The political narrative of the Life of Alexander Nevskiy as an instrument of Russian identity and order
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1 Narrative, Identity, and Order Tampere, September 2001 Mari Mäki-Petäys University of Oulu The political narrative of the Life of Alexander Nevskiy as an instrument of Russian identity and order Historical narratives are in the focal point when inventing and reshaping identities and socio-political order, as it is often stated. There is one specific narrative in the Russian history which gives us a detailed and illustrative picture about the development of one such a narrative. There are few examples of narratives which appeals so profoundly to national identity than the story of the great defender of the Russian lands, medieval warrior hero, prince Alexander Nevskiy. The narrative I am referring to is the most popular medieval princely description in the medieval Russia, the Tale of the Life and Courage of the Pious and Great Prince Alexander - or in short, The Life of Alexander Nevskiy. 1 The Life tells us a story of a military hero Alexander Yaroslavich ( ), who was a duke of Novgorod, and after his fathers death the grand prince of Vladimir. As a young man he won two great victories, one over the Swedes on the Neva (hence the epithet - Nevskiy) in 1240 and another over the Livonian order on the ice of the Lake Peipus in The victories over the Catholic Swedes and Germans are triumphantly celebrated and ascribed in the hagiographical Life, written some 20 years after his death, around the year It became very popular and has survived in about 15 different versions and numerous copies which date from 14 th to 16 th century. 2 The heroic image of Alexander has inspired Russians ever since the Tale was first written - well up to our own days. In this presentation I want to seek the narrative of this patriotic Russian hero presented in Alexander s Life. What is the narrative like? How was the narrative used and altered during the long history of Russia? If the chief means of moral education is the
2 2 telling of stories, then the Life of Alexander Nevskiy reveals us very much about the attitude and claims for each era, who refers to its examples. As narratives from distant past supply us moral education and provide the historical memory, the heroic stories like one of Alexander Nevskiy s give us a chance to observe some integral parts of Russian identity. * * * The Tale of the Life and Courage of the Pious and Great Prince Alexander is a narrative, which combines the techniques of the traditional saints life and earthly war tale and uses annalistic style familiar in chronicles. It is therefore sometimes estimated, that its first writer was a secular man, perhaps belonging to Alexander s retinue, and this secular war tale was later modified into a hagiographical saint s life. On the other hand, because the events are told using already well known formulas of the literature, the writing did not require personal participation to the events and could therefore be described straightforward by any cleric writing the hagiographical tale. Whichever was the case, the narrative of the Life was following the strict rules which regulated all medieval storytelling. What comes to the narrative patterns of the Medieval Age, I would like to emphasise aspects connected with copying and editing of the medieval manuscript with an emblem- for the medieval writer has often been compared with an icon painter. 3 It was customary in Russia that several masters were involved in the production of an icon. Even after the icon was finished it would be retouched and repainted with colours and style according to the ideals of each era. And of course, the icons were not signed, for they did not represent the specimen of skill of their painters but symbolised different kinds of divinity on earth. The function of icons was to embody the divine revelation on earth, which the copyists of each era preserved and cherished according to the norms and ideals set by their epoch. Hagiographical literature had fundamental similarities with the icon painting tradition described above, because the medieval scholar did not see the significance between creating a text, writing it, redacting or translating it. 4 The texts could be quite freely
3 3 modified by a copyist- taking advantage of the prevailing standards in literature. In other words the medieval source does not give a precise picture of the ideas and language in the exact epoch of the original text, but it does tell us a lot about norms and language in the era of the origin of each copy. 5 Indeed, because ideas of different eras are reflected in the editions of Alexander Nevskiy s Life it is also possible to study the changes in the narrative when every new edition was made. With the help of these editions one can study ideas typical to each era and also how these ideas modified the heroic image of Alexander Nevskiy. The Life tells us the deeds of Alexander and its main emphasis is in the two wars that Alexander weighed against his western enemies. The longest independent section is the description of the battle of Neva. The episode is introduced by the mention of an ambassador from Livonia whose lavish reports of Alexander s greatness ( never have I seen such a tsar amongst tsars or prince amongst princes ) inspire the king of Sweden to invade his territory. The battle arises and Alexander, with mysterious angelic assistance, is victorious. The second episode describes Alexander s victory over the Germans on the Lake Peipus in All these battle descriptions are described conventionally, using ready made sentences used in war tale genre and borrowing passages from the Bible as well as using the well known Byzantine war tale 6 in the plot line. Rest of the tale is composed of several loose passages which describes Alexander s relations with the Mongol khan Batu, Alexander s good deeds when elected to the seat of the grand prince, and the emotional description of his death and lament in his burial. The earliest narrative of the Life was composed using the models of biblical references and war tales of the time. The content of the story was quite simple, emphasis being in presenting the well known formulas used in the war tales of the era, rather than depicting an individual person.
4 4 In 1547 Alexander Nevskiy was canonised as a Russian national saint, and in response several new editions of the Life of Alexander Nevsky were written, initiated by Metropolitan Makarij. In the same momentous year, Ivan IV was solemnly crowned as the tsar of the whole Russia. During this period Metropolitan Makarij stimulated the collection of extensive anthologies of hagiographic literature. These materials shed interesting light on the political ideology of Moscow at the time, where the powers invested in the tsar were legitimated by claims that the royal family lineage stretched back to the glory days of Kievan Russia and even back to antiquity. Alexander Nevskiy was one important link in this chain of glorious ancestors, and new editions of his Life were written for Makarij s hagiographic anthologies. The ideological messages and seeds of Russian national self-realisation were already identified in the writings prompted by the Metropolitan Makarij. This writing process had an unparalleled influence on the historical realisation of Russia, where the Metropolitan harnessed and synthesised Russia s literary heritage and history to emphasise unbroken ties between sixteenth century Moscow, the Kievan era and Byzantium. 7 In the sixteenth century, under the leadership of Moscow and its state ideology, the nascent empire was transforming itself into Holy Russia. As such, the state assigned itself a messianic mission, led not only by the ruling tsar, but also his ancestors, who had, with their deeds, prepared Moscow for its great role. Alexander Nevskiy was an integral part of Russia s world wide Christian mission: as standard bearer of the true faith his image was used to legitimise Russian claims that Moscow had succeeded Constantinople as the imperial capital of the Orthodox Christian world. During this Muscovian era, the narrative of Alexander s Life changed profoundly. Several editions of the narrative gave Alexander an extra emphasis on his religious devotion, especially when confronting the pagan Mongol khan Batu. With the help of several interpolations, the new writers of the Muscovian editions sought to explain the happenings in the past, for example by condemning the democratic rule of Novgorod as opposed to autocratic rule of Alexander and underlining the orthodoxy of Alexander Nevskiy as opposed to the cruel and bloodthirsty pagan conquerors, the Tartars. 8 It is
5 5 notable that Ivan IV used Alexander s Life as an encouraging example of high morals which he himself used during his own campaigns against the Tartars of Kazan and Crimea. In the beginning of the eighteenth century Alexander's position, however, as a heavenly warrior of Moscow changed profoundly. A whole new stage of historical knowledge was developed after the Great Nordic War, in 1721, when Peter the Great adopted himself a title of an Emperor. As Peter was eager to strip to Muscovian heritage and the prestige of the orthodox church, we might rightfully ask, what happened to its heavenly warrior? It appears, that the political narrative of the heavenly warrior survived, but lost its religious features. One could say, that the defender of the Orthodox faith changed his outfit to the armour of the war god Mars. To break the old tradition of the cult of Alexander Nevskiy, after the victory over the Swedes, sealed in the peace of Nystad in August 30 th 1721, Peter ordered the relics of Alexander Nevskiy to be transmitted from the old burial place of Vladimir cathedral to his newly found capitol of the empire, St. Petersburg. Alexander was to become a third heavenly protector of the imperial city, right after St. Peter and St. Paul. Instead of the old date 23 rd November, which was the burial date of Alexander, 30 th August, the day when the victory over the Swedes was sealed, was to become a new commemorate date of Alexander Nevskiy s new cult. 9 In that way the point of the political narrative of Alexander s Life was directed straight towards the Swedes. The Swedes were specified as an eternal enemy of Russia in the area of the Baltic Sea, not only referring to the new commemorate date of Alexander's cult, but also by the new liturgical texts and the new edition of Alexander s Life, which greatly emphasised the image of Alexander as the conqueror of the Swedes. The other western enemy, the German knights, were not emphasised, because Peter did not want to irritate the Germans and in particularly the duke of Holstein- Gottorp Karl Fredrich, to whom he wanted to give his daughter Anna to marry. 10 It was
6 6 evident that Peter felt no need for the Muscovian narrative of the Life, but changed it to correspond with the new demands of the new Empire s rule. Since the time of Peter and the time of enlightenment, there has been one new aspect through witch the image of Alexander has been reflected to popular conscience. This important vehicle for the distribution of power is - history writing. It is often repeated, that Russia has always been an object of state centered history writing. 11 This tendency was visible already in Tatichev s ( ) production, and continued in the milestones of nineteenth century historians. Nikolai Mikhailovich Karamzin ( ) had probably the greatest influence on descriptions of Alexander Nevskiy in the books of Russian history. His magnum opus, Istoriya Gosudarstva Rossiiskogo (History of the Russian State), was not only widely read at the time, but also ushered in a new era of Russian historical analysis. Karamzin s specialities were the literary skilfulness and aesthetic sensitivity which he brought to his history books. As a result he had a profound influence not only on historians, but also- among others- on the most famous poets and writers of Russia s literary golden age: Alexander Pushkin and Fedor Dostoevsky. 12 Karamzin s views on the actions of Alexander Nevskiy came from the sources that were the political manifestos of sixteenth century Moscow. It is also important to note that Karamzin s Istoriya was published from 1829 to 1833, during the reign of Nicholas I, a time of national awakening and the genesis of the Russian idea. The Alexander myth and the Russian idea are connected even to this day when we consider that one of the leading authorities on the Nevskiy hagiographies, Yuri Begunov, has argued that the image of Alexander Nevskiy includes most of the basic ingredients of the Russian idea, such as high morals, loyalty to the fatherland and faith in national salvation. 13 This idea was one of the key factors why also Stalin in 1930 s picked up Alexander Nevskiy as one of the most admired leaders of Russian history. Alexander's position
7 7 was not only raised in school books, but especially through arts. One may even claim, that the co-operation of Stalin and the film director Sergei Eisenstein launched the new direction of Alexander s cult and produced a Soviet narrative of the old heroic story. This impression was confirmed by launching a premiere of the film Alexander Nevskiy in the old commemoration day, 23 rd November in Eisenstein s film striped every inch of a saintliness and Orthodox influence from Alexander, and made him an epic hero with a secular emphasis of loyalty to fatherland. Stalin interfered very eagerly in the making of the movie while it was being made, and after it was finished, he was so pleased, that he awarded Eisenstein an Order of Lenin for the film. 14 We can see a clear similarity in the situation when Peter used the narrative of Alexander s Life as a shield against the Swedes in the beginning of the eighteenth century and how Stalin used it again when the enemy was threatening. The difference was, that for Stalin the enemy was not the Swedes, but the Germans. Clear allegories were being made with the description of the German knights armours and uniforms and that of the national socialistic German army and their gestures. This allegory established Alexander Nevskiy s position in the history books as a model for a hero who fights for the freedom of Russia, and he was seen as an inspiration for the Soviet soldiers who bravely fought against the fascist intruder. 15 Indeed, the image of Alexander as the warrior-saint is unavoidably tied to the Russian national identity and its mission: life is temporary but deeds are eternal, 16 like the most prominent soviet medieval historian referred to the narrative of the Life of Alexander Nevskiy. It is evident that one of the most important aspects in the narrative of Alexander is his credits in defending the Russian nation. This makes Alexander a mythical figure whose image was used in Moscow, in St. Petersburg as well as in the later days, when the political situation of Russian or Soviet Empire demanded it. What about today? Has Alexander place in the ideological plan of present day Russia? When Soviet Union collapsed in 1991 the Russian idea was once again searched in the new and confusing situation. Boris Yeltsin appointed a team of philosophers, political
8 8 scientists and other scholars to come up with a Russian idea. The chairman of the group, Leonid Smiryagin stated that our people often need to feel part of something big, a great process, the country itself. 17 As a New Russia wants to take its spiritual strength from the past it also venerates the memory of its great warriors. In 1995 Yeltsin gave an edict, according to which the birthday of Alexander Nevskiy was to be venerated in churches in all the districts of Russia where he influenced in his lifetime. The veneration of Alexander Nevskiy is especially manifested in the city of Pskov, which in the western borders of Russia can also be seen as its taking of an attitude against the Estonia s NATO aspirations. 18 There is no doubt, that the narrative of one of the medieval Russia s great hero finds resemblance today also. As the most prominent Russian historians state that, ancient Russian morals laid the foundations of Russia s history and for historic memory in politics and culture 19, so Russian historical research has, in the main, preserved the same vision of history conceived of in the ancient chronicles- where written history does not describe separate events, but rather conveys a holistic picture of the world. In this approach, historical events are important not in themselves but rather as moral lessons: either as a warning or as a paradigm for future generations. 20 Thus, each era has taken advantage of its own history, emphasising- either unconsciously or deliberately- certain features, which support its own moral values, justify its existence and indicate the direction of future development. Russian historians have, therefore, often merely acted like medieval copyists of chronicles: they have rewritten history again and again according to the requirements of their own era. Nevertheless, a coherent and emotionally powerful narrative of Alexander Nevskiy has, in all its harmony, hit on something that still appeals to the feelings of Russians to this day. The Life of Alexander Nevskiy proofs for Alasdair MacIntyre s claims that a man is in his actions and practice essentially a story-telling animal. With the help of the stories he seeks to aspire the truth. Stories are raising children and myths help to give order in the chaotic world. The Life of Alexander Nevskiy continues the moral tradition in which the telling of stories is an integral part in educating people into the virtues.
9 9 1 Povesti o zhitii i o khrobrosti blagovernago i velikago knyazya Oleksandra. The first edition of the Life has been thoroughly recontructed bu Yu.K.Begunov in his Pamyatnik russkoj literatury XIII veka Slovo o poggibeli russkoj zemli (Moskva 1965) pp V.I.Okhotnikova, Povest o zhitii Aleksandra Nevskogo, Slovar knizhnikov i knizhnosti drevnej Rusi (XI-pervaya polovina XIV v.) Otv.red. D.S.Likhatchev (Leningrad 1987) pp B.A.Uspenskii, Istoriya russkogo literaturnogo yazyka (XI XVII vv.) (Munich, 1987) p.58; See also D.S.Likhachev, Pervye sem sot let russkoi literatury: Izbornik. Sbornik prizvedenii literatury drevnei Rusi, (Moscow, 1969) p Uspenskii, Istoriya, pp Although the medieval writers felt free to edit the texts, they distinguished the different ways of making a book. For example St. Bonaventure, a 13th century Franciscan, noted that a man who wrote a book could be either scriptor, compilator, commentator or author. J.A.Burrow, Medieval Writers and Their Work. Middle English Literature and its Background , (Oxford 1982) pp Uspenskii, Istoriya, pp The Tale of Digenes Akrites. 7 D.B.Miller, The Velikie Minei Chetii and the Stepennaya Kniga of Metropolitan Makarii and the Origins of Russian National Consciousness, Forschungen zur Osteuropäischen Geschichte, vol. 26. (Berlin, 1979) pp.325 & See three editions from the 16 th century. The edition of the Life written in Stepennaya kniga, the book which represented the imperial lineage of the Moscovian rulers in Kniga stepennaya tsarskogo rodosloviya, Polnoe Sobranie russkih letopisej, Tom 21 (S.-Peterburg 1909) pp The editions of Vasili Varlaam and Jona Dumin in V. Mansikka, Zhitie Aleksandra Nevskago: Razbor redaktsii i tekst (S.-Peterburg 1913) pp.33-47, Yu. K. Begunov, Drevnerusskie traditsii v proizvedeniyah pervoj chetverti XVIII v. ob Aleksandre Nevskom, Trudy otdela drevnerusskogo literatura 26 (Leningrad, 1971) pp Walter Leitch, Einige beobachtungen zum politischen Weltbild Alexander Nevskijs, Forschungen zur osteuropäischen geschihte, no 25 (1978), p See for example Osmo Jussila, Venäjän keisarikunnan historiankirjoitus, Historiankirjoituksen historia (Helsinki, 1983). 12 G.Vernadsky, Russian Historiography. A History, (Massachusetts, 1978) pp Yu.K.Begunov, Zhitie Aleksandra Nevskogo v Russkoi literature XII XVIII vekov, in Knyaz Aleksander Nevskiy i ego epokha, (St. Petersburg, 1995) p David Bordwell, The Cinema of Eisenstein (Cambridge, 1993) p.212; Leon Moussinac, Sergei Eisenstein: An Investigation into his Films and Philosophy (New York, 1970) p.185; Eisenstein at Ninety. Eds. Ian Christie and David Elliot (Oxford, 1988) p Yu.F.Sokolov, Aleksandr Nevskiy. Formirovanie litchnosti, Aleksander Nevskiy i ego epokha, p.43; Yu.K.Begunov & A.N. Kirpichnikov, Knyaz' Aleksandr velikii i ego epokha, Aleksander Nevskiy i ego epokha, p.7; D.S.Likhachev, Slovo ob Aleksandre Nevskom, Aleksander Nevskiy i ego epokha, p See D.S.Likhachev, Slovo ob Aleksandre Nevskom, in Knyaz Alexander Nevskiy i ego epokha. eds Yu. K. Begunov & A. N. Kirpitchnikov. (St. Petersburg, 1995). 17 Peter Ford, Medieval city holds key to Russian idea, Christian Monitor vol /05 (1997). 18 Anti Selart, Aleksander Nevski: Märkmeid ühe püha suurvürsti postuumse karjääri kohta, Akadeemia no 1 (2000), p Begunov, Zhitie Aleksandra Nevskogo, p About the rules concerning the medieval writing process, see D.S.Likhachev, Poetika drevnerusskoi literatury (Leningrad, 1967); D.S.Likhachev, Pervye sem sot let russkoi literatury: Izbornik Sbornik proizvedeniy literatury drevney Rusi, (Moscow, 1969) pp.5-26; V.P.Adrianova-Perets, Ocherki poeticheskogo stilya drevnei Rusi (Moscow, 1947).
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