Distinguished by piety as well as generosity, Following the chronological line, we must 30 SINS OF FEMALE FOUNDERS IN LATE BYZANTIUM AND TREBIZOND

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1 30 SINS OF FEMALE FOUNDERS IN LATE BYZANTIUM AND TREBIZOND Petra Melichar Distinguished by piety as well as generosity, late medieval female founders 1 had reasons to expect public approval and acclaim. The primary sources however mention some who despite their donations, foundations and monastic vows compromised their pious images by controversial political or moral choices. The following six stories gleaned from a variety of late Byzantine chronicles, letters and documents reflect what the emperor, the church authorities, the narrator and, possibly, public opinion considered inappropriate behavior in a female founder. 2 Let us now inquire into the nature of the founders transgressions and if the written evidence permits, their connection with the monastic establishments. O pposing imperial decisions Following the chronological line, we must begin our survey with Martha Palaiologina, 3 founder of the Kyra Martha convent, who played an important role in the Arsenite move- 1 The theme of ( female ) foundation and re-foundation is the subject of several studies ( of which due to limited space I only mention a few ) : L. James, Building and Rebuilding : Imperial Women in Constantinople in the Fourth to Eight Centuries, in : Basilissa, 1, 2004, pp ; M. Mullett ( ed. ), Founders and Refounders of Byzantine Monasteries ( Belfast Byzantine Texts and Translations, 6.3 ), Belfast 2007 ; A.-M. Talbot, Building Activity in Constantinople under Andronikos II : The Role of Women Patrons in the Construction and Restoration of Monasteries, in : N. Necipoğlu ( ed. ), Byzantine Constantinople : Monuments, Topography and Everyday Life, Brill / Leiden / Boston / Köln 2001 ; J. P. Thomas, Private Religious Foundations in the Byzantine Empire ( Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 24 ), Washington, DC As for the body of literature on female political power, sanctity and gender in Byzantium, I again include only selected titles : C. L. Connor, Women of Byzantium, New Haven / London 2004 ; L. Garland, Byzantine Empresses : Women and Power in Byzantium, AD , London / New York 1999 ; L. Garland ( ed. ), Byzantine Women : Varieties of Experience, AD , Aldershot / Burlington 2006 ; L. Garland, The Eye of the Beholder : Byzantine Imperial Women and Their Public Image from Zoe Porphyrogenita to Euphrosyne Kamaterissa Doukaina ( ), in : Byzantion, 64, 1994, pp ; L. Garland, The Life and Ideology of Byzantine Women : A Further Note on Conventions of Behavior and Social Reality as Reflected in Eleventh and Twelfth Century Historical Sources, in : Byzantion, 58, 1988, pp ; J. Herrin, Women in Purple : Rulers of Medieval Byzantium, Princeton 2001 ; B. Hill, Imperial Women in Byzantium, : Power, Patronage and Ideology, Harlow 1999 ; L. James, Empresses and Power in Early Byzantium, London 2001 ; A. E. Laiou, Observations on the Life and Ideology of Byzantine Women, in : Byzantinische Forschungen, 9, 1985, pp ; A. E. Laiou, The Role of Women in Byzantine Society, in : Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinistik, 31.1, 1981, pp In order to fit the ascribed space, the stories of the six founders had to be discussed in an abbreviated form focusing mainly on the controversial parts of their lives. I hope that readers will find the works cited in the footnotes a helpful link to further details on the lives and actions of the princesses. 3 For more information and sources see PLP, no ; Georgios Pachymeres, Chronikon, ed. A. Failler, Rela-

2 410 Petra Melichar ment protesting against the emperor s deposition of patriarch Arsenios Autoreianos. She supported an important leader of the Arsenite movement, Hyakinthos, whom she provided with food and a hiding place. A document addressed to the Pope informs us that Martha was also involved in protests against the Union of Lyons for which she was strictly punished by the emperor. 4 Thwarting the emperor s political aims through subversive activities and written work Another founder, Theodora Raoulaina, 5 became a prominent figure among those opposing the Union with the Catholic Church. 6 Along with her mother Irene-Eulogia Palaiologina, 7 the princess separated herself from the unionist communion and by her imperial status protected numerous refugees and dissidents. 8 Very effective in her efforts, the emperor Michael VIII depicted Theodora as one of the ringleaders in a list of those who challenged his endeavour to implement the decrees of the Council of Lyons ( 1274 ) into the Orthodox ritual. 9 In order to prove to the Pope the sincerity of his intentions, he had her imprisoned in Nikomedia where she wrote the Lives of Sts Theodore and Theophanes 10 tortured by emperor Theophilos for refusing to obey the iconoclast edict. The heroes of her work created a tacit parallel with her own brothersin-law, Isaac and Manuel Raoul, blinded and imprisoned by Michael for resisting the Union. Drawing a link between the emperor and his iconoclast predecessor, Theodora proved her determination to defy Michael with her pen in absence of other means. After the emperor s death ( 1282 ), she returned to the capital and lived as the nun Kyriake in her foundation of St Andrew en te Krisei 11 engaged in intellectual and religious pursuits, much admired for her steadfast adherence to the Orthodox faith, which she helped re-establish. 12 Her tions historiques, éd., trad. francaise et notes, Paris 1984, II, pp. 381, 385 ; A. Failler, Chronologie et composition dans l Histoire de Georges Pachymérès, in : Revue des Études Byzantines, 39, 1981, pp , at p The re-installation of Arsenios was not the only aim of this group, which officially existed until 1310, several decades after the death of the ex-patriarch. Outlining the motives of the Arsenites, Donald M. Nicol registers high ideals of canon law, of moral scruple and of the precedence of church over state confused with loyalty to the house of Laskaris and antipathy to the policies of Michael VIII. ( D. M. Nicol, The Last Centuries of Byzantium, , New York 1972, p. 50. ) For further information and literature on the movement see ODB, I, p R.-J. Loernetz, Memoire d Ogier, protonotaire, pour Marco et Marchetto nonces de Michel VIII Paleologue aupres du Pape Nicholas III printemps ete, in : Orientalia Christiana Periodica, 31, 1965, pp For information and literature on the Council of Lyons see ODB, II, p PLP, no For an overview of Theodora s life and works see D. M. Nicol, The Byzantine Lady : Ten Portraits, , Cambridge 1994, pp Nicol, The Byzantine Lady ( cit. n. 5 ), pp ; S. Fassoulakis, The Byzantine Family of Raoul-Ral( l )es, Athens 1982, pp ; D. M. Nicol, The Byzantine Family of Kantakouzenos ( Cantacuzenus ), ca A Genealogical and Prosopographical Study ( Dumbarton Oaks Studies, 11 ), Washington, DC 1968, pp PLP, no Pachymeres, Chronikon ( cit. n. 3 ), p See n A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus, νάλεκτα εροσολυμιτικῆς σταχυολογίας, St Petersburg 1897, IV, pp , V, pp L. Schopen ( ed. ), Nicephori Gregorae Byzantina Historia, Bonn , I, pp. 167, 178 ; S. Kugeas, Zur Geschichte der Münchner Thukydideshandschrift Augustanus F, in : Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 16, 1907, pp , at p Nicol, The Byzantine Lady ( cit. n. 5 ), pp On her learning see Kugeas, Zur Geschichte der Münchner Thukydideshandschrift ( cit. n. 11 ), pp ; S. Lampros, πιγράμματα Μαξίμου Πλανούδη, in : Νέος λληνομνήμων, 13,

3 30 Sins of Female Founders in Late Byzantium and Trebizond 411 reputation newly without blemish, the princess could afford to offer support 13 to the ex-patriarch Gregory II of Cyprus 14 ( ), friend and fellow scholar, forced to resign his office. Supporting the heretical policy of the emperor The third lady to be introduced, Theodora Palaiologina, 15 wife of Michael VIII, had, unlike the two above-mentioned princesses, little freedom to choose her side. While during her husband s life she was compelled to support the Union, once the opposing clique took over, she had to reject it in writing in order to protect her son s position as well as her own. 16 She rebuilt two nunneries and took the veil in one of them, the convent of Lips. 17 Having reclaimed her pious image, the empress also saw her son established on the Byzantine throne. 18 Her victories, however, seem meagre in comparison with another empress Theodora 19 who reinstalled Orthodoxy ( 843 ) after her iconoclast husband s death. Not only was her trespass fully forgiven but this formidable predecessor also secured a full absolution for her spouse and a halo for herself, both of which remained out of reach for the late Byzantine basilissa. Supporting the excommunicated opponents of an O rthodox saint and arguing against his teachings Not unlike Theodora, Irene Choumnaina, 20 the most influential abbess of the Palaiologan period, 21 learned the consequences of associating with the wrong set. An imperial princess 1916, pp , at pp ; P. A. M. Leone ( ed. ), Maximi monachi Planudis epistulae ( Classical and Byzantine Monographs, 18 ), Amsterdam 1991, pp ; Nicol, Family of Kantakouzenos ( cit. n. 6 ), pp ; J. Boissonade, Anecdota nova, Nicephorus Chumnus, Epistolae, Paris 1844, repr. Hildesheim 1962, pp The text says that the patriarch moved to the small monastery of Aristenos, which was close to Theodora s convent : Καὶ γε τῷ τῆς ριστηνῆς μονυδρίῳ, ἐχόμενά που κειμένῳ τῆς τοῦ γίου νδρέου τοῦ ἐν τῇ Κρίσει μονῆς ἐκεῖ γὰρ ἡ πρωτοβεστιάρισσα αούλαινα συνῆγεν, ἐξ ἑαυτῆς περιθάλπουσα τὰ μεγάλα, φέρων ἑαυτὸν δίδωσιν. Pachymeres, Chronikon ( cit. n. 3 ), III, p For details on the patriarch see ODB, II, p PLP, no I would like to thank Alice-Mary Talbot for reminding me of this important founder. 16 For edition and analysis of the document rejecting the Union see S. Petridès, Chrysobulle de l empératrice Théodora ( 1283 ), in : Échos d Orient, 14, 1911, pp For further information : Pachyméres, Relations historiques ( cit. n. 3 ), IV, pp. 513, Beside the convent of Lips, Theodora also renovated a smaller nunnery known as the Anargyroi. In her work, Alice-Mary Talbot stresses the role of repentance in Theodora s foundations, see A.-M. Talbot, Empress Theodora Palaiologina, Wife of Michael VIII, in : Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 46, 1992, pp , at p For an edition of the typika of both foundations see H. Delehaye, Deux typica byzantins de l époque des Paléologues, Brussels 1921, Lips : pp ; Anargyroi : pp Also see BMFD, III, Lips : pp , Anargyroi : pp For further details about Theodora s life and participation on the controversy over the Union of Lyons see D. Polemis, The Doukai, London 1968, p. 190 ; F. Barišič, Povelje vizantijskih carica, in : Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta, 13, 1971, pp , at pp ; Talbot, Empress Theodora, pp Talbot, Empress Theodora ( cit. n. 17 ), pp ODB, III, pp ; ed. A. Markopoulos, Βίος τῆς αὐτοκράτειρας Θεοδώρας ( BHG 1731 ), in : Symmeikta, 5, 1983, pp , tr. M. Vinson, Byzantine Defenders of Images, Washington, DC 1998, pp For further details and literature see PLP, no A. Constantinides Hero, Irene-Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina : Abbess of the Convent of Philanthropos Soter in Constantinople, in : Byzantinische Forschungen, 9, 1985, pp

4 412 Petra Melichar by marriage widowed at an early age, Irene established the double monastery of Christ Philanthropos Soter in Constantinople and as the nun Eulogia assumed leadership of a large community of nuns. However, as Vitalien Laurent points out, prisons, even the voluntary ones, are not made for fiery characters. 22 An important figure of the anti-hesychast movement, Eulogia supported Akindynos and Gregoras in their struggle against the teachings of Gregory Palamas. 23 Palamas, for his part, had little love for this highborn abbess. In his writings, he called her Eudoxia, the adversary of John Chrysostom, and mainly Jezebel, the evil Old Testament queen, enemy of the prophet Elijah. 24 Eulogia certainly was a formidable foe ; intelligent, outspoken and powerful, the letters of her mentors censure her outbursts of temper and lack of patience. 25 Of the six women, this abbess was also the only one known to have used her foundation as a base for her party. After Gregory Akindynos was condemned ( 1341 ), Eulogia s nunnery became his hiding place for several years. 26 Choumnaina s support of Akindynos, however, could not be tolerated by Palamas who in one of his works depicted her as Jezebel entertaining false prophets, his opponents, at her table. 27 The convent also witnessed some of the exchanges of the two cliques for in his 7th Antirrhetic the future saint mentions that whenever the hesychasts arrived looking for Akindynos, Eulogia arrived instead and engaged in theological discussion with them. 28 Rather than Jezebel, the abbess resembles another formidable Byzantine founder, the empress Theodora, 29 known for her charity and support of the Monophysite monks whom she concealed in a Constantinopolitan monastery and even offered their patriarch a safe refuge in the women s quarters of the Sacred palace. Like this famous spouse of Justinian, Eulogia found herself defending the losing side. Her family background and imperial marriage could shield the princess-nun from excommunication imposed on several of her partisans 30 but the defeat embittered the end of her life. Despite the fact that she built a nunnery, was praised for her generosity to the poor and prison- 22 V. Laurent, La direction spirituelle à Byzance : La correspondance d Irène-Eulogie Choumnaina Paléologine avec son second directeur, in : Revue des Études Byzantines, 14, 1956, pp , at p For further background see J. Meyendorff, Introduction à l étude de Grégoire Palamas, Paris 1959, for Irene and the anti-palamite party see pp For epithets see ed. P. Chrestou, Γεωργίου τοῦ Παλαμᾶ Συγγράμματα, II, Thessaloniki 1966, pp , 535. The epithet Jezebel seems to have been first used by Joseph Kalothetos, a Palamist, who elsewhere depicts the princess as δεινὴ πολέμιος τοῦ Παλαμᾶ. See ed. D. G. Tsamis, ωσηφοῦ τοῦ Καλοθέτου Συγγράμματα, Thessaloniki 1980, pp. 50, See for example A. Constantinides Hero ( ed. ), A Woman s Quest for Spiritual Guidance : The Correspondence of Princess Irene Choumnaina Palaiologina, Brookline, MA 1985, p. 94, letter 19 ; V. Laurent, Une princesse byzantine au cloître, in : Échos d Orient, 29, 1930, pp , at pp Constantinides Hero, Irene-Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina ( cit. n. 21 ), pp , 138. See also Theoleptos of Philadelphia, Θεολήπτου Φιλαδελφείας τοῦ μολογητοῦ ( ). Βίος καὶ ἔργα, I-II, ed. I. K. Gregoropoulos, Katerini 1996 ; R. E. Sinkewicz, Theoleptos of Philadelpheia : the Monastic Discourses ( Studies and Texts, 111 ), Toronto 1992 ; A. Constantinides Hero, The Life and Letters of Theoleptos of Philadelphia, Brookline For the correspondence of Akindynos and Eulogia and for other sources see A. Constantinides Hero ( ed. ), Letters of Gregory Akindynos, Washington, DC 1983, pp. 246, Also see Constantinides Hero, A Woman s Quest ( cit. n. 25 ), pp Chrestou, Γεωργίου τοῦ Παλαμᾶ Συγγράμματα ( cit. n. 24 ), pp L. Kontoyannes / B. Phanourgakes, Γεωργίου τοῦ Παλαμᾶ Συγγράμματα, III, Thessaloniki 1970, p For further details see Constantinides Hero, Irene-Eulogia Choumnaina Palaiologina ( cit. n. 21 ), pp For further sources see ODB, III, pp Beside Barlaam, Akindynos and Gregoras note especially another anti-palamite abbess, Maroulina, who was excom-

5 30 Sins of Female Founders in Late Byzantium and Trebizond 413 ers of war, and her followers revered her grave as miracle-working, 31 the worthy abbess never became a saint of the Orthodox Church. 32 In one of his writings, Palamas commented that Eulogia was not like St Theodora, the ninth-century empress who re-established Orthodoxy. Indeed she was not ; failing to prevail over the hesychasts, the historian may only speculate what would have happened if, instead of Akindynos and Gregoras, the great abbess had joined the Palamite side. 33 The following story involves Anna Anachoutlou Komnene, 34 whom the primary sources identify as founder of a monydrion in Jerusalem. 35 After emperor Basil I of Trebizond died without legitimate heirs, only one obstacle separated his sister Anna from the throne ; her monastic vows. The chronicle of Michael Panaretos tells us that the princess was by no means daunted by this impediment. Putting off the veil and enlisting the help of an armed force, she assumed the imperial title for a period of thirteen months ( ). In the end, however, she was not able to stabilize the political situation of the country, the opposition took over and the new emperor John III gave his supporters a free hand regarding the fate of his predecessor. Not backed by the popularity of the Broken monastic vows dynasty like the two middle Byzantine empressnuns Zoe and Theodora the Macedonians, Anna was strangled in prison. 36 In order to understand the seriousness of her breaking the monastic vows, it is necessary to remember the stress put by the Palaiologan founders on the period of novitiate. As no provisions were made for women wishing to cancel their sacred promises or permanently leave the convent, the typika sought to make sure that the prospective nuns weighed carefully the consequences of tonsure. Although the chronicler did not openly castigate her, a similar case mentioned in the patriarchal register of Constantinople 37 indicates the gravity of Anna s trespass. Wishing to return into the world, a nun called Pepagomene 38 left municated and chased out of her convent after refusing to renounce the teaching of Barlaam and Akindynos. For details see PLP, no Nikephoros Gregoras writes a detailed eulogy of the abbess, depicting her strong character and remembering beside her charity to the poor and the prisoners of war also Eulogia s passionate defense of the Orthodox Church. Schopen, Nicephori Gregorae Byzantina Historia ( cit. n. 11 ), III, pp In her famous article on Byzantine women, Angeliki Laiou makes an important observation noting that Irene s greatest shortcoming was that she never entirely left the world. See Laiou, Observations ( cit. n. 1 ), p. 95. For details on canonization in Byzantium see ODB, I, p John Meyendorff points out to Eulogia s background as a rich aristocrat, who actually should have joined the Kantakouzenos-Palamite camp. See Meyendorff, Introduction à l étude de Grégoire Palamas ( cit. n. 23 ), pp PLP, no Papadopoulos-Kerameus, νάλεκτα ( cit. n. 10 ), p O. Lampsides ( ed. ), Μιχαὴλ τοῦ Παναρέτου Περὶ τῶν μεγάλων Κομνηνῶν, Athens 1958, pp ; M. Kuršanskis, Relations matrimoniales entre Grands Comnènes de Trébizonde et princes géorgiens, in : Bedi Kartlisa, Revue de Kartvelologie, 34, 1976, pp , at p O. Lampsides, βασιλεὺς τῆς Τραπεζοῦντος κατὰ τὸ χρονικὸν Μιχαὴλ τοῦ Παναρέτου, in : Epeteris Hetaireias Byzantinon Spoudon, 23, 1953, pp , at pp F. Miklosich / I. Müller ( ed. ), Acta et diplomata graeca medii aevii, Vienna , II, pp ; J. Darrouzès, Les regestes des actes du patriarcat de Constantinople, Paris 1979, VI ( 1.6 : Les regestes de 1377 à 1410 ), no Also see A.-M. Talbot, Late Byzantine Nuns : By Choice or Necessity?, in : Byzantinische Forschungen, 9, 1985, pp , at p PLP, no ; Miklosich / Müller, Acta et diplomata graeca ( cit. n. 37 ), II, pp ; Darrouzès, Les regestes ( cit. n. 37 ), VI, p. 411, no

6 414 Petra Melichar the convent, putting off the veil. She was immediately excommunicated and her punishment was not lifted until she returned to the nunnery and completed the necessary penance. Theodora Komnene 39 and her husband, Alexios IV of Trebizond, are known as founders of the Pharos monastery. 40 Their story, however, was apparently not a happy one. The historiographer accuses the empress of adultery with one of her husband s officials, an event which marked the beginning of a family tragedy. Forced to flee upon killing Theodora s lover, her eldest son John only returned three years later, when his mother was already dead. Perhaps it was better so ; at least she did not witness how he had his father murdered in order to ascend the throne. 41 If the account of the empress s failing is true, the foundation may have been a semi-public act of repentance. Unfortunately, although the original chrysobull of the imperial couple exists, it was never signed and thus does not provide any date that would specify the circumstances under which the monastery was established. 42 Neither the text of the document nor the name Pantokrator reveals anything specific about its founders Adultery motivation, except, as Laurent notes, the wish to introduce a famous name from Theodora s homeland into the Trebizond environment. 43 On the other hand, the fact that the document was ready but not yet signed by the time Alexios was assassinated in 1429 ( three years or less after the death of his wife ) indicates a possible connection between the foundation and the sad events preceding John s flight. 44 In her study Holy Women and Witches : Aspects of Byzantine Conceptions of Gender, Catia Galatariotou concludes that the good woman is denied power ; power becomes a characteristic of the evil female. 45 Juxtaposed to this model, the misplaced nature of the founders deeds becomes evident. Unrelated to foundation and charity, their initiative in private, religious and political matters was censured in the judgment of the emperor, the wording of the document condemning the Union, in Palamas s choice of epithets and the chronicler s between-the-lines con- 39 PLP, no V. Laurent, Deux chrysobulles inédits des empereurs de Trébizonde Alexis IV Jean IV et David II, in : Archeion Pontou, 18, 1953, pp , at pp Lampsides, Μιχαὴλ τοῦ Παναρέτου ( cit. n. 36 ), p. 81 ; E. Darkó ( ed. ), Laonici Chalcocondylae Historiarum Demonstrationes, II, Budapest 1927, pp The passage was apparently inserted by a second hand, see Nicol, Family of Kantakouzenos ( cit. n. 6 ), p. 170, n. 22. Also see I. Bekker ( ed. ), Laonici Chalcocondylae Atheniensis Historiarum libri decem, Bonn 1843, p. 462 ; V. Grecu, Zu den Interpolationen im Geschichtswerk des Laonikos Chalkokondyles, in : Académie Roumaine, bulletin de la section historique, 28, 1946, pp ; W. Miller, Trebizond. The Last Greek Empire. Chicago 1969 ( new enlarged edition, first published in London 1926 ), p. 81 ; Chrysanthos, Metropolitan of Trebizond, κκλησία Τραπεζοῦντος, in : Archeion Pontou, IV V, 1936, pp Also see Laurent, Deux chrysobulles ( cit. n. 40 ), p. 251 ; Nicol, Family of Kantakouzenos ( cit. n. 6 ), pp Or rather renovated as the sources report that it was built on the ruins of a former convent. For further information regarding the foundation documents see Laurent, Deux chrysobulles ( cit. n. 40 ), pp For texts ibid., pp Laurent, Deux chrysobulles ( cit. n. 40 ), p For reconstruction of the circumstances of signing the document see Laurent, Deux chrysobulles ( cit. n. 40 ), pp C. S. Galatariotou, Holy Women and Witches : Aspects of Byzantine Conceptions of Gender, in : Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 9, , pp , at p. 82. Also see the details of this case in Talbot, Late Byzantine Nuns ( cit. n. 37 ), pp , at p. 113.

7 30 Sins of Female Founders in Late Byzantium and Trebizond 415 nection of the queen s adultery with the violent death of her husband. The stories of the six princesses, all members of imperial families, confirm that even though establishment and renovation of religious institutions certainly brought the founders prestige and recognition of their contemporaries, they did not safely shield their persons and reputations when they pursued their private beliefs, and personal or political goals. By social status naturally endowed with power and greater freedom, the main challenges for these women involved choosing the right side in the ecclesiastical and political controversies and remaining faithful to their marital or monastic vows. For those who failed in either were disapproved of and almost always punished.

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