THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY THE CHURCH OF THE EAST: RECLAIMING FORGOTTEN CHRISTIAN HISTORY

Transcription

1 THE PENNSYLVANIA STATE UNIVERSITY SCHREYER HONORS COLLEGE DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY THE CHURCH OF THE EAST: RECLAIMING FORGOTTEN CHRISTIAN HISTORY MARIA DIMEDIO SPRING 2016 A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a baccalaureate degree in History with honors in History Reviewed and approved* by the following: A. Gregg Roeber Professor of Early Modern History and Religious Studies Thesis Supervisor Michael Milligan Director of Undergraduate Studies Honors Adviser * Signatures are on file in the Schreyer Honors College.

2 ABSTRACT i This thesis explores the unique history of the Christian Church of the East in Syria and Persia in late antiquity. The Church of the East played an important role in the stability of Christianity in the Middle East during the rise of Islam, specifically regarding the Islamic conquests of Sassanid Persia in the seventh century CE. In order to reach this point, this thesis explores the monotheistic traditions in ancient Syria and Persia, beginning with Judaism and pagan cultic practices, followed by the rise of Jesus of Nazareth. It then covers the emergence of unique theological differences between Christians practicing in the East, and the Roman Chalcedonian Church. In doing so, the misconceptions of the Church of the East, frequently referred to inaccurately as the Nestorians, are debunked. Following this, political conflicts between the Roman Byzantine Empire and the Persian Sassanid Empire are argued to have forced theological decisions to be made by Eastern Christians in order to avoid persecution. By the Islamic conquests in the seventh century, the Church of the East was stable enough to survive a total political takeover. The challenges of living as a minority religion under, at times oppressive, theocratic imperial rule were overcome due to the Church of the East s unique ability to self-evaluate its own doctrines and argue its potential to coexist with challenging religions.

3 TABLE OF CONTENTS ii LIST OF FIGURES... iii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS... iv PROLOGUE... vi Chapter 1 Monotheism in Mesopotamia, Syria, and Persia to 451 CE... 1 Cultic Origins, the Jewish Diaspora, and the Evangelization of Edessa... 2 Nicene Theology Nestorius and Cyril of Alexandria Chapter 2 Solidification Under Persian Influence The Persian Sassanid Empire East and West Syrian Christian Schism East and West Syrian Christian Schism Chapter 3 The Church of the East s Reaction to the Islamic Conquest of Persia Arab Conquests and the Syrian Non-Reaction, CE Realization of Islam and Apocalyptic Literature, CE Defense of the Church of the East to the Muslims, CE Chapter 4 Conclusions BIBLIOGRAPHY... 63

4 LIST OF FIGURES iii Figure 1. Map of Major Christian Cities in Middle East... 10

5 iv ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My greatest debt is owed to my thesis supervisor, Dr. A. Gregg Roeber. I came to him with a broad idea of what I wanted to study for my senior thesis, and Dr. Roeber helped me to mold my idea into a feasible project. I would like to thank him for all of the work and time he has put in over the past 14 months, editing and revising my ideas and writing. Dr. Roeber has been a great mentor to me during the past year, and I could not have completed this thesis without his guidance. Thank you, Dr. Roeber! I would also like to thank Professor Michael Milligan, who has helped me to be successful in my career at Penn State as my advisor. I would not be where I am today without his help over the past three years. Thank you for being there to guide me through every challenge and success I have had both in the completion of this thesis and in my career in Schreyer s. Thanks is also owed to every history professor I have encountered at Penn State over the past four years. The History Department has shaped my interests as a scholar and as a person, and I owe a great deal to their guidance. Finally, I would like to thank my family and friends for their constant support as I completed this thesis. Thank you for always listening to my complaints and challenges, and being the best support system I could ever ask for. My roommates Carly Gulasarian, Katie Krissinger, and Caleigh Geiser have supported me through this entire process, including many late nights, and I owe each of them a great deal. Finally, thank you to my parents, Ann and Michael, and my siblings, Christina and Max, for your constant love.

6 Prologue v In 781 CE the Abbasid Muslim Caliph al-mahdi invited the Patriarch of the Christian Church of the East, Timothy of Baghdad, to answer a series of questions on the Christian faith. As the patriarch of Baghdad, Timothy represented the highest source of theology and instruction in his version of Christianity east of the Roman Empire. By the time of the encounter between the two men, Islamic political control of the region had grown rapidly since the overthrow of the Persian Sassanid Empire in 651 CE. This conversation between the Caliph and Patriarch occurred in several letters concerning the theology of Christians in Syria and Persia. Timothy explained the nature of the Holy Trinity, specifically the divinity of Jesus of Nazareth, Christianity s belief in one God, and other major tenets of Christianity. This dialogue between Islamic and Christian leaders in Baghdad marked a significant moment in the history of global Christianity. By 781 CE, a unified Church of the East now represented by a Patriarch had been successfully located outside the Roman Empire, recognized officially by the powerful Islamic Caliphate that had moved from Damascus to Baghdad in 762 CE. But the eighth century encounter only makes sense if we begin much earlier to examine the origins and especially the consolidation of Christianity in the previous three centuries. This thesis analyzes how decentralized groups of Christians formed a single cohesive church in the far eastern region of the Middle East. The Church of the East enjoyed a closer relationship with the Islamic political reality in the eighth century, that would have been impossible among neighboring contemporary Christians who variously self-identified as Chalcedonians or Miaphysites, terms and identities we will also have to clarify in some detail in order to highlight the particular character of the Church of the East. This thesis will examine how these

7 vi identities were shaped by imperially called Councils within the Roman Empire between 431 and 451 CE, in whose deliberations and conclusions the Christians in the then-persian Empire had not participated. Informed by a long history of debate, the differences in Christology that developed out of ecumenical councils within the Roman Empire caused a break between Roman Christians and those Eastern Christians, east of the Byzantine Empire. Interest in the history of the Church of the East has risen in recent years. Historians have actively discredited traditional concepts of Christian history outside of the Roman Empire. For example, such historians have disproved the notion that Nestorius, bishop of Constantinople, introduced this version of Christianity to the East. The original sources that support this new perspective come from a collection of documents from Syrian writers in the sixth and seventh centuries. These newly translated sources provide insight into the self-identity of Syrian Christianity because of their detailing of the community s reaction to Islamic conquests. The closer examination of these Eastern Christian sources that date from the time of the Islamic conquest has sparked a reevaluation of how the East Syrian Christians fit into the fabric of Middle Eastern society. Christianity has largely been remembered through a Western lens, but the recovery of the long struggle for a Christian profile among those who self-identified as the Church of the East has shed new light on the first half-millennium of the Christian era. Philip Jenkins addressed the problems of a westernized Christian history in his book, The Lost History of Christianity. In it, he concentrated on disproving many mistakes historians have made concerning Christians in the Middle East. He states, during the Middle Ages, mass defections and persecutions across Asia and the Middle East uprooted what were then some of the world s most numerous Christian communities, churches that possessed a vibrant lineal and

8 cultural connection to the earliest Jesus movement of Syria and Palestine. 1 He argues further vii that, up to the 14 th century, Christianity was divided globally among three continents: Asia, Africa, and Europe. He maintains that the modern notion of Christianity as a Western religion is a misrepresentation. A reevaluation of the history of Christianity should lead to increased importance being placed on the Christian communities outside of the Roman Empire, among them, the communities in Syria and Persia. His book describes how many scholars argued in the past that the condemned bishop of Constantinople Nestorius (d. 451 CE) played a major part in shaping the faith of Syrian Christians, even referring to the Church of the East as Nestorians. However, this descriptor is inaccurate and underrates the unique history in Syria and Persia for monotheists long before the rise of Christianity. For this reason, this thesis begins with those deeper monotheistic roots in the region of the Sassanid Persian Empire. Michael Philip Penn s book, Envisioning Islam, supports the argument Jenkins makes, and he provides an explanation of the recent shift in understanding global Christianity among modern scholars. Penn examines the documents written by Syrian Christians in the sixth through ninth centuries. His work has been extremely important to this recent reinterpretation of Syrian Christian history and provides one of the most important original source collections this thesis explores at length. He argues that although many scholars usually support a clash of civilizations 2 model of Islamic conquests in the Near East, Christians were not immediately threatened by Islam. Because of the region s long history of shifting political dominance, Roman, then Persian, Christians had become accustomed to such changes in the composition of 1 Jenkins, Philip. The Lost History of Christianity. New York, NY: Harper Collins Publishers, Penn, Michael Philip. Envisioning Islam. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015, 10.

9 the region s political elite. As the Islamic control solidified however, Penn argues that Syriac viii Christian writers became more apocalyptic in their interpretation of what the rise of Islam portended. They did so because at first they were unsure whether Islam constituted a form of Christianity, or, as they finally concluded, presented a comprehensive form of political, social, and religious empire. The fundamental purpose of this thesis is to answer the question of when and how Syrian Christians established a self-identity. After the death of Jesus of Nazareth, both Jews and early Christians living in Syria and Persia had developed their own understanding of their faith. Their identity had emerged from a shared but vaguely articulated belief in one God. However, over time and through a series of interactions with outsiders, the Jewish roots that were planted in Syria and Persia became a version of Christianity different from the one being practiced in the Roman Empire. This thesis focuses on the exploration of the crafting of self-identity by Eastern Christians, targeting the sixth and seventh century solidification of a unique Church structure. To do this, the earlier, remote history of the disparate groups in the East that finally became the Church of the East must be briefly identified in order to establish the organic origins of monotheism in the ancient Middle East. Recently, historians such as Michael Philip Penn and Philip Jenkins have introduced new theories on how this version of Christianity developed on its own, questioning traditional theories that once identified the Church of the East as having imported its radical dyophysite Christology from the exiled Roman bishop Nestorius. The newer scholarship, by contrast, allows us to examine issues of origin and proving the development of a Church of the East identity that had been shaped by alternating patterns of persecution and

10 ix toleration under the Sassanid Persians that in the end, proved capable of withstanding the Islamic conquests of the seventh century. The differences in Christian groups examined in this thesis are marked by the respective understandings of a few fundamental interpretations of Scripture. In the Christian Gospel, Jesus asked his followers, Who do you say that I am? (Mark 8:29/Matthew 16). Based on their answers to this theological question, Christian groups divided over time. The distinction between these groups, one of which eventually became the Syrian Christians, make clear the difference between Syrian and Roman Christians. The Roman understanding of Jesus of Nazareth will be referred to as Chalcedonian Christianity, derived from a series of councils culminating with the Council at Chalcedon where the patriarchs of the Roman Empire solidified their theological understanding. Eastern Christians is the term coined for those people who proclaimed a different answer to this key question. This thesis provides an historical basis for the emergence of the Church of the East that developed parallel to the Roman interpretation. In that process, we account for when and why Eastern Christians became separate from the Roman version of Christianity. This thesis argues that Eastern Christians developed their identity through a series of encounters with Judaism, Chalcedonian Christianity, and Islam. The chapters are organized chronologically, according to the major influencing forces on Eastern Christianity. The first chapter examines the geographical region where the Church of the East is rooted. This includes the history of the Elkasites, a Jewish group that was settled in this area. Out of the Elkasite community, the Jewish traditions and beliefs can be traced to the Christology of East Syrian Christianity. This historical context is extremely important to the argument that East Syrian

11 x Christianity developed organically. Because of this unique history, Christians in Syria and Persia developed a self-identity rooted outside of the Chalcedonian, Roman identity. The second chapter examines the shaping effect upon eastern Christianity of two centuries of warfare between the Sassanid Persian Empire and the Byzantine Roman Empire. Here, we must note that the complete destruction of Sassanid Empire sources make it impossible to rely upon contemporary Persian assessments of the Eastern Christians. Neither do we have access to determinative documentary sources for the Christian communities of that era. The Roman Empire s strong Chalcedonian Church hierarchy eventually identified any group that did not uphold a Chalcedonian understanding of theology to be heretical. Therefore, what Romans inferred from interactions with these people is important to the development of the Syrian selfidentity. The aim of this chapter is, in part, to demonstrate that the self-identity of the Church of the East was not a response to Nestorius s condemnation, but a reaction to the political pressures forcing one version of Eastern Christianity to win out in Persia. The thesis explains the environment of political turmoil out of which the Church of the East grew, preparing it for the challenging Islamic conquests. The third chapter examines the introduction of Islam into the region in the sixth century. The period of Islamic conquest of Syria and Persia spawned a series of Syriac writers who responded to the political unrest. This is where the body of primary sources, rediscovered by Penn and his colleagues, is heavily mined. In this chapter, we can begin to see from contemporary sources how the Syrian Christians self-identity was put to the test. This chapter argues that the responses recorded by Syriac writers prove their security was not immediately threatened by their Islamic conquerors as long as the change of regime remained principally that of a new elite having come into power. This quickly changed, and records from Eastern

12 xi Christians began to portray apocalyptic explanations of Islam s increasingly systematic takeover of all aspects of daily life. According to Penn, in his introduction to the collection of Syriac sources, As their conqueror s religion was becoming both more assertive and less exclusively tied to ethnicity, Syriac Christians more frequently distinguished themselves from their conquerors through the categories of religion and religious difference. 3 Eventually, the political situation of the Abbasid Empire stabilized, and Eastern Christians were able to defend their ability to coexist within an empire that championed another faith. In the conclusion, this thesis summarizes these findings and points to their implications for the spread of Christianity into regions of Asia. Those beliefs that made the Church of the East distinct also made them capable of introducing their understanding of Christianity into various Asian societies. It was the crucial developments of the fifth through seventh centuries that allowed the Patriarch of Baghdad, a century later, to answer questions about Eastern Christian theology in the way he did. Because of the important steps made over the sixth and seventh centuries by Syriac writers, the Church of the East had constructed and could now defend a cohesive identity. This thesis argues that because there were roots of Judaism in Syria and Persian lands dating back centuries before Jesus life, Christianity was a logical addition to an environment already tending toward monotheism. As Christianity spread into the Roman Empire, it had been advanced by several emperors whose interest in religious stability enabled theological definitions to be created within Byzantium. Christendom was nonetheless severely splintered by these definitions, resulting in variants of Christology that became regionally accepted. This splintering 3 Penn, Michael Philip, When Christians First Met Muslims: A Sourcebook of the Earliest Syriac Writings on Islam. N.p.: University of California Press, 2015, 11.

13 xii was then exacerbated by two centuries of war between Sassanid Persia and Rome, each of which used persecution to force theologians to define Eastern Christianity in order to differentiate themselves from the Roman Christians Persia s enemy. This culminated in an institutionalized and articulate Church of the East, completely separate from Roman Chalcedonian Christianity, based in the Persian capitol of Seleucia-Ctesiphon, and by the eighth century, in the nearby, newly-founded Islamic Caliphate capital of Baghdad. The Church of the East was tested in the seventh century with the Islamic conquests of their homeland, but the ability to define themselves and defend their theological differences allowed for the survival of the Church of the East.

14 Chapter 1 Monotheism in Mesopotamia, Syria, and Persia to 451 CE The history of the Church of the East reflects deep roots in ancient pagan cults and Jewish diaspora groups that settled in the lands to the east of the Roman Empire. This history informs the climate in which this Eastern version of Christianity would take shape over the first six centuries of the common era. Beginning an analysis of how Christians in Syria and Persia had already identified themselves at the point of Islamic conquest in the seventh century requires acquiring an appreciation for the earlier religious environment into which Christian missionaries brought the Gospel. An essential element of understanding the world in which Syrian Christians developed their self-identity lies in an appreciation of the cultic religious history of the region. This initial preparation is critical in order to demonstrate that there already existed monotheistic tendencies and traditions within the area that would allow for Judaism and Christianity to establish a footprint in the region. Also, recognition of the existence of the Jewish centers of the East is very important. Their history reflected the impact of several diaspora communities that had resettled in the lands of Mesopotamia, Syria, and Persia after the destruction of Israel in 70 CE. These Jewish diaspora groups created a setting that proved to be of great advantage to those who first preached Christianity as the culmination and vindication of the religion of ancient Israel. Precisely because of the influence exercised both by tendencies toward monotheism in general and especially of diasporic Judaism, some elements within the population of Syria had practiced one or another form of monotheistic religion, or were at least familiar with this notion of a deity

15 which would have made Christianity appear less alien, and this potentially appealing, to them. 2 Furthermore, the evidence that some diaspora groups, such as the Elkesaite form of Judaism, incorporated Christian elements into their theology, demonstrated that the common belief that what would eventually emerge as the Church of the East s understanding of Christianity received is Christological character much earlier than the events in the Roman Empire when the bishop of Constantinople, Nestorius, was exiled in 435 CE. In short, the Church of the East emerged with an identity that cannot accurately be called Nestorian. This chapter first explains the existence and development of a unified faith that was present in both the Roman Empire and in Syria itself before Nestorius s lifetime. This Christian theology was understood in the scattered Syrian Christian groups, but they did not write about it as the Romans did. Christianity in Syria remained a decentralized phenomenon in the first few centuries CE. The bulk of the theological writings analyzed in this chapter out of necessity has to be taken from the Roman Empire because by comparison very few sources survive from the earliest days of Syrian Christianity. However, Syrian writers specifically addressed the doctrinal issues discussed in Rome. For this reason, the analysis of detailed theological doctrines from the Roman Empire can therefore be applied to Syrian Christians in the turbulent fourth century, but before the confrontation within the Empire that would lead to Nestorius condemnation and exile. Cultic Origins, the Jewish Diaspora, and the Evangelization of Edessa Little evidence survives about the exact content of the many cults that were present in Mesopotamia and Syria before the Common Era. J. B. Segal argues, however, that, it is

16 3 sufficient to observe that the general atmosphere over a large area of northern Mesopotamia and Syria during the first centuries of the Christian era favored the conception of a single godhead. 4 Pagan cults most commonly worshipped one god above all others, such as the sun god Bel or the Mother Goddess Atargatis, two of the most popular deities. The presence of at least some tendencies toward monotheism in this region provides a plausible background for understanding why exiled Jewish communities found a receptive home in the area. Segal continues his argument saying, the motif of a divine trinity was familiar in this region of the ancient East, and the hope in life after death was widespread at Edessa. 5 In many of the pagan cults, a trinity of planetary deities was central to worship, often including the figures of Zeus and Apollo alongside Atargatis. 6 Water also played a crucial role in the worship of pagan gods in Mesopotamia and Syria. The imagery of fish as gods in lakes of water was common, and traditional ceremonies incorporated wells and springs into which devotees of the cult threw their offerings. 7 The single greatest god-head figure, the trinity motif, and the significance of water provide excellent examples of the pagan climate which allowed basic teachings first of exiled Judaism and then Christianity to take hold. The particular form of Judaism that found a home in the towns of the Persian Empire would have encountered these pagan rites and forms of monotheism, and thus would have had to confront what Jews shared in common with their pagan neighbors compared to what remained distinctly Jewish. The writings of ancient Israel record the community s exile in Egypt before their resettlement in Israel in roughly the 1400 s BCE. The Jewish community then experienced 4 Segal, J. B., Edessa The Blessed City. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Segal, p Segal, p Segal, p. 48.

17 a centuries-long pattern of political destruction and subversion of its people at the hands of the 4 Romans, Babylonians, and Persians. In the 6 th century BCE, the last remnants of the original Davidic-Solomonic kingship were destroyed and the Jews entered into the Babylonian period of exile in 587 BCE. For political reasons, the Jewish nobles were sent by the Babylonians into Mesopotamia, where some of them stayed for centuries and planted seeds of monotheism in the region. When the Persian Empire then overthrew the Babylonians the Jewish exiles were granted the right to return, by the Edict of Cyrus, in 539 BCE. Persian king Cyrus the Great (d. 530 BCE) allowed for the Jewish exiles to reestablish a community in Palestine and continue their faith. Neil Faulkner argues in his book Apocalypse: The Great Jewish Revolt Against Rome that the Jews returning from exile brought with them a steel-hard monotheism. 8 By this, he meant that the political turmoil which the community had experienced during their frequent defeat as a nation had hardened their view of the world. He states, their Yahwism hardened into an intolerant and inflexible monotheism. 9 This monotheistic Judaism had been protected by the Persian Empire, allowing it to grow. Despite the rebuilding of a second temple in Jerusalem, the largest numbers of the returning exiles settled beyond the borders of ancient Israel and Judaea. The various diasporic forms of Judaism created famous centers, the most populous and influential being Alexandria in Ptolemaic Egypt. A few centuries later, the Maccabaean Revolt, lasting from 167 to 142 BCE, was provoked when the King Antiochus Epiphanes IV attempted to ban Judaism in the state. The reaction to his political threats took the form of a Jewish uprising against the Seleucids, led by 8 Faulkner, Neil. Apocalypse: The Great Jewish Revolt Against Rome. Charleston, SC: Tempus Publishing, Faulkner, p. 69.

18 the priest Maccabaeus. He launched an attack that eventually led to one of the few victories of 5 the Jews against their foreign overlords, as well as the creation of a Jewish autonomous state. 10 The state was ruled by the Hasmoneans, who established themselves as both high priests of the Jewish temple and as worldly kings of the political state. 11 Faulkner writes that Jews in Israel remembered the Maccabaean Revolt as one of the most important events in their history two hundred years later, when the Romans once again took power back from the Jews. Due to the autonomy the Jewish community experienced under the Hasmoneans for about a century, they reacted negatively when the Romans reinstated their power over Judaea, Israel, and Syria. In Jerusalem, the Jewish community resisted the Romans with yet another revolt. However, Peter Richardson states that, Hasmonean inability to solve their dynastic, civil, and religious affairs led inevitably to the extension of Rome s power in the area. 12 Therefore, in 40 BCE Herod the Great (d. 4 BCE) became king in this tumultuous environment. He survived the attempts by the elites of Jerusalem to remove him, and even married a Hasmonean princess. 13 Herod made several significant attempts to create peace between the Jewish community and the Roman rulers. Some of these included additions to the Second Temple in Jerusalem and construction projects in cities with sizable Diaspora communities. 14 Richardson argues that some of the great cities of the east flowered in the conditions following the struggle for empire: Antioch, Laodicea, Beruit, Tyre, Damascus [and] in this flowering, Herod was a significant 10 Faulkner, p Richardson, Peter. Herod King of the Jews Friend of the Romans. Columbia, SC: University of South Carolina Press, Richardson, p Richardson, p Richardson, p. 31.

19 figure. 15 Because of his position, Herod s reign created prosperity and security for the Jews of 6 the Diaspora. 16 It is also notable that during Herod s reign, Richardson argues that the lands of Israel, Judaea, and Syria all functioned as roughly one geopolitical unit. 17 This is significant to the argument of this thesis that a version of Syrian monotheism had already begun to form its own identity. From this we can see that the political changes, following a series of exiles, autonomous rule, and Roman conquest, eventually established a version of Jewish monotheism at the end of the last century BCE which was strong, self aware, and committed to its own survival. Beyond the details of the movement of these groups, relatively little is known about the versions of Judaism that existed before the final Roman Exile. However, the Hasmonean period engendered some centralization of Judaism in the east. Faulkner writes that, by AD 66, repeatedly recharged by upsurges of nationalist struggle against Greeks, Hellenising kings and Roman governors, the cult of the Pharisees was at full vigour. 18 The Pharisees were a class of experts in the strict observance of the law who taught this rigorous form of Judaism, and that rigorous and self-conscious identity now informed the mainstream of popular Judaism. 19 From this sprung the nationalism that led to the Jewish revolts again in 66 CE in Judaea. Finally, after the Romans destroyed Jerusalem with its Temple in 70 CE, renewed exile created yet another form of Judaism that spread further east beyond the bounds of the Roman Empire by around the year 100 CE. 15 Richardson, p Richardson, p Richardson, p Faulkner, p Faulkner, p. 72.

20 One particular form of a Jewish diaspora group that played a critical role in the later 7 development of Church of the East Christianity is known as the Elkesaites located at Edessa. In this group, one can see the earliest elements of Christianity and Judaism being merged with the pagan cults present in Syria and Mesopotamia addresses earlier. Segal explains that the Elkesaites believed in the acknowledgement of a single god, the rejection of earlier prophets, the veneration of water as a source of life, belief in the male and female principle of Christ and the Holy Spirit, and belief in reincarnation. 20 Apart from these newly arrived diaspora groups, Judaism had already established a presence in some of the most populated citied in the East because of frequent trade throughout the Mediterranean and Near East. Nisibis, Edessa, and Adiabene were all closely connected by trade routes such as the Silk Road. 21 In each of these cities, Jewish diaspora groups had already taken refuge in each of these cities during earlier times of persecution. 22 Edessa was linked to Jerusalem and Antioch, remaining a route for pilgrims and armies into the East. 23 As a result of the re-settlement of a particular strain of Judaism from Palestine into Syria, it comes as no surprise, that as one scholar has observed, in north Mesopotamia Christian evangelists found in the Jewish communities tools ready at hand for the diffusion of their faith; for they were close-knit congregations, respected by their neighbors, willing to accept the Christians as allies against the dominant paganism, well acquainted with the methods of analysis and argument best suited to the theological climate of the country, and well acquainted too with the doctrines of the Old Testament Segal, p Jenkins, p Segal, p Segal, p Segal, p. 42.

21 As a result of the spread of Christian missionary activities within these Jewish 8 communities over the course of two centuries, the first Christian kingdom emerged as Osrhoene, with its capitol at Edessa. The king of Osrhoene accepted Christianity as the official religion around 200 CE, following a long history of devotion to Judaism. 25 This is important because in ancient times, Edessa was considered one of the most impressive centers for learning. This tradition of scholarship translated into Christian theology and Edessa became a strong center of Christian learning. Segal maintains that the Bible was even first translated to Syriac at Edessa. 26 Focusing specifically on Edessa, we can roughly highlight the way in which Christianity took root in the East. Edessa is an obvious choice for such an analysis because of its size as a large city populated with scholars and a learning center of the East. More evidence survives from this center than we have for other areas of the region although these are still limited and restricted to literary works. Segal provides accounts of several of the legends recorded about the introduction of Christianity. One of these, the Doctrine of Addai, is a lengthy epic that in all likelihood represents at least two centuries worth of history compressed into a story about a mere two generations. For this reason, Segal makes the point that the purpose of this particular legend was to represent local traditions while still having a foundation in factual history. 27 In this epic, the central figure, a preacher named Addai speaks to the King of the region, Agbar. Addai is depicted as one of the disciples of Jesus Christ. According to Segal s translation of the epic, Addai taught the principles of Christianity against pagan traditions common in Edessa until even Jews conversant with the 25 Jenkins, p Segal, p Segal, p. 78.

22 9 Law and the Prophet too were persuaded and made the Christina confession. 28 The story also makes clear that although Addai was successful in achieving conversions, the pagan altars and priests were allowed to remain in the kingdom and shared equal rights with both Christians and Jews. It is likely that this account was written retrospectively during the third century CE. 29 Nevertheless, the similarities of certain details within the story can be linked to the actual, historically documented events of the kingship of Agbar, and allusions are made to other historical figures. The Doctrine of Addai is representative of the method of evangelization in Edessa and throughout the East. While Christianity was spreading, Judaism and paganism remained popular. The entire region appears to have been characterized by a kind of tolerance of various forms of monotheism. When epics such as this were written, the Roman Empire had access to the information. One of the most well known Roman historians, Eusebius (d. 340 CE), included accounts of the same events as The Doctrine of Addai. This meant that the Romans had no reason to believe that the Christianity practiced in the East differed in any significant way from their own. Between the councils of Nicaea (325 CE) and Ephesus (431 CE) held within the boundaries of the Roman Empire, the reputation of the Church of the East in the eyes of the Romans reflected their own beliefs and practices. This again shows the unity between Nicaean and Eastern Christianity before the Nestorian Controversy. This unity helped to establish an identity in the East which was acknowledged and appreciated by theologians and church leaders in the Roman Empire. This is important considering the dialogue between men in Edessa and in Rome concerning theological controversies that began to take shape in the course of the fifth century. 28 Doctrine of Addai, trans. Segal, J. B. Edessa The Blessed City. Oxford: Clarendon Press, Segal, p. 80.

23 Figure 1. Map of Major Christian Cities in Middle East 10

24 Nicene Theology 11 Keeping in mind this summary account of the monotheistic tendencies of the Jewish and pagan groups in the Syrian context, one is able to move to a consideration of how it became possible for a version of Christianity to emerge in the regions East of the Roman Empire that eventually would come into conflict with its western neighbors. But it is equally important to understand the contemporary formation of a Christian identity within the Roman Empire itself. Although this is not the geographical area with which this thesis is concerned, it will be necessary to make comparisons between the first tolerated, then officially sanctioned Roman imperial form of Christianity and the Church of the East. Secondly, the Roman Empire was the most powerful body in the ancient world. Therefore, any interaction the Eastern Christians had with their Roman neighbors had political consequences. These consequences manifested themselves in the Christians relationships with their own secular rulers, and perhaps even more importantly, in their developing sense of their own identity. Finally, Eastern Christians shared during he first four centuries of Christian history what we commonly think of as Roman Nicaean theology. Because of this, and because the Roman sources on Christian theology are greater in number and more accessible, an explanation of the formation of the Nicaean understanding of Christianity is vital to understanding the simultaneous development of Eastern Christianity. As Philip Jenkins explains, once we remove the symbolic constraint of the borders, we get a better sense of the opportunities available to early Christians. The Mediterranean world had its very familiar routes, but so did the lands east and northeast of Jerusalem, through Syria, Mesopotamia, and beyond. 30 The earliest Nicaean Christian tradition was spread East through 30 Jenkins, p. 50.

25 ancient trade and travelling routes. As Jenkins observes, these borders, which changed 12 dramatically over time, placed few real limits on trade, whether in goods or ideas. 31 Christianity s introduction to the Roman Empire had engendered periodic, and then eventually widespread, persecution. Popular opinion within the Roman Empire, at times exploited by particular emperors for political purposes, was that the adherents of this new religion posed a threat to the stability of Roman paganism. 32 According to Aziz S. Atiya, for Romans at this time, a Christian was a conspiring rebel against time-honoured polytheistic tradition and against the established divinity of the imperial dignity. 33 In the Roman Empire, the persecution of Christians continued until the Emperor Constantine s Edict of Milan in 313 CE, granting religious toleration to this new religion within the empire. 34 In terms of alliances, the acceptance of Christianity in the Roman Empire created a problem for their most threatening enemy the Sassanid Persian Empire in the east. Because the Church of the East had already established a significant presence in the lands between the two powers, this meant, at least in the minds of fearful Sassanid rulers that Eastern Christians would be more likely to side with, or receive support from, their Roman counterparts rather than with non-christian Persians. For the Persians, this also meant that any Christian community therefore possessed a potential political threat, as Christianity grew in popularity in the Roman Empire. Constantine the Great s reign changed the course of history for Christianity because of his role in demanding that Christians present a unified theology behind which the Roman Empire could stand. This meant that Christianity at least in theory could become a powerful religion 31 Jenkins, p Atiya, Aziz S. A History of Eastern Christianity. London: Methuen & Company, Atiya, p Atiya, p. 32.

26 13 identifiable by its enumerated theological teachings. For the Christians within the borders of the Roman Empire, the first even ecumenical council i.e. including what was then regarded as the pecumene the inhabited world was called by the Emperor and held at Nicaea in 325 CE. Constantine s intent focused on resolving internal disagreements within Christianity in the Empire. Events proved, however, that the Emperor s hopes for a unified Christianity within his Empire were not to be easily realized. Only eventually, then, can one agree with Atiya s judgment that the Nicaean deliberations gave Christianity a Creed which has survived to this day. 35 The theological decision made at Nicaea in 325 CE is the first real doctrinal issue that Syrian Christians contemporaneously addressed. This is significant for two reasons. First, the writers in Edessa who commented on the council of Nicaea agreed with the decisions that were made. This provides some of the first evidence for what Christians in Syria actually believed. Secondly, because writers such as St. Ephriaim the Syrian (d. 373 CE) were writing about complex theological arguments, this shows that the community of Christians in the East was educated in theology at a level comparable to their contemporaries writing within the Roman Empire. The Council at Nicaea was organized by Emperor Constantine as an opportunity for the heads of major Christian cities to settle all outstanding dogmatic and doctrinal differences. 36 The question that provoked the need of an empire-wide Council concerned Christianity s understanding of the relationship of Jesus to the God identified as father among Christians. This father was held to be identical with the God of ancient Israel. Specifically, the leaders of 35 Atiya, p Atiya, p. 44.

27 14 the church debated the relationship of The Father to The Son. Arius and Athanasius represented each side of the argument. Arius (d. 336 CE), a priest of Alexandria, believed that the Son was a created god. This was problematic for Arius bishop Alexander, and his deacon Athanasius because the idea that there was a time when Christ s divinity was not eternal could not be reconciled with what these theologians insisted upon namely, that Jesus was fully God. Athanasius (d. 373 CE) argued that Christ was God by nature, rather than by human creation. 37 The result of the debate was the first version of the Nicene Creed, which reads, We believe in one Lord Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God. Begotten not made, of one substance with the Father, by whom all things were made. 38 This excerpt from the creed contains the wording that remained controversial and significant enough to be debated for the next century and beyond. The words of one substance are a translation of the Greek term homoousios. The word in Greek literally means same-essence. This word was chosen specifically to affirm the divinity of Christ against the assertion that he was not fully divine, but was a created god. The fact that it nowhere appears in the Hebrew Bible or the Christian Scriptures caused considerable concern, but not enough to prevent its adoption by the council. The result of this decision was endorsed not only by those within the Empire who became identified as Nicaeans but also by the Christians worshipping to the East of the Roman borders because the majority already accepted the teaching that Jesus was none other than the eternally begotten Son of the Father. This belief can be seen in the writings of one of the most celebrated 37 Wessel, Susan. Cyril of Alexandria and the Nestorian Controversy. Oxford, England: Oxford University Press, The Nicene Creed. trans. Maxwell, David. "The Nicene Creed in the Church." Concordia Journal 41, no. 1 (2015).

28 figures in the history of the Eastern Church, St. Ephraim (d. 373 CE) to the church leaders in 15 Edessa. 39 One of the most helpful books on Ephraim, The Luminous Eye by Sebastian Brock, explains the course of his life and his interactions with the Roman Empire which helped to form his ideology. Born to Christian parents, Ephraim lived in Nisibis in Northern Syria in roughly 306 CE. 40 He was a deacon serving in this outpost of the Roman Empire, until the Persians took the city. After this, Ephraim went to Edessa where he continued to grow in recognition within the Church of the East. Brock argues that it was in Edessa that Ephraim began to encounter and take an active role in the theological disputes that were plaguing Christendom in the fourth century CE. 41 Ephraim lived during the theological turmoil addressed at the council at Nicaea, and just as was done in the Roman Empire, he combatted the view that the essence of the Son was different from that of the Father. He wrote in Syriac about his support for the unified version of the Trinity against the groups in Edessa that he believed, like Athanasius, threatened the monotheism of Christianity. 42 Segal writes that in fact, Ephraim had an influence that extended not only throughout Mesopotamia and Syria, but throughout the whole of Christendom Segal, p Brock, Sebastian. The Luminous Eye. Kalamazoo, MI: Cistercian Publications, Brock, p Segal, p Segal, p. 89.

29 Nestorius and Cyril of Alexandria 16 Despite the importance and fame of Ephraim to his contemporaries, the conflict between Nestorius (d. 451 CE) and Cyril of Alexandria (d. 444 CE) over Christology that began to take shape in the following century disrupted the unity between the Church of the East and Nicene Christianity to be overshadowed and largely forgotten. Nestorius, the theologian and bishop first at Antioch and then of the imperial capital city Constantinople, has been seen as a figurehead for the identity of the Church of the East s theology instead of Ephraim. However, in recent years, scholars have shifted their opinions about the identity of the Church of the East away from Nestorius and instead focused on examining deeply rooted monotheistic traditions that welcomed Christianity in Syria predating the conflict that erupted in 431 CE. These include the pagan rituals, Jewish settlements, and Christian theology already noted that prove that an identity already existed for the Church of the East in the first three centuries CE. This section of this chapter, however, out of necessity has to examine the problems with the older accounts that link Roman Imperial Christianity s dispute with Nestorius to the historical account of the development of the Church of the East. Prior to calling an ecumenical council in 431 CE in Ephesus, the emperor Theodosius was encouraged by bishop Cyril of Alexandria to resolve issues that stemmed from the decisions made at Nicaea over a century before. Cyril wrote extensively to all the influential people in Egypt and the Roman Empire warning them of the threat of a heretical group led by Nestorius. Out of concern for the unity of the Roman Christian Church, the Emperor Theodosius called the council to settle another theological dispute Wessel, p. 99.

30 17 The focus of the discussions centered upon a deeper understanding of the decisions made at Nicaea in 325 CE. Referred to as Christology, the topic of the dispute centered upon the proper understanding of the nature of Jesus Christ. On one side of the debate was Cyril, who had created a strong backing of support through his treatises. He argued that Christ should be understood as a same-natured being, (miaphysis) fully both human and divine in essence. He explained, the mind perceives a difference between two natures, for the deity and the humanity are certainly not the same, although they subsist in a single reality. 45 This meant that the decision made by the council at Nicaea that Christ was of the same essence of God, was upheld with the acceptance of one word: theotokos. Cyril used the world theotokos i.e. God-bearer to describe Mary, and in doing so confirmed and strengthened the decisions at Nicaea. 46 Wessel explains that, for Cyril, the title theotokos for Mary was to confirm in one significant world all the Trinitarian concerns debated at Nicaea: if Jesus is God, then Mary was and must be designated as the Mother of God, Theotokos. 47 Conversely, Nestorius represented the opposing side of the Christological debate. Wessel postulates that, he is unwilling to designate Mary theotokos because that implied that the deity, rather than the humanity, had been conceived in her womb. 48 The implication for Nestorius was that Jesus had a dual-nature, (diaphysis) one being human and one being divine, and that only the human aspect had been conceived through Mary. In fact, however, Cyril attacked Nestorius sermons by quoting him incorrectly. Whereas Nestorius believed that the divine nature of Christ 45 Wessel, p "A Defense of the Twelve Anathemas against Theodore." In St. Cyril of Alexandria: Three Christological Treatises. Translated by Daniel King. Washington DC: Catholic University of America Press, Wessel, p Wessel, p. 105.

31 18 was united with God after the physical birth, Cyril reported to Leo I (d. 461 CE), Pope of Rome, that Nestorius denied Christ s divinity altogether. 49 For these reasons, the council of Ephesus decided in favor of Cyril and excommunicated and banished Nestorius to an internal exile in an Egyptian monastery as a heretic. Only twenty years later, another meeting was held called the Council of Chalcedon in 451 CE. The result of this Council would be to accept in principle Cyril s emphasis upon the divinity of Christ but at the same time accepting a modified version of the two-nature terminology favored by the Antiochians that Nestorius has somewhat carelessly expressed in his sermons. What emerged at Chalcedon was the Christological doctrine saying that the correct understanding was that Jesus was of two natures, fully human and fully divine. The two natures communicated perfectly with one another, were separate, and nonetheless Christ was one person, possessed of two natures. This council caused major disagreements throughout Christendom, and thus failed in its objective at unifying the Christological teachings of all Christians. It is important to note the similarities as well as the dissimilarities between the Nestorian understanding of Christ and the Chalcedonian decision. In John McGuckin s book, St. Cyril of Alexandria: A Christological Controversy, the difference between Cyril s and the Chalcedonian Christology is closely examined. McGuckin looks at the translations of terminology used for each side of the argument, such as mia physis or dyo physis. He argues that the context of Cyril s use of mia physis to represent the one enfleshed nature of God was extremely close if not compatible with the decision made at Chalcedon. 50 For McGuckin, the issues that divided the two sides were more based in political 49 Wessel, p McGuckin, John. St. Cyril of Alexandria: The Christological Controversy. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir's Seminary Press,