Ethnic Background of the Tidung: Investigation of the Extinct Rulers of Coastal Northeast Borneo

Transcription

1 Ethnic Background of the Tidung: Investigation of the Extinct Rulers of Coastal Northeast Borneo Mika OKUSHIMA * Note1~4 The history of Northeast Borneo, from the eastern coasts of Sabah (Malaysia) to the Mangkalihat Cape of East Kalimantan (Indonesia) (see Map 1), remains obscure because the various rulers of the area applied different names throughout the area (Irwin 1955: 153, n. 460). In the absence of local centripetal polity, neighboring sultanates regarded this political buffer area on the periphery of Southeast Asia as a dependency; these sultanates included Brunei, Sulu, and Banjarmasin, all of whom had claimed sovereignty over the area at one time or another (Okushima 2002: 149). Around the end of the 17 th century, Brunei ceded the area to the Sulu, who renamed it Tirun before ceding it in turn to the British in the late 18 th century. In the same period, the Banjarmasin, who called the area Berau and regarded it as a northern extension of the Kutai (see Map 2), ceded the area to the Dutch colonial government. Moreover, new local sultanates arose in coastal Northeast Borneo. First, the Bulungan, in the northern part of the area, declared independence from the neighboring sultanates in the late 18 th century. Later, the people of the much older sultanate, Berau, was split into Gunung Tabur and Sambaliung in the 19 th century (see Dalrymple 1793; Leyden 1814; Hunt 1837; TNI 1849; Hageman 1855; Dewall 1855; Arsip National RI 1973, etc.). Terminological confusion has also hampered the study of the local ethnic groups of Northeast Borneo. In fact, small polities in this area were established by the local groups and then flourished. This is true especially of the Tidung, who are said to have served as the maritime forces of the Brunei together with their Bajau neighbors (Sama / Samal) (Note 1). These forces started to raid the Sulu and Mindanao islands in the 17 th century. Their homeland became known as Tirun because the Sulu and the Spanish called * Kanda University of Internatio nal Studies, JAPAN ( okushima@kanda.kuis.ac.jp)

2 them Camuçones (Note 2), or Tirun, specifically Tidung in the Sulu (Tausug) dialect. On the other hand, the eastern neighbors of the Tidung, including the Banjarmasin and Kutai, named their homeland after one of their oldest kingdoms Berayu(-k), which later became Berau. The Tidung were originally miscellaneous local peoples who had moved to the coastal regions and had played a central role in the area s overseas trading, probably under the power of the Brunei, as the historical data state above. However, after the Brunei ceded Northeast Borneo to the Sulu, the Sulu counter-attacked the Tidung in order to demonstrate their supremacy and collect tribute. By the end of the 18 th century, the Tidung had gradually lost their trading networks and been pushed back to their homeland as local agriculturists and collectors of forest products (see Majul 1973; Tarling 1978; Warren 1985; Nicholl 1991; Loyré 1997). This seems to have led to their mass conversion from animism to Islam between the late 18 th and mid-19 th centuries (compare Forrest 1792, Hageman 1855: 76 and Dewall 1855: 441). In response to this historical course, some of the Tidung polities moved their political centers further inland and monopolized the sources of valuable forest products such as bird s nests (Aernout 1885; Hageman 1855; Okushima 2002). The most successful of these polities was the Bulungan, who allied themselves with the inlanders, especially the formidable Kayanic headhunters, and switched their ethnic identity from Tidung to Bulungan (Okushima 2003). In contrast, the other Tidung continued to resist the new order, and were therefore suppressed as disorderly pagans or pirates (Forrest 1792; Dewall 1855; St. John 1986), not only by the Malay outsiders in association with the Dutch and British, but also by their Islamized relatives such as the Bulungan. In the existing literature on the Tidung, these labeling problems were accompanied by some controversial matters. For example, whether or not the Tidung originated (at least in part) from Kayanic-speaking groups (see Beech 1908; Akbarsyah 1997; G. Appell 1983 etc.); and whether or not the ethnonym Tidung was derived from the term tideng / tidong ( mountain / hill ) (see Beech 1908: 85; G. Appell 1983: 43; Appell-Warren 1986: 148; Sather 1972: 167; Sellato 2001: 21). This paper overviews the ethnic background of the Tidung through basic data on their language, social organization, ethnic identity, and the past political sphere which was called Tirun or Berau, precisely Tanah Tidung or

3 Berayu in their own tongue, in order to elucidate the ethno-historical details of Northeast Borneo. The primary data, both oral histories and some written sources (local documents, gravestones, etc.), were collected during my field research in East Kalimantan (two and half years, ), and during several short visits to Sabah and East Kalimantan ( ). 1) Tidung Peoples 1-1: Distribution and inter-ethnic relation Today, the Tidung live mainly in the northern regions of East Kalimantan (from the districts of Bulungan to Nunukan) and along the eastern coasts of Sabah (from the districts of Sandakan to Tawau (see Map 3). The overall Tidung population is estimated at 70,000 to 80,000 (see Table 1 for data on Tidung settlements and populations). Some Tidung migrants, most of whom don t use their ancestral language, live on the coasts and islands of Berau, Kutai (Kutai Lama, Sangkulilang, Sangata, Pulau Anggana, etc.); in Jakarta Bay (two islands, Pulau Tidung Besar and Kecil); or in the southern Sulu islands (Sibutu, Simunul, Bangao, Sanga-Sanga, etc.). West Sabah contains a small Murutic group of Kuala Penyu, called the Tenggara or Tengara, whom their neighbors consider un-islamized Tidung descendants. In fact, their language seems to be close to that of the Tarakan (Cense and Uhlenbeck 1958: 30); the Tarakan Tidung remember that this island was also called Tenggara, or village of King Tara(-k), after the founder of the kingdom (Amir Hamzah 1998). Finally, the Tidung population exceeds 100,000 if we include the Bulungan, who are mixed with a number of Kayanic peoples as well as the Malay and who no longer consider themselves Tidung (see Section 2 below). According to an oral history of the deeper past, the ancestors of the Tidung settled mainly in the Kinabatangan basin and partly in Sipitang (West Sabah), Talisayan (Mindanao), and Morotai (Halmahera). Although I myself have not corroborated this yet, it is very likely to have happened in the early days when the Tidung still played a central role in the Brunei s maritime trade with the kingdoms of the Sulu, Sulawesi, and Maluku islands. The Brunei used to organize the coastal people of northwest Borneo, Bisaya, to serve as their maritime forces to protect its territories as far as the western Philippine islands (Nicholl 1980). In a similar way, they seem to have

4 deployed Tidung soldiers to the eastern hinterland. The Tidung still ruled quite a broad extent of waterways to Sulu, Balambangan, and Labuan in the late 18 th century, even after the decline of Tidung hegemony over coastal Northeast Borneo (Forrest 1792: 374). Though by this time the Tidung had already converted to Islam, they were still able to communicate fluently with their non-muslim neighbors in the uplands, namely various Murutic groups such as the Tenggalan (also, Tegala:n, Tengalan, etc.), Tagal (Tagel, Tagol), and Bulusu (Belusu, Berusu) of East Kalimantan. They remained fluent with some related speakers, such as the Idahan and Sungai (Tembanua, Tombonuwo) of Sabah. There were also old allies, such as the Bajau, Basap (Lebu), and Kayanic peoples, all of whom had once helped the Tidung to control the trade in local products. The Tidung mixed with all those groups to establish coastal polities together. Today, however, they much prefer to marry Muslim neighbors, such as the Sulu, Bugis, Brunei, and Arab, as well as other local Malays. 1-2: Livelihood In general, the Tidung are known as fishermen. However, a crucial difference between them and other coastal groups, such as the Bajau, Sulu, and Brunei, is that the Tidung tend to prefer life on land rather than in a water village or boathouse. Some Tidung, at the peak of their maritime supremacy, might have lived only on water like their coastal neighbors, although I have never heard anything in the oral histories that would attest to this, even for the most powerful polities such as the Tarakan and Nunukan. Rather, most Tidung combine farming, fishing, and hunting, like the other Bornean groups. They cultivate both dry and wet fields, mainly for staple crops such as rice, maize, and tubers, as well as banana, coconut, papaya and other fruit trees. In comparison with the inland groups, they cultivate fewer vegetables such as eggplants and greens and smaller amounts of cereals such as millet and Job s tears. Only a small number of villages specialize in fishing, collecting pearls, and so on, as we can see in Sandakan and on coastal islands such as Sebatik. Some other villages today concentrate on cash crops such as oil palm, especially on the Malaysian side. Thus, the Tidung consider their lifestyle as encompassing the sea, rivers, and land (hidup pertengahan), because they can engage in fishing, farming, and

5 hunting. In fact, the Tidung usually settle in the coastal regions probably not because they specialize in fishing, but rather because the Tidung used to give much more importance to trading than to self-sufficient living. They used to collect and sell every local product, including sago, rattan, damar, gaharu, bird s nests, gold, pearls, sea cucumbers, and so on, while also selling their harvests and game. Having specialized in maritime life, some Tidung subgroups preferred to remain seaside and serve as pirates or mercenaries for the local sultans. The Tidung were also known to specialize in dangerous tasks, such as bee and crocodile hunting, that neighboring groups would ask them to handle. In colonial times, they rushed out to get jobs, namely in mining (coal, oil, gold, etc.) or on plantations (tobacco, jute, etc.), especially on the British side. Today the Tidung are reputed to be relatively modest and patient workers despite their low wages; they work in factories, on plantations, or settle in respen, rancangan, and FELDA (Note 3). In comparison, the Bugis and Sulu are reportedly quarrelsome, the Bajau lazy, and the Muruts stubborn and quite resistant to settling in the coastal centers. Although this information, which I heard in Sabah, is surely stereotyped, it does indicate well the characteristics of the Tidung in contrast with their neighbors. On the other hand, the Tidung seem quite individualistic, or indifferent to corporate activities that don t always involve social organization larger than close relatives, including that of the ethnic associations (persatuan, lembaga) of today. 1-3: Culture and identity The multi-oriented lifestyle of the Tidung generated rich cultural variety. For example, those who had settled on the coastal islands specialized in the maritime business, not only fishing but also trading and pirating. Since they long engaged in voyages to other islands, they allied and mixed with the Sulu, Bajau, and other seagoing peoples. Their descendants, including the Tarakan and Bulungan, hold yearly launching ceremony of royal boats (pindaw pepadaw in Tarakan Tidung dialect, or turunkan biduk bebandung tujuh dulun in Bulungan Malay), as is very typical of the coastal subgroups (see Photo 1). These royal boats, as many as seven tied up with each other, are fully equipped with decorated mahalijay (mahaligai) or palaces, flags (panji), and ornaments of dolphin (lunghay).

6 On the other hand, other Tidung, including those who had been prospering from trading in land products such as bird s nests from the Sembakung and Sebuku basins, preferred to go back and forth between the trading centers over Northeast Borneo, through the inland regions between the Sebuku, Kinabatangan, and Labuk basins, rather than via sea. These subgroups still remember their old life, as evidenced by their current ethnic symbols. These include two types of oars, known as male and female or sea and upriver: The latter has a slimmer shape with a pointed edge, which is probably useful in narrow streams and rapids of the upriver regions (Photo 2). The Bajau and Sulu neighbors, who use sea oars only, call their particular type of oar besay Tidung (besay = an oar). It is known that the female oar makes particular sounds while being paddled in a river, as if she is whistling, or singing according to the Tidung. In general, the Tidung have some remarkable features in comparison with the neighboring groups. For example, the Tidung have adopted yellow (silow) as their ethnic color, in considering it the most brilliant and the noblest. They often wear yellow in folk style; especially, the formal dress of the Bulungan and Tarakan nobles is fully yellow. Also, one Tidung ritual is to powder a bride and groom in yellow from head to toe before their wedding (adat bebadek) (Photos 3 and 4). Some Tidung subgroups cover the entire wedding place with yellow cloth. The Tidung nobles and chiefs also have the privilege to demonstrate their status by erecting yellow flags around their houses, boats, and graves. 2) Linguistic Subgroups The linguists suggest that the Tidung are most closely related to the Murutic groups, though the classifications differ slightly from one to the other (compare Hudson 1978: 15; Wurm and Hattori 1981:@; Regis 1989: etc.). The Tidung consider themselves to be Islamized Muruts (sometimes including also the Lun Dayeh and Idahan), as they say in their oral histories. If we consider the rich variations in the Tidung dialects, even within the same subgroup, we can say that the Tidung probably consisted of miscellaneous peoples rather than a homogeneous language group. Some Muruts are said to speak Tidung even today, like the Muruts of the Serudong, Kalabakan, and Sembakung basins, where they have maintained

7 long-established alliances and associations with the Tidung (see Wurm and Hattori 1981; SIL International 2002). The existing literature doesn t cover all Tidung dialects, and is especially lacking in dialects originating from Sebuku (see below). In fact, it is quite difficult to survey the subgroups, because all of them today are mixed with each other almost everywhere in Northeast Borneo. The dispersal of some Tidung subgroups began at least two centuries ago, as they were being attacked many times by the Sulu and also by the local sultanates (see Warren 1985; Okushima 2002). Also, after the start of the British colonial era, a considerable number of Tidung flooded out the eastern coasts of Sabah (Okushima 2003). Another factor is the stronger subgroups, such as the Tarakan and Bulungan, expanded their influence by sending missions to control the local trading. Though I myself am not a linguistics expert, I have tried to outline the Tidung subgroups (see Table 2). All of the subgroups show some similarities with their Murutic neighbors; for example, the use of the letters g and d in the last position (timug water / liog, léag neck / muid, lemuid lie down / alad, aad wing ); the interchangeable vowels between the subgroups (kaywon, keywon, kéwon kiwon, night ); and the prefixes y /i /e added to personal names ( Berayu : I-Berayu in Tarakan) (Note 4). Some terms that vary a good deal among the subgroups, like bird and fish, are also shared with, or borrowed from, the Tanggalan and other Muruts (compare Table 2 with Genderen-Stort 1916: 91-92). Based on their linguistic features and historical backgrounds, the subgroups fit roughly into three categories, as follows. [I] Sesayap groups (Tarakan, Malinau, Betayau, etc.) [Overview] According to the oral histories, these subgroups originated from lower Sesayap. The dialects show high homogeneity, and the basic words are quite common also to the Bulusu, inland neighbors (compare Appell-Warren 1986 with A. Appell 1986). It is possible that those Tidung subgroups came from regions of Sabah, cradle of the Murutic groups, just like their relatives in category II below. However, they don t seem to remember beyond the age of Sesayap. Oral histories of both the Tarakan and Malinau Tidung suggest that they are descendants of Berayu (or Berayuk, Benayuk, etc.), one of the oldest Tidung kingdoms (see Section 4 below). Later, they moved out in

8 several directions and established powerful polities on the coastal islands, such as Mandul, Tarakan, Nunukan, and Bunyu (Map 3). In fact, the dominant polities of Northeast Borneo in the early days were based on the coastal islands, so as to control indirectly the local products of the neighboring inlands (see also the case of Berau, Muhammad Noor 1996). [Tarakan] In general, the Tidung consider the polity of Tarakan one of their political and cultural centers, because of its long hegemony over the others. Their ancestors migrated from Sesayap to Tarakan because of an epidemic. They named the island Tarakan after the first king I-Tara (or, I-Tarak), who was a great-grandson of king Berayu mentioned above. The Tidung have been there ever since, reportedly for 26 generations. The Tarakan used to send expeditions and missions to the neighboring regions, such as Sesayap, Kayan, Sembakung, Nunukan (Beech 1908: 10; Sellato 2001: 21), and even Berau, Sulu, and Sulawesi (Amir Hamzah 1998). One of the missions established a colony at the mouth of the Kayan basin through intermarriage with the Kayanic peoples, and later these newly mixed groups established the Bulungan Sultanate (see category III). The Tidung pirates known among the Sulu and Mindanao must have come from the Tarakan and their relatives from some other islands. However, after the Sulu and Magindanao started to counterattack in the 18 th century, those Tidung polities were defeated and lost their naval supremacy. In Tarakan, the people fell into a serious economic crisis after the loss of maritime trading as their main livelihood; they lacked the quality and quantity of land necessary for cultivating and collecting crops. In the same period, the Bulungan declared independence from the Tarakan, as the former local sovereignty, and began to integrate in turn the neighboring regions. The Bulungan successfully drove out the Sulu and other Malay traders and monopolized the entire forest products that were collected from the broad hinterland. Thus, a considerable number of the Tarakan Tidung inevitably resettled in Sembakung, Bulungan, Sebatik, and other regions in the 19 th and 20 th centuries (Hageman 1855: 75; Dewall 1855: 424, ; Okushima 2002: 155, 161 etc.). Today, the Tarakan dialect is still the lingua franca between the Tidung subgroups. It has, however lost some old features that other subgroups maintain, for instance the glottal stop and the distinction between r and l; this seems to have been a result of long contact with the Malay, especially

9 the Sulu and Bajau. Some lexical characteristics can function as ethnic markers of this group: tendulu or hand (engan / engon in the others), and kemagot, right (side) (beget), for example. Compared with the excellent dictionary of Beech (1908), my word sample collected from Tarakan seems to contain also some recent changes, such as manuk or bird, which is pempulu( ) in the Tarakan Tidung dialects of Sebatik and Kalabakan. [Malinau] The Malinau dialect is lexically almost the same as the Tarakan. However, the historical background of the Malinau is quite different from that of the Tarakan: The ancestors of the former were also the inhabitants of the kingdom Berayu, but the king was a descendant of the Kutai nobles. The Malinau later moved to Bunyu and Nunukan before finally returning to lower Sesayap. The chiefs constantly promoted intermarriage with the Tarakan, and also with other Tidung subgroups that appeared later in Sesayap, such as the Bengawong (see category II) (Amir Hamzah 1998; Sellato 2001: 19-27; Okushima 2002: 151, 154, Genealogy 1 & 2). The Malinau polity was smaller than the Tarakan and probably subject to them. But the crucial difference between the two is that the former survived under the new order of the Bulungan by moving their political center further inland and becoming allied with the local groups so as to protect the sources of bird s nests (Kaskija 1992, 1995; Sellato 2001: 24-29). [Betayau and others] I don t know much about the origin of the Betayau Tidung. They are known to use a particular pronunciation namely half-closed vowels from the throat though their vocabulary is almost the same as those of the Tarakan and Malinau. The Bunyu Tidung are said to be a branch of the Tarakan, but they are very likely mixed also with other subgroups. [II] Sembakung-Sebuku groups (Bengawong, Sumbol, Dengusan, etc.) [Overview] In contrast with category I above, these subgroups can be called the upriver or inland Tidung, as we shall see by their ethnic symbol (Section 4). Precisely, they originated not from the Sembakung and Sebuku rivers, but rather from the North, namely the Kinabatangan, Tawau, and Labuk regions. They state that they came to settle in the Sembakung and Sebuku basins to seek forest products, especially bird s nests. In fact, these two basins had become known as local trading centers by the late 18 th century (see Dalrymple 1793: 529; Hunt 1837: 29).

10 At the peak of prosperity in these basins, the oral histories state, their Tidung chiefs were mixed more or less with the Sulu nobles; this probably resulted from the Sulu expansion over coastal Northeast Borneo in the second half of the 18 th century (see Warren 1985). However, soon the Bulungan launched furious attacks on neighboring regions, including the Sembakung and Sebuku basins. As a result, coastal Northeast Borneo experienced a drastic depopulation in the 19 th century. The Tidung of the Sembakung and Sebuku fled to Tarakan, Nunukan, Tawau, Kinabatangan, Labuk, Kutai, and even to the Sulu islands (see below). Today, a large part of the II subgroups live in regions other than the Sembakung and Sebuku. Some of their basic words are shared with, or borrowed from, their Murutic neighbors (the Tanggalan, see Genderen-Stort 1916), and also the Sungai, Idahan, and Kadazan of the eastern Sabah (see Table 2). Their pronunciation is in general softer and more obscure than that of I, and the vowels vary greatly even within the subgroups. The loss of some consonants, mainly l, is noticeable; as demonstrated in Table 2, daan or path (dalan, jalan in the other subgroups) and uun, person (ulun) are examples. [Bengawong] The Sembakung Tidung are called Bengawong (also, Bengaweng, Bengawang). Their oral histories suggest that they had once live in some regions between Tawau and Davel Bay, such as Kalumpang and Pegagau. However, after the advance of the Sulu, they moved to lower Sembakung, around Atap village today (Map 3). Some of them migrated further into the lower Sesayap, such as the Tidung Pala village. The faction settling in Sembawang, another tributary of Sesayap, was once known as the strongest polity except for the Tarakan, but their excessive piracy led to their extermination at the hands of the Bulungan and allied forces. The survivors scattered to Tarakan, Tawau (Apas-Balung and Kalumpang), Sandakan (Beluran, Labuk, etc.), and Kutai (Kutai Lama, Sangkulilang, Sangata, Pulau Anggana, etc.), and mixed with the Bajau and other Malay (see Dewall 1855: 443; Darmansyah et al. 1980: 18). There were also Bengawong who continuously stayed in Sembakung and mixed with the other Tidung immigrants from Tarakan and Sebuku (Dewall 1855: 442; Okushima 2002: , 161). A number of Bengawong migrants to Tarakan and Kutai later moved on to Sabah in the British colonial era, rejoining relatives who had settled there. For example, Aji Pati (Pengeran Adipati), a famous Tidung Native Court of Labuk in the colonial era (see Cook 1924, etc.), was the

11 Bengawong chief migrating from Tarakan around 1894 (Koepping per comm.). On the other hand, by 1879 others had returned from Tawau to Sembakung, where they were put under the direct control of the Bulungan (Koloniaal Verslag 1880: 16). Today, the Bengawong live mainly in Sembakung, Tarakan, Apas, Indrasabah, Beluran-Labuk, Sandakan, and Segama, while others live in coastal Berau and Kutai. Apparently because of their rivalry with the Bulungan as mentioned above, the Bengawong have close relations with the enemies of the latter, such as the Sulu and Tarakan. The Bengawong have some lexical distinctions from the others: angkan or to eat (ngakan in the other subgroups), engtangi, to cry (tumangi), and anggay, inggay, to give (ngitak, enggitak, etc.). The word list of Aernout (1885) coincides closely with that of the Bengawong, except for the term to cry. [Sumbol, Dengusan, Kulamis] The Sebuku Tidung have been less known because of their relatively small population. Only a small quantity of their terms are recorded and classified as belonging to the subgroup Nonukan (= Nunukan) (see Beech 1908; Wurm and Hattori 1981). This is because a number of the Sebuku Tidung migrated to Nunukan Island, just in the front of the mouth of Sebuku. The Sebuku Tidung are divided into three subgroups, named after the tributaries of their old territories: Sumbol (also, Sumbel, Sembol, etc.), Dengusan (Dangusan), and Kulamis. As I described in another article (Okushima 2002), these subgroups were attacked by the Bulungan and scattered to Tarakan, Sembakung, and Labuk at the end of the 18 th century or the beginning of the 19 th century. The Kulamis are said to have fled to Sembakung (ibid.). Some of the Sumbol and Dengusan migrated to Labuk and mixed with the Bengawong. Another Sumbol village that fled to Tarakan moved back to Sebuku after peace returned under the new order. The others migrated to Nunukan and western Tawau. After World War II, some of the Labuk Tidung above (Sumbol, Dengusan, and Bengawong) was migrated further to Segama. A logging boom in the late 1960s drove a much larger population from Labuk into urban centers such as Beluran and Sandakan. Now the Sebuku subgroups exist in Sembakung, Sebuku, Nunukan, Kalabakan, Merotai, Batu Tinagad, Segama, Beluran-Labuk, Sandakan, and elsewhere. The chiefs of the Sebuku Tidung are said to be more or less descended from the Sulu nobles before the conquest of the Bulungan, just as

12 in the case of the Bengawong above. After that, however, the Sebuku Tidung (except for Labuk) came under the control of the Bulungan sultans in the Dutch colonial time. In the past, there must have been some phonetic or lexical difference between the Sumbol, Dengusan, and Kulamis subgroups. But today they are assimilated with each other to a high degree. My sample of the Labuk Sumbol was said to have been mixed with the Dengusan. Terms like wencey or good (bais in the other subgroups), kesoy, kesey, husband (delaki, idaaki), pasig, sand (agis), and buduk, taro (malaw, maaw, etc.) are peculiar to these subgroups. They also use fricative consonants, c [tʃ] and j [dʒ], to replace s and d (see Okushima 2002: 157); for example, encaduy or to swim (insaduy, ansaduy, etc.), enyuncud, to rub (enyunsud, insusud), lajum, sharp (ladom), and ijun, you (adun, dudu). However, the Labuk Sumbol (and Dengusan) in Table 2 lost these consonants, in comparison with the Kalabakan sample (wencey / wensey, ijun / idun); the Labuk Sumbol were probably influenced by other Tidung neighbors, such as the Bengawong. [III] Bulungan groups [Overview] As I mentioned above, there was the mystery, whether or not the Tidung originated from Kayanic-speaking groups (see Beech 1908: 9-10; Akbarsyah 1997: 8-10; G. Appell 1983: 43; Appell-Warren 1986: 149). The linguistic and oral historical evidence suggests that the Bulungan (so-called Bulungan Malay) are descended from both the Tidung and Kayanic peoples, as well as from other various groups such as the Bulusu, Tenggalan, Bajau, Sulu, Berau, and other Malay. Nevertheless, the Bulungan give great importance to their origin from the Kayanic peoples, who migrated to coastal Northeast Borneo some time later than the Tidung. These inland groups were highly hierarchical and well-organized under a system of social stratification and powerful chieftainship. They pushed the whole area into a state of terror through war and headhunting. They also occupied the sources of valuable forest products such as bird s nests. Having acquired these strongest supporters among the local inlanders, the mission of the Tarakan Tidung exerted direct control over their colony Bulungan, the basin of which was later renamed Kayan after the newcomers (Okushima 1999: 76-86; see also Dewall 1855; Belcher 1848; Warren 1985, etc.). After the intermarriage alliance with the Kayanic peoples had begun, the

13 Tarakan kings sent their close relatives to Bulungan as admirals (wira) of the maritime forces to protect the region (see their genealogies in Okushima 2002, 2003). During the reign of Wira Amir and his son (Sultan Alimudin), the Bulungan nobles, being much mixed with the Kayanic peoples, claimed the throne as a sultanate and declared independence from the Tarakan. They absorbed also a number of refugees fleeing the increased fighting in the Berau Sultanate. Finally, the Bulungan selected strategically their noble genealogy and new ethnic identity, no longer as the Tidung but as the Bulungan, descendents of the Kayanic nobles (see Hageman 1855: 77, 81-86; Gallois 1856: 250; Beech 1908: 9-10; Akbarsyah 1997: 8-14; Amir Hamzah 1998; Sellato 2001: 17-19; Okushima 2003: 6-8). Emphasizing this new identity, they must have differentiated themselves from the Tarakan nobles as their former sovereignty. According to the oral histories, there were several political factions even within Bulungan, which once struggled against each other for hegemony. The Kayanic soldiers were based on some forts of the lower Kayan (Beratan etc., see also Dewall 1855: 447), while the Sulu settlers under an Arabic chief occupied the northern coast (Salim Batu, see Okushima 2003: 9); other Malay nobles also made villages at the mouth of Kayan (Tanjug Palas, etc.). However, since Sultan Kaharudin, the grandson of Wira Amir, was authorized as the local sovereign by the Dutch colonial government in the middle of the 19 th century, his palace in Tanjung Palas was automatically recognized as the capital (see Hageman 1855: 75-78). The dwellers of Tanjung Palas were largely the Berau nobles who were relatives or subjects of Sultan Kaharudin s mother. This seems to be another reason the Bulungan preferred the Kayanic origin, because Kaharudin is said to have attained the conquest of all the neighboring regions from Sajau to Tawau with an enormous Kayanic army. This army had been gathered through Kaharudin s descent from both the Berau and Bulungan (Amir Hamzah 1998). And those Bulungan expeditions caused the serious depopulation in the 19 th century, which became known as the headhunting of the Segai (= Kayanic peoples) not only to the Tidung subgroups above, but also to the British and Dutch in the colonial time (see Warren 1985). Thus, we can conclude that not the Tidung themselves but the Bulungan Malay are originated, at least partly, from the Kayanic peoples, and that the Bulungan stress their origin as this inland group, as seen in Beech s (1908)

14 and Akbarsyah s (1997) above, in order to differentiate themselves from rival factions, namely the Tarakan Tidung, and any other sovereignties such as the Sulu, Brunei, and so on. [Kayanic features] As a result of that historical course, Bulungan dialect contains numerous Malay and Kayanic terms, although lexically and grammatically it remains a variation of Tidung language. However, the samples can vary in some degree, depending on the place and on the source of information (for example, they use both Tidung and Kayanic terms for belly, tinay and butit, as in Beech 1908: 63). My sample of the Bulungan in Table 3 seems to contain more Malay words than were found in Beech s work (bunuh, hujan, etc.). The types of phonetic interchanges found in Table 3 including h / : (long vowel) / s (doh / du: / (men-)dus, to take a bath ), b / v / w (babuy / bavuy, boar, wild pig ; beba: / mawa:, mouth ), and d / r (pedas / perah, sick, aching ) are seen not only between the Tidung-Bulungan-Kayanic words, but also within the Kayanic subgroups. The Kayanic-featured words of the Bulungan in Table 3 are close to, or the same as, the Bahau and Ga ay as well as the Bahau subgroups of Berau, Bulungan, and upper Sesayap (Malinau basin); these subgroups include the Hopan (Uma Apan), Ngorèk, Pua, Merap, Ga ay Gung Kiya:n (Seloy), Ga ay Long Baun, and other Ga ay subgroups of the Segah and Kelai basins. Indeed these people were the earlier settlers of the Kayan basin than the other Kayanic subgroups migrating to Kutai (see Guerreiro 1985, 1996; Sellato 1995; Okushima 1999). Hence they had much contact with the old inhabitants of lower Kayan, such as the Tidung, Busulu, Tenggalan, Brunei, and Sulu. The coastal group, whom the Kayanic peoples called Betanéng / Petaning because of their living in the two Petaning deltas, seemingly corresponds to the old Tidung from Tarakan and some other regions. Also, some famous chiefs in the genealogy of the Bulungan nobles, such as Lemlisuri and Lahai Bara (Akbarsyah 1997: 9), were the Kayanic nobles who had been named after the legendary ancestors of the Hopan, Ngorèk, and so on (Uréy Lemléy, lemléy = a kind of tree; Lahay Bara:, bara: = to speak, to cast a magic spell ). Belalinejep, the thunder god in the origin myth (Hageman 1855: 81), also appears in the origin myths of the Merap (Belaléy Laye: Tegkoue, belaléy = thunder). Today, the Bulungan Malay exist in and around Bulungan, especially in the Kayan, Malinau, Tarakan, Kalabakan, and Tawau regions. They are

15 descendants of the Bulungan missions, whom the sultans sent to these territories in the latter half of the 19 th century in order to control the Tidung immigrants mentioned above. The Tidung also exist in coastal Bulungan, such as in Antal and Salim Batu. The Bulungan Tidung speak almost the same dialect as the Tarakan and Malinau, although some of the terms are influenced by the Bulungan Malay (for example, bekincé or to cook, insubon, entanuk, etc. in the other Tidungs). In addition to subgroup categories I, II, and III, there are some Tidungs in Sekatak, Jakarta Bay, and elsewhere. Also, at least some Berau Malay are descended from the Tidung (see Section 4 below). On the other hand, their dialect is said to be close to the Brunei as a result of intermarriage. The Berau Malay seem to be more or less related to the three Tidung subgroups mentioned above, but I have not yet surveyed them. We need to do further research. 3) Changing Society 3-1: Housing Today, the Tidung live in separate houses for a nuclear or stem family. The group identity of a village is not so cohesive, as each household freely seeks a good location for their livelihood. We often see a single or a few houses set far apart from the rest of the village. Traditionally, the houses are built on pillars beside the water, with walls of dried leaves or of fretted wooden plates for ventilation. As mentioned above, the Tidung converted to Islam around the late 18 th to middle 19 th centuries. Because of this relatively late conversion, they still remember much about the age before they became Muslims. For example, some of them used to live upriver in a longhouse, typical housing of the Bornean inlanders like their Murut neighbors. The famous epic Aki Betawel (also, Aki Bentawel, Ujang Betawol, Si Bitawel, etc.), who is known as an old ancestor of the Sebuku Tidung, suggests that he lived in one of the seven longhouses located in Tulid, tributary of upper Sebuku. However, having migrated downriver, the Tidung switched to single-family houses as seen today, because the lack of solid materials such as ironwood (ulin)

16 prevented the construction of larger structures. Similar stories are heard among some other neighbors, such as the Putuk of lower Malinau (a Lun Dayeh subgroup of East Kalimantan). Also, the Islamized Tidung had to abandon first of all the longhouse and headhunting; both were seen as symbols of primitiveness in the perspective of the Muslims. However, even after Islamization, a number of the Tidung still showed quite a strong preference for group life as well as to endogamy (for example, see Dewall 1855: 441). This seems related to self-protection against old enemies, such as the Sulu, Bugis, and so on. In the early 20 th century, the Tidung of some inland regions such as Kalabakan built new houses attached to those of their parents or of any other close family. For example, one of the children got married and built an additional room to the parents house; if the other children also wanted to remain together after their own weddings, they, too, would build additions onto the house, not in a straight line as in a longhouse but quite arbitrarily. So, a large family could form a block of houses, which later constituted a small hamlet. 3-2: Socio-political organization Leadership among the Tidung is based principally on personal ability and reputation. Age can be another factor. The term orang tua (ulun tuwo, etc.) or old person, parents refers to the person responsible for a house, a family, or a village. Today, every administrative village has a head, called a kepala desa (Indonesia) or ketua kampung (Malaysia), along with some other officials such as kepala adapt (informal responsible for the religion and customs, Indonesia) and JKKK (abbreviation for Jawatankuasa Keselamatan dan Kemajuan Kampung, or Village Security and Development Committee of Malaysia). However, if the villagers included descendants of any noble or chief, the Tidung used to leave the position of village head to those descendants. In general, the Tidung consider themselves a non-stratified society, like their Bajau neighbors. The Bulungan Malay and their Kayanic allies also state, with some pejorative feelings, that the Tidung were not a hierarchical or well-organized group with a hereditary chief, and so they were often defeated by other, more stratified groups in the past. However, as G. Appell suggests in the example of the Rungus (1972: 152), some Tidung had once acquired titles from Muslims and had started to form a kind of noble stratum,

17 even though it did not strictly follow hereditary system. Thus, some subgroups of today, like the Tarakan and Bulungan, use the term bebangsa for the nobles, a word borrowed from the bangsawan. Also, the local sultanates, Bulungan and Berau, were known as the centers of the slave market in the colonial era. The Tidung have several terms for slave, such as lipon (Tarakan) and ulun (Apas). Although inter-stratum marriage was not forbidden, the nobles must have preferred the intra-stratum. Tidung noble genealogies usually start from the ancestors of certain Tidung names, like Aki Yanduk (aki= grandfather and older ancestors), without any title. Then, some generations later, descendants with Malay titles begin to appear. For example, with the names Aji Surya or Pengeran Tempaud, we can speculate that Malays provided them with these titles through trading contacts, war alliances, or intermarriage. Finally, Arabic names and titles begin to appear, such as Ibrahim and Sultan Kaharudin. Along with these Arabic names, Tidung and Malay names continued to be used among the people concerned; whereas, only the Arabic ones have been remembered as the most privileged. The colonization of Northeast Borneo from the late 19 th century provoked a strong antipathy among the local people against the colonialists, resulting in a rapid conversion to Islam. Accordingly, the number of people having the title haji (given to those who had completed a pilgrimage to Mecca) suddenly increased in the Tidung genealogies from this period, in place with Malay titles such as raja and pengeran (for details, see Okushima 2003: 10-11). In the same period, all the Bulungan nobles started to use the Sulu title dato / datuk, which is also said to be a response to Western colonization. Along with Islam s penetration of the region, the importance of the village imam (Muslim religious leader or priest) increased. Muslim immigrants to British North Borneo, namely Tidung, Bugis, and Sulu, were generally welcomed and allowed to build new villages, under the condition that each village have at least one imam, midwife (bidan), and medicine person (tukang obat / dukun). However, because of a lack of Islamic-educated or very knowledgeable imams, the chiefs (orang tua, or O. T.) or nobles were often obliged to play the role of imam concurrently. For example, Pengeran Salleh, a Tidung chief of Kalabakan in the early 20 th century, came to be known also as Imam Salleh, though he was not an imam but only a noble (Okushima 2003: 11). Thus, by the 20 th century, every Tidung village of Bulungan

18 already had an imam and a small mosque (Beech 1908: 13). 3-3: Kin terminology and genealogical notions Tidung basic kinship terms of the samples closely coincided with each other, as shown in Table 4. Only the Sumbol of Labuk had no distinction between brothers and sisters within a family. The system of Tidung kin terms is very similar to that of the Rungus, Idahan, and Bisaya (see G. Appell 1972: 151; Prentice 1972: 157; Peranio 1972: 165). Especially, the Tidung and Bisaya distinguish the eldest sibling of one s parents from the others (e.g. yaya or the eldest brother of Father or Mother, see Table 4). Such special terms suggest, as Blust points (1980: 216), that the eldest has responsibility to some extent at least, in decision-making among the siblings and within the family. The prefixes of the kin terms above are omitted in the appellation. For instance, the term yama becomes ama, and keminan becomes minan. Those who have a child, or even a niece or nephew, start to be called according to these relationships: The parents of Kamarudin are called Man Marudin and Nan Marudin (man = aman or father of, nan = inan or mother of ), while the uncle and the aunt became Jang Marudin and Minan Marudin (jang = ujang). According to Amir Hamzah (1998), the grandparents are treated similarly; Yaki-ni-Hap, or Grandpa of Hafsah (Hap is an abbreviation of Hafsah). A married person is often named according to his or her spouse. For example, Aisyah Ahmad means Aisyah, wife of Ahmad. The name Ahmad should not be misunderstood as her father s; if her father is Ahmad, she will be called Aisyah bin Ahmad (ibid.). Some kinship terms are applied even when referring to people who aren t kin. Ujang and minan can serve as appellations for any elder persons; the terms for the sibling-in-law, iras and angu, can refer also to friends and acquaintances. In contrast with the terms above, ancestors above grandparents are referred to in various ways even within a Tidung subgroup. The Tidung in general have the cognatic descent categories, as we see in Table 5 and 6. In particular, a genealogical notion of the Tarakan seems to have become especially developed to distinguish between eight generations above Ego and fewer than eight (Table 5). This system categorizes the first to third cousins into gaka ampir or close families, and the fourth to seventh into gaka tawey

19 or remote families. Such a special development is probably related to the long-term hegemony of the Tarakan Tidung mentioned above. However, the rest of the subgroups have simpler systems that apply to no more than four generations (see Table 6). The sample of the Bengawong of Apas shows their close relationship with the Sulu (as the term datu). Some terms, such as muyang, buyut, and intailing (also iling), are applied to Murut and Malay neighbors, but only when referring to a very obscure ancestor. Tidung genealogical lines tend to be paternal to some degree, because of the influence of Islam. Some neighbors like the Lun Dayeh subgroups (Lun Bawang, Putuk, etc.), have exclusively patrilineal genealogies. If Ego has no son, for example, then his genealogical line should be shifted to a son of one of his brothers or cousins. But, the genealogies of the Tidung are not necessarily limited to male descendants. 4) Ethnonym and the political sphere Tanah Tidung or Berayu Finally, we examine questions on the ethnonym of the Tidung and their political sphere, whether it be Tirun or Berau in the colonial era, or more precisely in their own language, Tanah Tidung or Berayu. The Tidung consider the ethnonym Tidung to mean mountain or hill most generally (see Beech 1908: 85, 103; Sather 1972: 167; Sellato 2001: 21). Some Tidung show reservations about this explanation, because the term for mountain or hill is pronounced as tideng / tidong rather than tidung in some subgroups (see G. Appell 1983: 43; Appell-Warren 1986: 148). However, the vowels e / o / u are interchangeable among the Tidung subgroups, just as with other Murutic neighbors, as we saw above. Other, minor versions of the meaning of Tidung exist. One claim attributes the term to one of the oldest Tidung ancestors, Aki Tidung. In fact, the name Tidung / Tedung is often given to male children of Murutic groups (originally, a kind of snake). However, almost no detail about the descendants of this ancestor is known. To me, the most interesting explanation is that I obtained from the Malinau Tidung. It is said that their ancestors once allied themselves with upland neighbors, a Lun Dayeh subgroup whose powerful chief was named Ufay Semaring. Those neighbors used to live in a tributary of Mentarang (upper Sesayap) called Pa Tideng, which means a mountain in their own tongue. Hence, the Tidung came to be called also Tidung after these allies.

20 Ufay Semaring (also, Yufay, Upay, etc.) is a legendary chief widely known among the Lun Dayeh, Tidung, and even Brunei (see Sellato 1995). Although this hero might be not an actual ancestor, this story can bridge the gap between the pronunciation and understanding of the Tidung ethnonym. In any case, Tidung became an ethnic label for the people, and it was extended to their political sphere. According to their oral histories, the Tidung had once expanded all over coastal Northeast Borneo, even in regions where they are not found today. These include the basins of Paitan, Sugut, Silam, Madai, Kinabatangan, and Pegagau, and also Timbun Mata Island. The Tidung used to call all these territories Pagun Tidung (pagun = a village, land, country) vaguely as a whole, or Tanah Tidung as the translation in Malay. In the 17 th and 18 th centuries, when the Sulu still suffered from Tidung piracy, they likely called their Northeast Borneo homeland Tirun, which means Tidung in Sulu dialect, as we saw above. However, since the Sulu and their allies extended their territories from the 18 th century, the political sphere of the Tidung began to erode. Western records from the late 18 th to the early 19 th centuries suggest that the regions of Sandakan and Kinabatangan had already come under the influence of the Sulu by that time, while the rest, from Tawau to Kaniungan (Berau), was still called Tirun (see Dalrymple 1793: ; Leyden 1814: 13-15; Hunt 1837: etc.). But, the details varied quite a bit depending on the author s information sources. The early British governors also used the term Tirun for Northeast Borneo, since they were ceded the area by the Sulu sultan whom Dalrymple had released from captivity by the Spanish (see Hageman 1855: 101). On the other hand, the Dutch colonial government recognized Northeast Borneo by the name Berau (Berouw, Berou, Barroe, Barong, etc.), following the practice of the eastern sultanates such as Banjarmasin and Kutai. As seen above, this term also came from one of the oldest Tidung kingdoms, Berayu(k) (see below). Although the Dutch had been ceded from Banjarmasin in 1787, they knew nothing about this area until the middle of the 19 th century. In the contract of 1834, the Dutch recognized the existence of three local sultanates within Berau, namely Gunung Tabur, Sambaliung, and Bulungan (Arsip Nasional Republik Indonesia 1973: 166). Then, they came to understand more historical details on the area after the first expedition in , in competition with the British government, whose

21 own team had advanced to Sarawak. The term Berau originally indicated an old kingdom of the Berau basin (the mainstream of Kelai and Segah in the Berau regency today); this kingdom had once reigned over all of Northeast Borneo; on the other hand, the polity of the Berau basin was later split into Gunung Tabur and Sambaliung. In the northern region, the Bulungan also declared independence and annexed the regions Tanah Tidung or Tidung Lands, where the Tidung were the dominant local group (Hageman 1855: 72-73; Dewall 1855: ). Thus, the terms Tanah Tidung and Berau finally became the names of two different districts in the Dutch colonial time, though both originally referred, quite vaguely, to a single, broader sphere across coastal Northeast Borneo. In contrast, the term Tirun disappeared from British North Borneo, because the colonial government had replaced it with a new district name, Tawau. It is doubtless that the Berau sultanate was more or less related to the Tidung. Forrest reports (1792: 129, 335) that the inhabitants of the Berau basin were Tidung people (Oran Tedong) who had been attacked by the Sulu in the late 18th century. The Tarakan Tidung, who originated from the Berayu (see Section 2), consider the first founder of the Berau kingdom, Baddit Dipatung or Aji Surya, to be a descendant of the Tarakan nobles (Amir Hamzah 1998). The oral histories of the Berau Malay also suggest that the old name of their kingdom was Berayu rather than Berau, as it is called today (Muhammad Noor 1991, 1996). And if the Berayu kingdom had some intermarriage alliance with the Kutai, as was the case with the Malinau Tidung state above (Section 2), the Kutai and Banjarmasin naturally apply the term Berayu or Berau to their neighbors, rather than Tanah Tidung or Tirun. However, some mysteries still remain. For example, if the Berayu kingdom was first established in lower Sesayap, as stated into the oral histories of the Sesayap-originated Tidung, descendants must have migrated to the Berau basin and established a new sultanate; or, the inhabitants of the Berau basin must have immigrated northwards. Another question is why the Sesayap groups did not dare to use the name Berayu for their new polity. The oral histories of both the Tidung and Berau Malay do not touch on these points at all. An alternative explanation is that the Berau Malay chose to omit strategically their old memories as Tidung from noble genealogies and origin myths, just like the case of the Bulungan Malay (see III in Section 2).

22 5) Concluding Remarks In this paper, I described the linguistic, cultural, and historical diversity of the Tidung. They had once seized hegemony over coastal Northeast Borneo, and so their extended political sphere became known by the ethnonym Tidung / Tirun, or by the name of their oldest kingdom, Berayu / Berau. However, having been attacked by the Sulu and other enemies, the sphere of Tanah Tidung or Berayu was greatly reduced. Some of the local polities then converted to Islam and switched their ethnic identities from the Tidung to new Malay, such as the Bulungan. The resulting historical confusion and disconnection blurred the ethnic background of the Tidung, eventually sparking controversy about their language, ethnonym, and origin. As I mentioned in Section 2, the old polities of Tanah Tidung were based largely on the coastal islands as economic and political centers, such as Berau and Tarakan. However, because of counterattacks and invasions by Malay outsiders, these polities were deprived of their trading networks and then declined. On the other hand, other Tanah Tidung polities moved their centers inland and allied themselves with local groups, so as to control forest products directly. In some cases, these polities even changed their ethnic identity, as in the case of the Bulungan. We will discuss on this destruction and reorganization of Tanah Tidung in another paper. Acknowledgments I would like to thank the following for their help and advice: Ir. Amir Hamzah bin Badarudin (BAPPEDA, Samarinda), Dr. B. Sellato (Institute de Recherche sur le Sud-Est Asiatique), Dr. C. Sather (Univ. of Helsinki), Dr. E. Koepping (Univ. of Edinburgh), K. Nagatsu (Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University), my research counterparts Prof. Simon G. Devung and the Universitas Mulawarman, and all those who provided information in East Kalimantan and Sabah. Notes

23 1) Here, I use the terms Sulu and Bajau principally in reference to the Tausug and Sama / Samal language groups, according to the local oral histories (on these groups, see Kiefer 1975; Geoghegan 1975; Sather 1975 etc.). Inevitably, however, some other linguistic or ethnic groups can be mixed into these two categories. Especially, the Bajau are also called Bajak Laut (bajak = pirates or bandits in Malay) in Bulungan. This term means not only the Sama but also any other sea nomads and pirates. Some Tidung subgroups call the Sama Bajau Pe lau, or Bajau boat-dwellers. 2) The term Camuçones refers not only to the Tidung but also to the Bajau enemies, both of whom often attacked the Spanish colonies. Precisely, the term means sea-nomads living on the coasts and islands subject to the Brunei king (Tarling 1978: 7, 11-13). 3) Respen = the abbreviation for resettlement area for the isolated inlanders under the Indonesian policy; rancangan = resettlement village in the Malaysian policy; FELDA = the abbreviation for the Federal Land Developemt Authority, Malaysia. 4) Doubled vowels are pronounced without a glottal stop, as in the Malay term maaf (unlike the Kayanic terms). I follow the notation of Guerreiro (1996), especially in writing the Kayanic words. Ex.) /e/: /ә/, /é/: [e], /è/: [є], /û/: [ũ] (nasalized vowel), / /: length of the precedent vowel, / /: [ʔ] (glottal stop in all positions) References BRB = Borneo Research Bulletin. TBG = Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land en Volkenkunde. TNAG = Tijdschrift van het Koninklijk Nederlandsch Aardrijkskundig Genootschap. TNI = Tijdschrift voor Nederlandsch Indië. VBG = Verhandelingen van het Bataviaasch Genootschap. Aernout, W Een woordenlijstje der Tidoengsche taal. De Indische Gids

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