug manufactories in the seventeenth century (Breck ). Dr. Martin, who studied oriental textiles at the beginning of 20 th century mentioned, after another specialist of that time Dr. Karabacek: such carpets and silk stuff woven with gold and silver were made for Moscow 2

3 and Poland during the time of Shah Abbas, gold and silver must be of good quality and not too soon become black, because then the Poles would not take the carpets (Valentiner 282). It is not evident today on which arguments this point was raised. If what was said were true, it might indicate also that one of the reasons the Poles collected Persian carpets was the high estimation they had for the valuable materials used for their production. There are some dissimilarities in design among Polonaise carpets, nonetheless, they usually present similar patterns, with the use of floral themes, palmettes, arabesques, and motifs of Chinese cloud bands called tchi. They are also decorated with animal and less frequently with human forms (G. U. -W. M. M. 55). It is important to note here that around 1878 there was a discussion about the racial superiority of the Persian over Turkish people. As Patricia Baker states: This was the age of Darwinism when such notions of racial and ethnic superiority were exciting the imaginations of scholars and designers. The geometric patterns so often associated with the Ottoman weaving were considered as a form of degradation of floral and animal patterns so popular in the Persian textiles (79). Those points state very clearly that the attribution of the high value to the Persian carpets continued until the 19 th century and especially in the case of the Polonaise, in which a floral design was predominant. It is interesting to note also that the colors used for the production of these textiles (pale green, brown, salmon pink) were brighter than in other oriental carpets (Breck ). This might signify that the Polonaise carpets were produced in order to suit some non-oriental tastes and that Europeans, and especially Poles appreciated them for something more than just the exotic association with oriental countries. The Polonaise carpets were also considered precious due to the role they played in the exchange of gifts. The Persian sovereigns presented some of them to the European rulers, which support the commonly accepted claim that these textiles were produced in royal Persian workshops. In 1603, Shah Abbas of Persia sent his ambassador Fethi Bey to Italy and provided him with a gift in the form of a Persian carpet, made of silk with gold and silver threads brocaded. A letter attached to the carpet said that the beautiful carpet was worthy of having the Treasure of St Mark s displayed upon it (G. U. -W. M. M. 54). It proves that the Polonaise carpets had their role in the exchange of gifts in the political realm. Such exchange took part in shaping good relations between the Safavid ruler and his European partners. Those carpets were also comparable by the Persians to the value of objects kept in the treasures of St. Mark s of Venice, and highly esteemed by the European rulers, since many of them were displayed not only in St. Mark s of Venice but constituted part of the inventory of the Mobilier de la Couronne under Louis XIV (Valentiner 282). We do not have any account certifying that the Persian carpets belonging in the past to the Polish were received as gifts from the Shahs of Persia. It does not seem either, that it was through the exchange of gifts that a great number of these textiles were found in Poland. The Polonaise carpets, however, were exchanged as presents among the Polish. This can be supported by the fact that the king of Poland, Jan III Sobieski ( ), on the occasion of his birthday had been presented with a silk carpet woven with gold and silver, by nobleman from Krakow four small Persian rugs by French legate two silk rugs by Master of the Royal Hunt two very rich Persian carpets by Prince Potocki (Biedronska-Slota ). It seems that the Persian textiles, and especially the Polonaise, were highly valued, and the rulers as well as the noblemen were aware of the role these carpets played in shaping relations between the sovereign and his subjects. If the statement of Dr. Martin quoted previously is true, it means that many of these textiles were made with the purpose of being sent to Poland. It appears, however, that the Polonaise was specifically traded to Poland to fulfill the demand of the rulers and the nobility of the Polish- Lithuanian Commonwealth. In the case of carpets that were the property of Polish kings and 3

4 noblemen, some information about them is kept in historical national archives, inventories of Polish magnates, and invoices of Armenian merchants. The most important source here is the account of Sefer Muratowicz, Armenian from Lvov, who was sent by the Polish king Sigismund III Vasa ( ) for the mission to Persia in 1601 (Walaszek 35-47). The relation of Muratowicz, who spent several months traveling through Warsaw, Lvov, Erzurum, Julfa, and Tabriz to arrive to Kashan and meet subsequently Shah Abbas in Isfahan, is the first documented description of a Polish sponsored voyage to Persia (Szuppe 81). It may appear reasonable that this first mission was diplomatic, and its purpose was to establish good relations between the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the Persia of Shah Abbas, in a time of constant insecurity because of Ottoman threats. However, the primary purpose of the mission was commercial. Sefer Muratowicz was charged by the King of Poland to bring certain commodities ordered in advance. Among those were tents, swords, and Persian carpets woven with silk and brocaded with gold (Szuppe 81-82). Furthermore, Muratowicz underlined in his text I am a merchant, I came here just to buy and bring to the King of Poland some precious and beautiful objects of Persian production (Walaszek 39), and he emphasized that a political mission was not his purpose: Somebody sent me here not to receive gifts, I am not a diplomatic emissary, it is why I cannot take it (Walaszek 44). The royal enterprise for sending a merchant on a long mission to the Persian empire in order to acquire only few carpets, tents, and weapons seems exceptional at that time and proves once again how much Persian commodities were highly valued in the Polish-Lithuanian territories. Additionally, it seems evident that the Polish nobility was extensively involved in trade with Ottoman Turkey and Persia. The commerce was especially productive on the southern and the eastern borders of the Commonwealth. As seen from Muratowicz s account, the Armenian communities were vital in commercial activities and provided the noblemen s courts with Persian and Turkish objects. The study of the Polish dress at this time shows oriental influences in costumes, weapons, and jewelry. Tazbir argues that for the French, the Polish nobility was recognizable by special outfits that were influenced by eastern fashions, with heavy clothes, furs, and probably also jewelry (182). Additionally, having a beard and a moustache gave Polish noblemen a Middle Eastern appearance. This Eastern European penchant for the Orient was felt in Western Europe, since the French and British considered the Polish mode as the taste of Europe married with Asian one (Walaszek 22). Additionally, some merchant s inventories included notes about the purchase of Persian rugs, made with threads of silver and gold. In his study about the influences of Islamic art in Poland, Mankowski states the case of the lawsuit between the merchants of Lvov and the Polish noblemen. They argued over twenty-four Persian carpets interwoven with gold, half of which were intended to be large and the other half, to be smaller in size. Mankowski even states their price: 15,000 Polish florins. This represented a considerable amount of money in the 17 th century (97). However, the Polish idea of the Orient and Poland s relationship to the East was particular. Even if in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth there was still a fear of the barbarous Turk, in general, it did not curtail any contacts or relations with the Muslim East. Tazbir argues that the Turks, the Chinese, and the Persians were never considered by the Polish people as savage because they had created a state and they had their own kind of art and literature. They were, however, called barbarians as opposed to civilized people because they were not Christian (103). Turks and Persians could have provoked fear on the part of Poles because they were Muslims. Instead, they were admired for their fighting spirit, justice, and lucidity (115). 4

5 Furthermore, Polish kings, magnates, noblemen, and soldiers, considered themselves fervent Catholics. For them the Polish Commonwealth played the role of a stronghold of Christianity (Walaszek 6). Because of this idea, Polish noblemen felt as if they had a special place among the other European countries. In a letter to the Polish King Sigismund II August ( ) in 1556, Philippe Melanchthon wrote that Poland deserved an important place in Europe because it had constituted a defensive wall against the Tatars for five hundred years, and in the 17 th century this vision became the reality when Polish territories acted as a bulwark against the Ottoman invasion from the south (Tazbir 86-87). Religiosity and megalomania (Walaszek 7), were characteristic features of Polish rulers and noblemen in the 17 th and 18 th centuries. The travel account of Sefer Muratowicz proves this statement. He related in his account a meeting with Shah Abbas who shared with him a secret about his plan to convert himself to Christianity. The merchant tells us that the ruler of Persia showed him a cross he had been keeping under his robe, and he considered this object as a precious symbol of his new religious belief (Walaszek 43-44). The merchant s story appears, however, implausible. Shah Abbas of Persia was known for legitimizing his power by relating to the Muslim shi i religion. The story of Muratowicz encounter with the ruler of Persia signifies that the merchant attributed to himself and to his host country a special role in converting the Muslim sovereign to Christianity and in this way he could insinuate himself in the so-called belief of the Polish that they were the defenders of their religion in Europe. Additionally, in Muratowicz account, trade and description of the country are hardly mentioned. There is no apparent sense of analyzing Persian culture, customs, or art. On the contrary, the Armenian emphasizes his knowledge of foreign languages, and his pride in the fact that he was chosen to lead such a prestigious mission to Persia. This kind of high self-esteem and disregard for Persian culture is striking when compared to the common interest of Polish rulers and nobility in purchasing oriental objects, such as the valuable Polonaise. It seems however that the East was fascinating to Polish gentry in a different way. Their interest in the Orient was not as much about the oriental and exotic but was rather related to their local quest for origins and the foundation of their own identity. For the nobleman all exotic accessories that he had provided for himself were not as much oriental but more Sarmatian (Walaszek 22). Sarmatians were Eastern Iranian nomadic people who, according to some ancient historians, lived in the first centuries of our era. This association o Polish nobility with the Persian culture came from two accounts written by two Polish noblemen who were working in the 16 th century on the origins of Eastern Europe (Krasnowolska 180). They created an opinion that from the beginning of the era, some Eastern-Iranian nomadic groups came to contemporary Polish territories and mingled with the local population. These ancient people differentiated themselves as Sarmatians as they integrated with the local population in order to create the ideology of the dominant social cast (Tazbir 32). It is worth noticing here that the Polish noble state in the 17 th century was a hermetic one and benefited from privilege and proprieties acquired during previous centuries. By relating to the Sarmatian tradition, Polish nobility tried to underline their ethnic preeminence and the superiority of their state in a social hierarchy. Because European nobility supported the strength of their sovereigns, Polish noblemen feared the influence of the West, which was a potential threat to the privileges they had gained over centuries. As noted by Polish historian, it is clear that, in this paradise, the role of Satan was attributed to the foreigners (Tazbir 160). Nonetheless, the Poles were not so afraid of the influences from the Middle East and they tried to use these connections to set them apart from Western Europe as unique. Consequently, the Polish nobility turned to the Orient in order to acquire Persian and Turkish goods, to emphasize its connections to the noble state of the Sarmatians, and to legitimize their 5

6 own power to rule. The rich magnates justified their strength and tried to distinguish themselves from other European nations. They went even further in their enthusiasm for oriental textiles and goods and became the real entrepreneurs. They started to provide the objects they needed by founding weaving ateliers in Polish territories. Mankowski states an example of the hetman of the crown Stanislaw Koniecpolski, who founded a weaving workshop in Brody in 1643 in the Ukrainian territories. In this factory, weavings were made in the style of Persian models and called ac si in ipsa Perside (as if made in Persia itself) according to chronicler of the time (98). The weaving factories in Poland did not use a great variety of colors, and even if they were provided materials for production from Persia or Turkey, they could also use a different material, such as local sheep s wool (Mankowski 98). This could signify that the use of the precious material played a secondary role in the demand for carpets. It appears unlikely that the lower social classes purchased carpets made from cheaper materials since the disproportion in the wealth between them and the nobility was considerable. The so-called oriental textiles were not the cheapest ones available; furthermore, they were associated with the noble class. According to Mankowski, the carpet industry in the Persian or Turkish style did not attain as high standard as the silk scarf industry where silver and gold threads were commonly used (98). It is important to note that we have more documentary sources pertaining to factories specializing in the scarves than in carpets. This is probably because scarves were a part of dress of the noble class, a symbol of status in public display. Carpets were more expensive and their production more complicated. Additionally, they were only displayed in private, in the nobleman s house. The carpets and scarves were not the only objects that served the Polish noblemen to display his status and identity. Arms, tents, belts, and especially accessories associated with horses were made by Polish workshops in the Persian or Turkish style. By the use of oriental accessories, provided through trade or produced locally, the Polish nobility attained its goal of being distinguished among the other European nations. It is interesting to note that the Polish King Jan III Sobieski said in 1683 before the famous battle of Vienna against the Ottomans that the soldiers should have taken some cords and tied them around their waist in order to distinguish themselves from the Turks (Tazbir 171), so they would not be confused about who was in front of them, an enemy or another Pole. The Persian influences and designs were probably not as important for Polish noblemen. As I mentioned, Sefer Muratowicz brought Polish designs to Persian weavers and supervised the production of the Polonaise carpets and tents ordered by the king. His instructions are not preserved. We do have traces, however, which show that the designs were inconsistent. On one of the Polonaise carpets brought from Persia by Muratowicz (and stored today in the Residenz- Museum in Munich), the emblem of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth is depicted in different colors than the original coat-of-arms of the Polish king. It is not clear if the changes were made to accommodate the colors of the Polish emblem to the Persian designs. These colors could have been misunderstood by the weavers or intentionally changed in order to enliven the appearance of the Polonaise carpets. The scarcity of documents does not show how much the King of Poland and Muratowicz were interested in Persian art, designs, and patterns. We do not know either if the designs brought by Muratowicz only depicted the coat-of-arms, or if he brought other patterns to challenge Persian weavers. By ordering Persian carpets with Polish designs, the King of Poland could have claimed those Persian products for himself and his country. By acquiring an oriental object he emphasized also the Sarmatian tradition the same that his noblemen of the 17 th century were doing by purchasing and producing carpets and other oriental goods. 6

7 The story of appropriating Persian objects, such as the Polonaise carpets, for the purpose of accentuating traditions and identity did not stop with the 17 th century but apparently continued with the exhibition of 1878 and the role of the Czartoryski family. It is interesting to note that Sarmatism was popular once again in the 19 th century, especially in literature, as a symbol of certain values of the ancient Polish Commonwealth, without really investigating how it functioned in the past centuries (Tazbir 27). The Universal exhibition of 1878 at the Trocadero gallery was the first one where an important number of Persian rugs were displayed. As Patricia Baker states, this Exhibition was a pure manifestation of the national character It [a carpet] should not only be handmade and beautiful in form, ornamentation and color but representative of the country and the people and instinct with their national and individual character and history. Baker states that the fascination for the oriental carpets in the 19 th century was associated with the Western imagination of the Middle East. The sultanate was seen with a critical eye, and the Turkish rugs were considered at that time minor to the Persian ones. The latter were the signifiers of good taste since the Persians were considered as a nation unpolluted by conquerors and invaders from the time of Alexander the Great and everything associated with Greek Antiquity was highly valued in 19 th century (79). The Polish people, however, were suffering since 1795 from the loss of independence. For them the national character of those carpets was not as much related to the high value given to Persian production but could have served instead to express their own national identity. Wladyslaw Czartoryski, who exhibited the Polonaise carpets in 1878, represented a known Polish noble family. Their roots go back to the 13 th century and the territories of today s Lithuania ( History of the Czartoryski family ). The family became very popular in the 17 th and 18 th centuries because of their involvement in a reform movement at the time when the Polish Lithuanian Commonwealth was reaching its end (the country lost its independence in 1795 and was divided between three empires: Russia, the Kingdom Of Prussia, and the Habsburgs). In this sense the Czartoryski family opposed the Sarmatian culture of waste and luxury and advised a limit to the liberty of the nobility in favor of the king s power. After the loss of independence in 1795, the Czartoryski continued, from France, to support the struggle for Polish independence ( History of the Czartoryski family ). It is also interesting to note that in 1843, this noble family purchased a property in Paris, called Hotel Lambert, which became known as the center of Polish culture. The façade of the palace was decorated with the coat-of-arms and the motto Le jour viendra (The Day will come), signifying the return of Polish sovereignty. Hotel Lambert played an important role in the struggle for independence: It was a center not only of political and diplomatic importance but also of strong cultural activity (Rostworowski 22-23). Czartoryski invited western diplomats to his Parisian apartment, richly decorated with art and reminded them of the Polish question. For the same purpose to emphasize the loss of independence of the Polish people Wladyslaw Czartoryski could have taken part in the Universal Exhibition of It seems plausible that the Persian carpets, especially with silver and gold, displayed to the public the high rank of this Polish family. At the same time, by ordering the coat-of-arms of his family, Czartoryski emphasized his identity and his Polish roots (Biedronska-Slota ). It is not certain how much he could have understood the Sarmatian tradition of the 17 th century, but he was probably aware of the custom of weaving Polish designs over the Persian carpets in order to appropriate them a distinctive meaning of Polish tradition and identity. It is interesting to remind here, that Czartoryski s demand for Persian carpets was different from the Western European interest in acquiring oriental textiles in the 19 th century. According to certain scholars, the public display of these textiles in the 19 th century West, emphasized the notions of European empires (defining themselves in confrontation with the Orient) and of the middle and upper classes 7

8 interest in proving their material wealth (Helfgott 84-85). However, for Czartoryski and for the Polish immigrants in France, the display of oriental carpets could have been used as a tool in their political struggle for independence and in their will to revive old Polish traditions of their nolonger existent Commonwealth. The inhabitants of 17 th century Eastern Europe and especially of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, profited from an advantageous geographical position that allowed them to profit from trade with the Middle East and to exchange goods with the Orient. The Polonaise carpets were accessible and highly valued in Poland. The special commercial mission of Muratowicz, the merchant s accounts, the use of costly materials in production, and the role these textiles played in the exchange of gifts signify that the Polonaise were a mark of distinction for their owners. 17 th century Europe profited from the affluence of commodities from the East. It does not mean, however, that there was a common interest in understanding the Eastern societies and traditions from which the goods were acquired. As Spooner argues no other trade [than the oriental carpet trade] has been so marked by lack of communication between producer in one area and consumer elsewhere (214). The Polish people, for example, profited from the trade but stayed enclosed in their own culture. By establishing a belief in the Sarmatian noble tradition, they used oriental accessories, textiles, and carpets to consolidate their purported oriental roots, which set them apart from the common people. In defense of religion and the political structure of their country, the Polish nobility of the 17 th century avoided foreign influences from the West and provided themselves with oriental goods from Persia and the Ottoman Empire. Costumes became their mark of distinction and showed the untouchable social status and privileges of the Polish nobility. A symbol of social status, simple commodity, decorative object, or floor covering - an oriental carpet, according to Brian Spooner may bear many different meanings for different types of people in different cultural contexts (200). The Polonaise carpets are a perfect example that prove this statement and denies the existence of an inherent meaning related to oriental objects. Since the creation of the definition of the Polonaise carpets, their high value was associated mainly with the use of silver and gold threads and their role in the exchange of gifts between the rulers of Persia and the kings or high officials of European countries. Furthermore, it is worth noting an interesting statement made by George Ellwanger in 1903, and quoted by Patricia Baker: The very word Persian is a synonym for opulence, splendor, gorgeousness; and oriental means beauty and wonder and the magic of the Arabian nights. (79). It seems, however, that the Polish nobility of the 17 th and 19 th centuries attributed to these oriental products and Polonaise carpets a different value separate from the fascination for Persian art, and instead, considered them as an emblem of identity, tradition, and later - in a changing political context - as a tool in the Polish struggle for independence. In this sense, the purchase and display of oriental carpets with silver and gold thread decoration, and the noble coats-of-arms, played a vital role in the process of shaping identity in a particular social class and nation. Works cited 8

9 Baker, Patricia L. Safavid carpets and the nineteenth-century European notions. in Canby, Sheila R. Safavid art and architecture. London: British Museum Press, 2002: Print. Biedronska-Slota, Beata. "Classical Carpets in Poland: a Survey of the History of Oriental Carpet Collecting Among Poland s Elites, Including Turkish and Cairene Weavings in Addition to Safavid Silk and Metal Thread Polonaise Rugs." Hali; the International Journal of Oriental Carpets and Textiles. (2010). Print. Biedronska-Slota, Beata. "Composition of Persian Carpets called Polish." in Majda, Tadeusz, and Anna Parzymies. Studies in Oriental art and culture in honour of professor Tadeusz Majda. Warsaw: Dialog, Print. Breck, Joseph. "A Polish Carpet." Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art. 5.7 (1910): Print. Breck, Joseph. "The Loan Exhibition of Persian Rugs of the So-Called Polish Type." Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1930): Print. G. U.-W. M. M. "A Polish Rug in the J. H. Wade Collection." The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art (1927): Print. Helfgott, Leonard M. Ties That Bind: A Social History of the Iranian Carpet. Washington: Smithsonian Institution Press, Print. "History of The Czartoryski Museum." czartoryski.org. December 1, < Krasnowolska, Anna. "Iranian Studies in Poland." Iranian Studies (1987): Print. Mankowski, Tadeusz. Influence of Islamic Art in Poland. S.l: s.n, Print. Rostworowski, Marek. The National Museum in Cracow : the Czartoryski Collection: An Historical Outline and Selected Objects / Collective Work Under the Editorship of Marek Rostworowski. Warsaw: Arkady, Print. 9

10 Spooner, Brian. Weavers and Dealers: the authenticity of an oriental carpet. Appadurai, Arjun. The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective. Cambridge [Cambridgeshire: Cambridge University Press, Print. Spuhler, Friedrich. Islamic Carpets and Textiles in the Keir Collection. London: Faber and Faber, Print. Szuppe, Maria. "Un Marchand Du Roi De Pologne En Perse, A Royal Merchant of Poland in Persia, " in Moyen Orient Et Oceán Indien: Middle East and Indian Ocean XVIe-XIXe S. Paris: Socie te d'histoire de l'orient, 1986 : In French. Tazbir, Janusz. La Reṕublique Nobiliaire Et Le Monde: E tudes Sur L'histoire De La Culture Polonaise A L'eṕoque Du Baroque. The Noble Republic and the World: Studies on the History of Polish Culture of Baroque. Wrocław: Zakład Narodowy im. Ossolinśkich, Print. In French. Valentiner, Wilhelm R. "The So-Called Polish Rugs." Bulletin of the Metropolitan Museum of Art (1910): Print. Walaszek, Adam, et. al. Trzy Relacje Z Polskich Podroźẏ Na Wscho d Muzulmanśki w Pierwszej Polowie XVII Wieku. Three relations from the Polish Travels to the Muslim East in the first half of the 17 th century. Krakoẃ: Wydaw. Literackie, Print. In Polish. 10