CHAPTER - I POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF TRAVANCORE

Transcription

1 CHAPTER - I POLITICAL BACKGROUND OF TRAVANCORE Travancore and Ay Kings Among the few maritime States of India, Travancore enjoyed position of historical importance. In political the earliest rulers of Travancore were the Ay kings. The Ay Kings were probably ruling over the region around the Potiyil Hills, the southernmost section of the Western Ghats. 1 Ptolemy states that the territory of the Ays flourished in the South of the Chera Kingdom and extended from Nelcynda to Kumari and the Pandya Kingdom laid only Past Komaria. 2 Robert Sewell opines that the Ay were the rulers of the hill-country of Travancore. 3 Ayakkudi near Aralvaymoli, Idalakkudi and certain place-names near Amsi give some clues regarding the Ay Kingdom of the Sangam Age. The important Ay kings who ruled over Travancore are Ay Andiran, Titiyan, Atiyan II and Nanchil Porunan. 4 Ay Andiran is said to be an independent ruler. His region extended over the mountainous tracts from the Coimbatore gap in the Western Ghats down to Kanyakumari in the 1 Travancore Archaological Series, Vol. I, Trivandrum, 1913, pp Rajaraja Varma M., Some Travancore Dynastic Records Kerala Society Papers Series I, p Robert Sewell, Historical Inscriptions of Southern India, Madras, 1932, p Sreedhara Menon A., Kerala District Gazetteers, Trivandrum, 1962, p

2 South. 5 Purananuru extols him as a philanthropic king who ruled over the region near the Potiyil Hill. He is described as Vel Ay and Mal-Vel-Ay in Purananuru. He patronized the Tamil poets. The most important among them were Mudamociyar, Kuttuvan, Kiranar and Odaikilar. Another eminent poet Karikkannanar also refers to him in Nattinai, Ay Andiran drove the Pandyas from Nanchilnad and came to prominence some time between 96 and 140 A.D. 6 Titiyan is described as Potiyir Celvan by the poet-king Bhutappandiyan. During his reign, the neighbouring Pandya Kingdom was ruled by king Bhutappandiyan. The Sangam literature does not make mention of any war between Bhutappandiyan and Titiyan. But the Pandyan king must have come at least as far as Boothappandy, a place named after him, and where a temple called Bhutappandisaramudaiyar was founded. So it may be suggested that the Pandya king and Titiyan come to an agreement fixing Bhutappandi as the western limit of Pandyan Kingdom, leaving the region to the North and West of it in the hands of Titiyan. 7 In the time of Atiyan, the Ay Kingdom began to disintegrate. 8 Alakiyapandiyan is said to 5 Elankulam Kunjan Pillai P.N., Studies in Kerala History, Trivandrum, 1970, p Pillai K.K., Suchindram Temple, Madras, 1952, p Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.I, Trivandrum, 1913, pp There is a village named Atiyannoor is Neyyattinkara Taluk even today. The older name of Alakiapandipuram in Thovalai Taluk was also Atiyannoor. It is quite possible that these villages were named after Atiyan. 8 Sreedhara Menon, A., A Survey of Kerla History, Kottayam, 1967, p

3 have invaded the kingdom of the Ays and defeated Atiyan and reduced him to the position of a tributary Chief of the Pandya king. Paranar, the Tamil poet has described this historical fight in the Ahananuru and sings of the victorious flag of the Pandyas, flying on the top of the Potiyil Hills. 9 The Ays after being defeated by the Pandyas struggled in vain to regain their lost independence and their supremacy over the Potiyil region. Talayalankanattu Ceru Ventra Neduncheliyan, who came to the Pandya throne during the reign of Titiyan II, repulsed the latter in the battle of Talayalankanam. Thus, the battle of Talayalankanam sealed for ever the fate of the Ay kingdom. 10 This heroic fight of Talayalankanam has been briefly described by Nakkirar in the Ahananuru. As a result of the battle of Talayalankanam, the Potiyil region was broken up into petty Kingdoms. 11 Travancore and the Pandya Kings After the discomfiture of the Ay kings, certain regions of Nanchilnad remained under Pandya rule for several centuries. The Pandya King Sendan ( A.D.) invaded Nanchilnad. 12 The only reliable basis for the inference that he undertook expeditions beyond Aralvaymoli is that Sendan assumed the surname Vanava, the distinctive appellation of the 9 Sangam Literatuer (Tamil), Ahananuru, Stanza Ibid., Sangam Literatuer (Tamil), Ahananuru, Stanza Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.VI, Trivandrum, 1913, Part.1, p

4 Chera. It is also inferred from certain surviving place-names that he might have conquered parts of Nanchilnad and commemorated his victories by bestowing his own villages and temples. 13 For instance, at Talakkudi, about three miles north-east of Kottar, there exists the Temple Sendanisvaramudiyar. Popular tradition connecting this shrine with Sendan, a Pankyan, is perhaps based on fact. Again, on the southern fringe of Alakiyapandipuram is found a temple known as Jayandanarkoyil. Further, a village in the Agasteeswaram Taluk located about five miles south-west of Kottar is the village of Sendanputur. The next king who attacked Travancore and places to the North of it was Sendan s successor known as Arikesari Maravarman ( ). He achieved victories at Kottar and captured it. 14 It is described in the Commentary of Iraiyanar Akapporul. So, it is certain that he conquered certain portions of Travancore which were not under Pandya authority. He completed the annexation of Nanchilnad to the Pandya Kingdom. Kochadaiyan ( A.D.) who succeeded Arikesari is said to have defeated Ay Vel, who held sway in the Western Ghats region in the battle of Marudur. 15 The Ay king was forced to acknowledge the Pandya supremacy. Perhaps, Kochadaiyan extinguished the last vestiges of the authority of the 13 Ibid., 14 Pillai K.K.,op. cit., p Elankulam Kunjan Pillai P.N., op. cit., p

5 Ays in Travancore and thus completely asserted the Pandya supremacy over the whole of Travancore. During the reign of Maran Chadayan ( A.D.), the Ay ruler again seems to have reasserted his independence in the neighbouring region to the North, including South Travancore and the Pandya king had to wage a war with Ay Vel. Later he was defeated and his country annexed. 16 Not satisfied with this victory the Pandya king marched against the Ay king, Karunadan, probably the successor of Ay Vel. The result of this battle is not known, but it is unlikely that the Ay ruler was completely subdued by the Pandya ruler. In this encounter, Karunadan was assisted by the Cheras, and the Pandya army was driven back as far as Karaikkottai which is identified with Aralvaymoli. 17 It appears that Viranarayana Chadayan, who ascended the Pandya throne about 880, had also been actively connected with Travancore. Some of his inscriptions are found in the temple of Suchindram that was one of the sacred places patronized by him. The fact that the Suchindram inscriptions of his period bear the regnal years of his reign is a clear proof that the locality was under his sway. Veera Narayana Seri and Veera Narayana Mangalam, two villages located within a few miles of Kottar, 16 Travancore Archaeological Series, No.XII, Trivandrum, 1913, pp Ramanatha Iyer A.S., The Aruvaymoli Pass or the Open Gateway of Travancore, Journal of Indian History, April, 1925, p

6 perhaps owe their names to the particular Pandya sovereign. 18 Again in 900, Raja Simha II succeeded Viranarayana and that he continued to be in possession of Nanchilnad is attested by his inscriptions which are found in large numbers in this region. 19 However, Rajasimha s power, and along with it, the supremacy of the early Pandyas, was crushed by Parantaka Chola. Travancore and the Chola Empire About the beginning of the tenth century A.D., South Travancore was annexed to the Chola Empire by Parantaka I ( A.D.). His inscriptions are found in Travancore; especially in Suchindram. 20 He defeated Maravarman Rajasimha, the Pandya king. Parantaka captured Kanyakumari and extended his kingdom up to Suchindram as is testified by the Suchindram inscription of Parantaka Chola I, which records the gift of fifty sheep for maintaining a perpetual lamp before the God of the temple at Suchindram. 21 But, it was only in the reign of Raja Raja I, the greatest of the Chola rulers ( A.D.) that Chola authority was firmly established over the whole of the Pandya Kingdom including Nanchilnad. 22 His hegemony was accepted even beyond the northern boundary of Nanchilnad. 18 Sreedhara Menon A., op. cit. p Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol.IV, Trivandrum, 1913, pp Ibid., Vol. XIC., pp Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1913, pp Nilakanta Sastri K.A., The Cholas, Vol. I, Madras, 1955, pp

7 Several inscriptions in the Cholapuram Temple near Kottar bear witness to the Chola conquest of Travancore. 23 The temple itself was built by Arayan Madhurantaka Cholan a native of Tanjore, who after serving as a military commander under the Cholas appears to have settled down in Nanchilnad as a subordinate chief. 24 In commemoration of his great vicoty over the Pandyas, Raja Raja renamed Kanyakumari as Rajarajesvaram. RajaRaja seems to have consolidated his southern conquests by constituting the newly acquired places into a separate administrative unit called RajaRaja Pandinadu. Kottar which was the southern most military outpost in the Chola dominion was named Mummudicholanallur and a Chola garrision (nilappadai) was permanently stationed there. 25 Thus by the end of the reign of RajaRaja Chola, South Travancore became an integral part of the Chola kingdom. Raja Raja was succeeded by his son Rajendra I. Rajendra I made Cholapuram as his capital 26 and governed the farflung provinces through Viceroys. He appointed his son Jatavarman, the first Viceroy over the Pandya territory, the southern part of the Pandya region, including Nanchilnad came to be governed by the Chola Pandya Viceroys lasting for 23 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. VI, Trivandrum, pp Ibid., 25 Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, Part I, Trivandrum, 1913, p Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. III, Trivandrum, 1913, p

8 nearly sixty-five years, at the end of which period this system was finally abolished by Kulottunga I. 27 Kulottunga I ( A.D.) the first of the Eastern Chalukya Chola emperors came to the throne and was closely associated with Travancore. 28 An inscription of Tirukkalukkunram refers to his victories against the Five Pandyas and capture of the region round the Potiyil Hill and also the destruction of Kottar. 29 He was opposed to the sharing of power with the Viceroys and hence unified it under greater control from the centre. He introduced a new system of opening military cantonments at various strategic places with a view to maintain law and order and to prevent attempts by the outlying regions at breaking away from the empire. One such unit was kept at Kottar in South Travancore. An inscription at Cholapuram dated in his 9 th regional year mentions Kottaru Nilappadai. 30 In the reign of Kulottunga, the Western Chalukyas and Hoysalas achieved several victories over the Cholas and the northern portion of the Chola Empire passed under their sway. Taking advantage of this disaster, Parantaka Pandya overran Kanyakumari easily. 31 He is also said to 27 Nilakanta Sastri K.A., op. cit., p Travancore Archaeological Series, No. XI, p Pate H.R., Madras District Gazetteers- Tinnevelley, Vol.I Madras, 1917, p Travancore Archaeological Series, No. XIV, Trivandrum, 1913, p Travancore Archaeological Series, Vol. I, No. 3, pp

9 have occupied Travancore and even marched up to Vilinjam and Kandalur Salai. In the words of K.K. Pillai, Parantaka did not occupy Nanchilnad, but only marched his army from Kanyakumari to Travancore; nevertheless it must be conceded that he captured Vilinjam and Kandalur Salai during his march through these places. 32 Depending on the Kanyakumari inscription of Parantaka Pandya one cannot contradict the conclusion that the Pandya king was successful in his campaign against Nanchilnad and even against Kupaka, the Venad ruler. The loss of Nanchilnad in the South appreciably weakened the Chola power, which was soon dislodged by the Venad rulers. 33 Travancore andvenad Rulers The history of Nanchilnad during the transition from the Chola authority to that of the Venad rulers is covered by a thick mist of historical uncertainities. On the strength of an inscription on the Pandiyan Anai or the dam on the river Parali, Nagam Aiya records also mention the achievements of Kupaka ruler. This inscription and the records tell that a Kupaka ruler conquered Kottar and seized the whole of Travancore in The later part of the twelfth century, Ravi Varma Kulasekhara ( A.D.) of Quilon, not only brought the whole of Kerala under 32 Pillai K.K., op. cit., p Kerala Soceity Papers, Vol. III., Series 4, pp Nagam Aiya V., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. I, New Delhi, 1906, p

10 his sway, but also took advantage of the internecine quarrels of the Pandyas and the hopeless effect of the Cholas to push his conquests as far as the Chengelpet District and crown himself Emperor of the whole of South India. Ravi Varma was also a distinguished poet and patron of letters. He was popular as Samgramdhira or firm in battle. The possessions of Venad, however, were lost in the deluge of the Mohammedan inroad that swept the Carnatic shortly after. 35 But when Kampana of Vijayanagar drove the Mohammedans from Trichinopoly and Madurai in 1371 A.D. and the Pandyas returned to power, it became possible for Venad once again to extend her conquests as far as Kayal, a sea-port in the Tinnevelly District in the middle of the fifteenth century, as testified to by the Mohammedan traveller Abdur Razzack. Udaya Marthanda Varma surnamed Bhutalavira, who ruled over Venad at the beginning of the sixteenth century, was a sovereign of singular prowess and may not be aptly compared to Edward III of England. 36 He ruled over large portions of Tinnevelly and exacted tribute even from Ceylon. 37 He also married a Chola Princess, just as Ravi Varma had married a Pandyan princess in the fourteenth century and the Chola kings Parantaka I and Parantaka II had married Kerala princesses in the tenth century. A 35 Taylor W., Historical Manuscript Translation, Vol. I, Madras, 1951, p Ulloor Parameswara Aiyer S., Progress of Travancore under H.H. Sreemoolam Tirunal, Trivandrum, 1989, p Ladislas Michael, Francis Xavier, Kandi, 1910, pp and William Vogan, Malabar, Vol.I, Madras, 1951, p

11 treaty was also entered into with the Portuguese in 1516 A.D., this being the first treaty of Travancore with a European power. 38 In 1532 A.D., Achyuta Raya of Vijayanagar over-ran South Travancore, and Venad had to make peace with the great Hindu Empire. 39 In 1544 A.D., there was another invasion of Travancore by Vittala Deva, son of Rama Raya of Vijayanagar, apparently for the recovery of the tribute left in arrears by Venad and with a view to chastise her for being an ally of Portugal. 40 The impending calamity was averted by a timely peace with Vittala. When the Nayaks of Madurai stepped into the shoes of the Vijayanagar kings after the eventual overthrow of the latter at the battle of Talaikotta in 1565 A.D. Muthuvirappa Nayak in 1606 A.D. and the great Tirumalai Nayak himself in 1635 A.D. led expeditions against Travancore. 41 It is said that Francis Xavier, the Catholic priest and missionary marched in front of the Travancore army with a crucifix in his hand and his sudden appearance produced a panic in the ranks of the enemy. The enemy was beaten back with great loss. The Maharaja received Francis Xavier and said, They call me the great king, but hereafter for ever they will call you the Great Father Velu Pillai T.K., The Travancore State Manual, Vol. II, Trivandrum, 1996, p Ibid., pp Diocese of Kottar, Directory 1983, Nagercoil, 1982, pp Panikkar K.M., Asia and Western Dominance, Newyork, 1922, pp Abraham M.V., A Concise history of Travancore, Tiruvalla, 1942, p.4. 33

12 During the reign of Unni Kerala Varma, Thirumalai Nayak of Madurai sent an army to invade Travanore about the close of 1634 A.D. Eravi Kutti Pillai, the matchless soldier, was the commander of the Travancore army. He fought bravely to the last though he was treacherously attacked by an assassin from behind. His head was to be sent to Thirumalai Nayak, but one of his soldiers rescued it from the enemy and placed it before the Maharaja. The Maharaja attended his funeral procession and then called on the hero s mother and consoled her. As a result of the invasion, crops were destroyed, houses plundered and the ryots suffered heavily. The southern parts of Nanchilnad remained under the rule of the Nayaks for sometime more. Unni Kerala Varma granted to the English merchants a site for a factory at Vilinjam. 43 Travancore and the Feudal Nobility The feudal nobility in Travancore had become very powerful. The king s power was reduced to nothing. Sri Padmanabhaswami Temple at Trivandrum owned most of the lands in the State. 44 By a settlement, the management of the temple was assumed by a council consisting of eight Brahmin priests and the Maharaja. The Maharaja had only half a vote while the other councilors or Yogakkar had eight votes. The Yogakkar divided the 43 George Schurhammer, Francisce Xavier His Life and His Times, Vol.II, Rome, 1907, pp Elamkulam Kunjam Pillai P.N., Chila Kerala Charitra Prasnamgal (Malayalam), Kottayam, 1963, p

13 lands owned by the temple into eight districts. Over each district a nobleman was appointed for the collection of revenues. These noblemen came to be known as Ettuveettil Pillamar Lords of the Eight House K.M. Panikkar in his Malabar and the Dutch says: During the reign of Rajah Aditya Varma who ruled from 1661 to 1677 A.D. the feudal anarchy in the State took the most violent forms. The palace of the Rajah was set fire to and later on the ruler himself was poisioned. 45 As there was no male heir to Aditya Varma, Umayammai, the Queen of Attingal, succeeded to the throne. Attingal was one of the five branches of the Trippappu family. The others were Travancore Desinganad, Elayadathu Swaroopam and Nedumangadu. 46 A Mughal soldier of fortune known as Mukilan invaded the southern part of Travancore in 1680 A.D. The invasion is known as Mukilan padai (Mughals invasion). The Yogakkar and Pillamar did not oppose him. Manakad. 47 He therefore advanced on Trivandrum and encamped at The Rani herself left the capital. Thus the Mughal soldier became the master of the country between Thovalai and Edava. The Rani appealed for help to Kerala Varma, the Raja of Kottayam. Prince Kerala Varma was a great soldier and great poet. He collected a large army and defeated the Mughal chief at Thiruvattar. Mukilan fell down in the battle. 45 Travancore Dynastic Records, Kerala Society Papers, Series 6, Trivandrum, pp Ibid., 47 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit., p

14 After restoring the Rani to her former position, he built two palaces at Trivandrum and lived in one of them. But Kerala Varma was assassinated in his palace by the agents of the Ettuveetil Pillamar. Umayammai Rani was a famous and fabulous queen in Travancore History. In 1684 the English East India Company obtained permission from her to build a factory at Anjengo. 48 The English had established their factories in Travancore viz., Anjengo, Vilinjam and Kovalam. The Dutch East India Company which was formed in 1502 had progressed steadily. They formed many settlements on the Malabar Coast after driving the Portuguese from most of their possessions. In 1653, they drove the Portuguese from Cochin. The Portuguese influence disappeared from Malabar by the year 1663 and the Dutch became masters of the entire commerce of Malabar. By 1664 A.D., the Dutch had concluded treaties of alliance with the chief princes in Travancore viz., the Rajas of Kayamkulam, Travancore, Quilon, Porakad and Kottarakarai. The main object of these alliances was to secure a monopoly for the trade in pepper and opium. The chief Dutch settlements in Travancore about 1667 were Quilon, Kayamkulam, Purakad, Karunagappalli and Thengappattinam Shungunny Menon P., History of Travancore, Madras, 1878, p Letter to Batavia, 12 th May 1741, also Gallati, The Dutch in Malabar, (n.d), Madras, 1878, p

15 Rulers of Travancore Ravi Varma, the youngest surviving son of Umayammai Rani having attained his 16 th year was crowned king in 1684 A.D. Two princes Unni Kerala Varma and two princesses were adopted from the Kolath family. Ravi Varma was an able ruler. He defeated and annihilated the Nayak army of Madurai that attacked Travancore Kingdom. 50 When the news of the disaster reached Mangammal, the Queen Regent at Madurai, sent her minister Narasappa with a large army to Travancore in 1697 A.D. and Maharaja s army gallantly defended the country. 51 The Madurai army was not able to defeat the Travancore forces. Narasappa then plundered the outlying portions of Nanchilnadu. Unni Kerala Varma, the elder of the princes adopted from Kolathunad, succeeded Ravi Varma. He was weak and unpopular; the people looked upon him as a stranger. The pillamar became so powerful that the king removed his residence to Neyyatinkarai. 52 Rani of attingal a sandy spit of land at Anjengo for the location of a factory. In 1690 they also obtained permission to build a fort at Anjengo. The fort was completed in The acquisition of Anjengo was a substantial gain to the English, for the place commanded the line of water communication to the north and provided ample facilities for trade. 53 A 50 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp Gallati, The Dutch in Malabar, Madras, 1878, p Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp Anjengo Consulations, Vol.III A, 1750, p.3 37

16 depot for military stores was also opened here and before long Anjengo developed into the most omport English possession on the west coast next only to Bombay. It also provided a convenient foothold from where the English East India Company could extend its sphere of influence in south and central Kerala. However, the grant of concession to the English at Anjengo provoked of concession the wroth of the local population and in 1697 the factory at Anjengo was subjected to a violent attack by the local people, but it proved abortive. 54 In April 1723 A.D., a formal treaty was concluded between the English East India Company and the king of Travancore. It may be mentioned that this is "the first treaty negotiated by the English East India Company with an Indian State". Under the provisions of this treaty, the chief of the Trippappur Swarupam undertook to construct a fort at Colachel for the English at his own cost and the company undertook to supply the artillery and ammunitions of war for the fort. 55 This treaty which laid the foundations of friendship between Travancore and the English East India Company was signed by Prince Marthanda Varma and Dr. Alexander Orme, the commender of Anjengo, representing the two parties. In August 1723 A.D., Dr. Alexender Orme formally communicated to the Raja the Company's willingness to render all help to him in suppressing the power of 54 English Factories in India, Kerala Society Papers, Vol.I & II, 1997, p.45 38

17 the pillamar and the fendal nobility. 56 In 1726 A.D., the Rani of Attingal gave the English the site for a factory at Edava. The policy of friendship and alliance between the English and Travancore was further developed during the reign of Marthanda Varma. Unni Kerala Varma died in 1724 A.D. He was succeeded by his brother Rama Varma. 57 In 1726, Rama Varma on the advice of his nephew Prince Marthanda Varma was arrived at the most important dicision in the history of Travancore. This was to pay homage and allegiance to the new Mughal Governor of the Carnatic and to seek his aid for the destruction of the Yogakkar and Pillamar. 58 With this object, the king went to Trichi and entered into a treaty with the Governor of the Carnatic. He agreed to pay an annual tribute of Rs.3000/- to the Nawab of Carnatic. The Nawab took him under his protection and sent an army of 2000 infantry and 1000 cavalry to crush the refractory nobles. The Maharaja was to meet the expenses of the army which was to remain under his orders. The Pillamar and the Yogakkar fled for their lives. In 1728 A.D., a party of men sent by the Ettuveetil Pillamar attacked the senior Rani and her little son Rama Varma on their way from 56 Ibid., V.I., p.6, & Travancore Archaeological Report for , p.50, 57 Kusuman, K.K., A History of Trade and Commerce in Travancore, New Delhi, 1987, pp Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p

18 Trivandrum to Attingal. 59 The Rani s consort, Kerala Varma Koil Thampuran, saved them by sacrificing his life. He belonged to the Kilimanur House. The Kilimanur Estate was conferred upon the Koil Thampuran s family as a free-hold grant in recognition of his heroic services to the Royal family. Rama Varma died in The early history of Travancore closes with his reign. 60 Marthanda Varma and the Modern Travancore Travancore attained its territorial configuration during the reign of Maharaja Marthanda Varma ( A.D.) who enlarged the kingdom of Venad, consolidated the royal authority, reorganized administration and founded the modern Travancore. He reintroduced the land tax in When the kingdom expanded and administration became unwieldy, the Maharaja formed a ministry, headed by Dewan. Administration was now centralized. In addition, he shifted his capital from Thiruvitamcode to Padmanabhapuram in Marthanda Varma modernized administration but along with it, the State was transformed into a Hindu State, where Brahmins reigned supreme. 61 To quote the words of his illustrious descendants, the late His Highness Visakham Tirunal Maharaja, as great in letters as his ancestor had 59 Ibid. pp Kunjan Pillai, Annathe Keralam (Malayalam), Kottayam, 1965, p The Martas State Directory, Cochin, 1934, No.VIII, p.3., Travancore Land Revenue Manual, Vol.IV, p

19 been in arms. Marthanda Varma succeeded to a heritage as thorny as it was poor. The feeble rule of a series of his predecessors had fostered the greedy of the surrounding chieftains and the turbulence of internal malcontents to such an extent that their kingdom was almost a misnomer and their authority little better than a mockery. But Marthanda Varma was one of those whom the world produced, but at rare intervals. He was born to command and conquer. He had the best of schooling, that of hardship he had the best of teachers- foes". He was served by one of the ablest of ministers (Ramayyan Dalwa). Sully did not serve Henry IV of France more ably and faithfully as Ramayyan did Marthanda Varma. 62 The Baron de Rosny was the very man to remedy this state of matters; rude, obstinate and haughty, but at the same time resolute, active, indefatigable and wholly devoted to his master s interests. Ramayyan was unrelenting, unsparing and often unscrupulous to his master s enemies, but himself was merged completely in that of his master. He was as fearless in the council room as he was in the battlefield. With such a minister at his right hand, and with a strong will, abiding patience, and indomitable courage, the Raja not only won back what his predecessors had lost, but subjugatd one after another the neighbouring chiefs who were a perpetual source of trouble Accompaniments to the Letters from Coromandal, , Notes on Travancore, Madras. 63 Ulloor S. Parameswara Aiyer, op. cit, p

20 The Maharaja, assisted by Ramayyan Dalawa, his trusted minister, added Attingal to Travancore, conquered the principalities of Kottarakkara, Quilon, Kayamkulam, Ambalapuzha (Chempakasserry), Tekkumkur and Vadakkumkur, and severely defeated the Dutch at Colachel, compelling them to conclude a treaty with him at Mavelikara in 1753, under which they agreed to recede from all engagements entered into by them with other Malabar princes and on no account to interfere in their quarrels. 64 The 1741 battle fought at Colachel gave a shock treatment to the Dutch designs in Kerala. 65 The Dutch thought of packing themselves off from the Kerala coast after this battle. This is the first defeat of a European power at the hands of an Asian power Travancore. The Zamorin of Calicut was repulsed and treaties were entered into with the Raja of Cochin and the Nawab of the Carnatic. This remarkable career of conquest and annexation was followed by consolidation and reform. The suppression of internal dissensions and the establishment of peace had been accomplished from one end of the country to the other, from Cape Comorin to Mamala near Udayamperoor in Cochin, but the order thus restored could not be considered stable in view of sedition within and jealously without. 66 He resolved to signalize his reign by a great act of State. On the 17 th January 1750, he publicly dedicated the entire territory to his family Deity Sri Padmanabha. This epoch making 64 Velu Pillai T.K., op. cit. pp Shungunny Menon P., op. cit, p Cover File No.15184, Boundary Disputes, Correspondence between Maharaja Veera Kerala Verma of Cochin and Colonel Munro register 1811 to

21 event was one of supreme significance in his devotion. It meant the collection of revenue in the name of God and the expenditure of the same in the interests of the people. 67 The solemn religious character thus stamped on the constitution of the State has never been lost sight of by his successors on the throne, every one of whom has loyally and faithfully striven to discharge the sacred trust. 68 Travancore and the British Maharaja Marthanda Varma was, in every sense, a great ruler, but the crucial test of his greatness lay in the attitude of faith and friendship which he adopted towards Englishmen. The English had established a factory at Vizhinjam in about 1644 A.D., followed by another at Ruttera (Valiyaturai) a few years later. In 1684, they obtained a piece of land at Anjengo from the Rani of Attingal, where a factory was built in These concessions exasperated the malcontents, who apprehended a check to her career of organized brigandage in the presence of those powerful foreigners. They attacked the Anjengo factory in 1697 and murdered the foreigners in 1721 A.D Selections from the Records of Travncore, Part.I, p.16, Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp Selections from the Records of Travancore, Part.II, Trivandrum, p Ulloor S. Parameswara Aiyer, op. cit., p Anjengo Factory Records, and Diaries, Vol.V, Part.I, p

22 The English in their turn resolved to put down all enemies and subject the country to the ruling dynasty. A spirit of mutual attachment thus grew up between the Maharaja of Travancore and the English East India Company, which was strengthened by the helpful solicitude of Marthanda Varma. In 1757, in a letter to the Governor of Madras, he is found referring to the Company as his old and faithful friend from whom he was receiving great favour. 71 How sincere he was in the profession of this friendship may be seen from the solemn and prophetic death-bed advice that he gave to Rama Varma, the heir apparent to the throne, in the very next years. He called his heir to his bed-side and advised him with all the emphasis he could command. There Englishmen appear to be destined to rise to such power and glory as are hitherto unparalleled. Let it be your constant aim and endeavor to secure their friendship and support. 72 The subsequent history of Travancore has proved how far this advice has been cherished by the Maharajas of Travancore as their most priceless heir-loom. His successor Karthikai Thirunal Rama Varma (Dharma Raja) reigned during the period 1758 and During the fag end of his rule, he entered into a treaty of perpetual alliance with the English East India Company in It was he who permanently transferred the capital from Padmanabhapuram to Trivandrum. He was assisted by two able ministers Ayyappan Marthandan Pillai and Raja Kesavadhas. 71 Panikkar K.M., History of Kerala ( ) Annamalai Nagar, 1960, p Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p

23 Balarama Varma ( A.D.) the weak successor of Karthikai Thirunal Rama Varma came under the influence of the three ministers, Jayanthan Sankaran Nambudiri, Sankaranarayana Chetti and Mathu Tharakan. 73 These ministers raised forced contributions from the people to improve the finance of the State. The most important event that occurred during this period was the rise and fall of Velu Thampi. Velu Thampi supported by large body of men revolted openly against the practice of exhorting money from the people. As a result, the Dewan was suspended. Velu Thampi became the Dewan of Travancore in During this period, a revolt in the barracks forced Travancore to conclude a modified treaty of alliance and friendship with the East India Company and to become a subsidiary ally. 74 As per the treaty of 1805, Travancore had to pay a tribute of Rs. 80,000 annually to the Company. The insistence on prompt payment in spite of a bankrupt economy forced Velu Thampi to raise the banner of revolt along with Paliath Achan, the Dewan of Cochin who also came into conflict with the Resident on grounds of interference of the company in the internal affairs of his State. The uprising was crushed and Velu Thampi committed suicide in With his death, Travancore practically lost its independent status even its army was disbanded. From then onwards the British interest 73 Panikkar K.M., op. cit., p Sobhanan B., Dewan Velu Thampi and the British, Trivandrum, 1978, pp Agur C.M., Church History of Travancore, Madras, 1903, pp

24 became the main plank of the administration. All succeeding Rajas and Dewans were satisfied with one aspect of sovereignity, viz, the internal sovereignity. 76 It was in the year 1810 that Colonel Munro took up office as British Resident in the court of the Raja of Travancore. He was expected to render yeoman service to the cause of the consolidation of British power in Travancore and this was expressed by A. Falconer, the Chief Secretary to the Madras Government, in his letter to Colonel Munro informing him of his appointment as Resident on 23 rd March 1810, The nature of the past transactins and the existing state of affairs in that quarter render the situation of the Resident in the court of Travancore in a high degree important, difficult and delicate, and His Lordship in Council is satisfied that, in selecting an officer possessing all the requisite qualifications for an office so arduous, he fully provides for the public interests in confiding his trust to you. 77 Within a few years he had by cautious, enlightened, intelligent, and liberal policies thrust Travancore on a new course. His period was one of great activity and progress to which the people trace the origin of everything good in the state and considered it the golden age of Travancore Company Government Proclamation, dated 17 th January, Fort St. George, Ulloor Parameswara Aiyer S., Colonel Munro, Kerala Society Papers, Vol.II, Series 7, (November, 1931) p Ibid., 46

25 When Munro came to Travancore in Octorber 1810 A.D., he found the Maharaja Balaramavarma, a weak ruler, overshadowed by Ummini Tampi, who had been appointed Dewan on 15 th March 1810 A.D. He saw that the country was in a state of extreme anarchy and confusion. No progress had been made nor any disposition manifested to secure by a system of Judiciary and retrenchment the means of retrieving the Rajas affairs. 79 The State had to pay a heavy debt to the Company towards the expense incurred by the military operations of the Madras Government consequent on the insurrection of Velu Thampi in A.D. Besides, even the annual subsidy due to the Comapany had fallen into arrears. 80 The Dewan Ummini Tampi, failed to adopt measures for tiding over the crisis and the immediate interference of the paramount power was becoming increasingly imperative. 81 The death of Balaramavarma on 7 th November 1810 A.D. made Rani Lekshmi Bai ascend the throne in 1810, which ushered in a new change. 82 Her Highness Lekshmi Bai Her Highness Lekshmi Bai commenced her reign in a manner quite different from that of her predecessor, and which could scarcely have 79 Minutes of Evidence taken before the selected committee on the Affairs of East India Company (ordered by the House of Commons to be printed, 16 August 1831) VI Political, p Ibid., 81 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p Gopala Panikkar P.T.K., Malabar and its Folk, Madras, 1900, p

26 been expected from two persons of her age and sex. Though young, Her Highness was possessed of a cultivated mind, was gifted with a sound judgement, had sagacity to discern what was good for her kingdom, and to adopt such measures as were calculated for its improvement. She possessed an additional advantage in being wedded to Rajah Raja Varmah, Koil Thampuran of Changanacherry, who was an accomplished Sanskrit scholar, well versed in the institutes of Manu, as well as in all the Puranas. Thampuran, who was only a year older than his royal consort, was the best counselor of Her Highness in all matters, both domestic and public. 83 Her Highness's good qualities are too numerous to be described here, and the writer thinks that he would not be to do justice in the narration, where he had to undertake such a task for, his inquires lead him to the conclusion that a full volume might be written regarding the life and career of this accomplished Rani, though her reign lasted only for a short period. 84 Her Highness, young as she was, had observed the weak points of her deceased uncle s character the self-interested proceedings of Dewan Ummani Thambi, the disorganized state of the Government resulting from the mismanagement of affairs, and therefore Her Highness was most anxious to correct these evils, and which alone she knew the credit of her Government could be regained and the welfare of her subject promoted. 83 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., p Ibid., 48

27 With this view, Her Highness resolved to entrust the Government of her kingdom into the hands of Colonel Munro, the Resident of Travancore. 85 Rani Lekshmi Bai commenced her glorious reign in a manner quite different from her predecessor. 86 She declared her perfect reliance on and respect towards the Company and placed herself under the guidance and support of it whose bosom had been an asylum for the protectin of an infant like Travancore. Since the time Sri Padmanabha Swami had effected an alliance with such a respectable company of the European nation. 87 Rani Lekshmi Bai entrusted everything connected with Travancore into the hands of Munro and called him her elder brother, 88 which changed the course of the history of Travancore. Ummini Thampi After her accession to the throne, she wanted to dispense with the services of Ummini Thampi, the Dewan whose incapacity and vices brought the affairs of the country to the greatest disorder and confusion, and had destroyed and ruined the inhabitants by his injustice and extortions. 89 She wrote a letter to the Resident censuring the Dewan: "The Dewan 85 Taylor W., op. cit., p Shungunny Menon P., op. cit. p Memorandum delivered by the Principal Tampuratty to the Resident, For.Pol.Proc., Fort William, 10 th January 1815, Sl.No.377, No.6, FF Letter from Colonel Munro to the Chief Secretary to the Government, Fort St. George, dated 12 th October 1812, Ibid., pp Letter from Rani Lakshmi Bai to Colonel Munro, Fort William, 17 th July 1818, No.F

28 appointed for the affairs of the country should in all his proceedings manifest attachment to the Rajah, to me, and to the people but he acts contrary to this principle in a manner calculated to inspire fear and distrust both in my mind and among the people. On this account, it is incumbent on the Company to sanction such as arrangement as may conduce to my satisfaction and to the prosperity of the country. 90 She complained to the Resident that the Dewan was endeavouring to excite disorders and troubles. She sent a letter on 15 th April, 1811 A.D. requesting the Resident to protect and help her. She concluded the letter evoking sympathy, thus: As I am a woman, it is not becoming to write more: but I earnestly trust that my wishes may be taken into serious consideration, and the present Dewan may be removed from office. 91 Munro felt that the removal of Ummini Tampi was essential to the restoration of order and improvement of the State. Therefore, he took steps to that end. With the approval of the Madras Government, the Dewan was relieved from office. The Rani then requested Munro to assume charge of the administratin and conduct the duties of the Dewan along with that of the 90 Memorandum delivered by the Principal Tampuratty to the Resident. 10 th January 1815, No.6, p Letter from Rani Lakshmi Bai to the Resident, dated 6 th April 1811, 24 July 1812, No.16, pp

29 resident. She dismissed Ummini Tampi and in his place appointed Colonel Munro as her Dewan. 92 Colonel Munro - the first Resident Colonel Munro found no person qualified for the office of Dewan in the State. The British Government repeatedly declared their anxiety to rescue Travancore from the difficulties in which it was involved, and to maintain the integrity, independence and dignity of the State as a British ally. Munro was sincerely solicitous to second these benevolent views. 93 Therefore he found nothing unjust in assuming the powers of Dewan, and he thought of using that power to conduct the affairs of Travancore to the object of promoting in common with the interests of England, the permanent prosperity and happiness of the people of Travancore. 94 Likewise, the arrangement announced by the Supreme Government of assuming, the entire management of the revenues and administration of the country was to him harsh and severe step considering the interests of Travancore and England wanted to avoid it. It appeared to my judgement that the temporary employment of the Resident as Dewan was the most efficacious and unobjectionable measure that would be adopted for that purpose. It would combine the requisite degree of authority 92 Shungunny Menon P., op. cit., pp Letter from Colonel Munro to the Chief Secretary to the Government, Fort St. George, dated, 7 th March 1818., Ibid., 17 th July 1818, No.20 F.31; Letter from Rani Parvati Bayi to the Resident, dated 26 Tye 992 (1817). Ibid, p Ibid., 51

30 in the executive administration with the preservation of the general form of the Government, and the power and dignity of the Rajah, and could be discontinued at once when the objects of its adoption had been fulfilled." 95 The persuasions of the Rani went beyond all expectations. She had stated in her letter to Munro, requesting to assume the administration, that, there was no person in Travancore that she wished to elevate to the office of Dewan and that her own wishes were that the Resident should superintend the affairs of the country as she had a degree of confidence in his justice, judgement and integrity, which she could not place in the conduct of any other person. She added that she regarded the resident as her brother and was convinced that the Resident should always act for the good of herself and her people. 96 There was no alternative for Munro except to take the entire administration of Travancore on his shoulders. In the words of Munro: I know no person in the country qualified for the situation of Dewan, and the history of the transactions in Travancore for the last ten years would not admit of my placing much confidence in the conduct of any Dewan that might be nominated to office, for of two Dewans appointed by the British influence, one was guilty of open rebellion against its authority and the other of numerous instances of mismanagement and oppression. It appears 95 Letter from Rani Parvati Bayi to the Resident, dated 26 th Tye 992 (1817) FF Nagam Aiya V., Kerala Society Papers, Vol.II, series, 7 th November, 1931, p.69, op. cit.,vol.i, p

31 therefore to be desirable that the office of Dewan should be discontinued, and that the Resident should superintend the administration of affairs, if that measure should be agreeable to the wishes of Her Highness the Rani and of the people. I had the best reasons for knowing that the measure would be highly acceptable to Her Highness and to a great majority of the people and its adoption was further recommended by a variety of considerations drawn from the past history and actual situation of Travancore. The history of this country exhibits a course of low intrigues, a jealous policy which could not be effectually suppressed under the administration of a Dewan and which might not only influence the Rajah s conduct, but foster a spirit of turbulence and faction in the country. The administration of Travancore has been capricious, oppressive and cruel and could not be radically corrected while it remained in the hands of a person located under its operation, and familiarized to its vices. The situatin of the country full of abuses, would be ameliorated, the attachment of the people secured, and future commotions prevented by the justice, moderation and humanity of an authority possessing the confidence of the Rani and acting under the immediate direction of the British Government. The introduction of this arrangement so conductive in my judgement to the future prosperity of Travancore was facilitated by exisiting circumstances for the evils long suffered under the Dewan and a general aversion to the administration of Ummini Tampi rendered the people desirous of being placed under the protectin of British 53

32 Justice. 97 The combination of the powers of Resident and Dewan in Colonel Munro gave him a free hand to use his sharp-edged zeal for social reform which was very much needed in Travancore. 98 A very keen observer of men and things, Colonel Munro studied the character of the people of Travancore and formed his own opinion about them. It was in no way a favourable one at the same time it was injurious to Travancore s prestige and dignity to a very great extent. The undisputed success of Munro in Travanore lay in his correct understanding of the people and affairs of the State. 99 He thought that it was his duty to change this set up, which came into being as a result of long course of internal misrule and agitation and continued alternations of sanguinary and unqualified tyranny on the part of the sovereign and of turbulence, treachery and revolt on that of the people. 100 He stepped into the arena to lay the foundation of a modern Travancore, entirely different from that of the past, with a correct understanding and proper assessment of the character and manners about the people Nagam Aiya V., op. cit., Vol. I, pp Cover File, 13401, Education Sastri and Upadhyaya Examinations, 1814, p Pillai K.K., op. cit., p Letter from Colonel Munro to Chief Secretary to Government, Fort St. George, dated 7 th March 1818., Ibid., 17 July 1818, No.20, pp Ibid., pp

33 The savage idea of suppression did not appeal to Munro. He approached problems in a very liberal, enlightened and humanitarian manner: The principle of my proceedings was to conciliate both the Rajah and the people, and this could be accomplished only by conferring authority, dignity and revenues should be maintained unimpaired and especially that the burdens of the country should be speedily removed and to please the people it was requisite that the oppressions, the onerous imposts, and ruinous monoplies under which of course decrease the revenues, and paying the means of debt. 102 But it was not an easy task for him to attain all that was in his mind. He was confronted with a government which was feudal in character and outline. It was not of the people, by the people and for the people, but of the privileged, for the privileged and by the privileged. The Raja contended himself mainly with the protection of the Kingdom from external enemies while real power was shared among a number of petty chiefs. The supreme feudal lord was the Raja whose authority was limited and controlled by the feudal aristocracy. 103 Their power consisted in the number of their followers and dependents who were at their reach always. 104 In the old feudal days, the political and social powers were blended and chieftaincy was the symbol of this combined 102 Padmanabha Menon P., History of Kerala, Vol.I, Ernakulam, 1924, p Ward and Conner Lts., Memoir of the Survey of Travancore and Cochin, Trivandrum, 1994,, Vol.I, p Gopala Panikkar K., Asia and Western Dominance, Newyork, 1922, pp

34 authority. The chieftains exercised such power that they could give life or death. People paid dearly for their delinquencies. On the slightest provocation and often at the despotic aim of those in authority they were decapitualated. 105 The feudal chieftains who were mostly Nairs 106 had separate estates and rights set apart for them by their feudal lords in return for services they were obliged to render the latter when required. The chiefs held their lands on feudal tenure undertaking to follow their liegelords at the head of their men to defend them whenever necessary. The whole Nayar community formed the milita of the land, liable to be called for active service by the feudal chiefs at any moment. There were no standing armies then. 107 This reservation of rights, privileges and liabilities made the feudal chieftains big land owners invested with powers of oppression and domination in the country. Thus through the powers which they wielded as landlords, the chieftains managed to indulge in an effective exercise of an unquestioned social supremacy inside their feudal jurisdiction so that, it is tempted irresistibly to reflect upon the likelihood of safety remaining for such downtrodden people if the scepter of political authority were also wielded by such despots Journal of the Royal Anthropological Society, Vol.LXXXII, 1952, p Ibid., 107 Padmanabha Menon K.P., op. cit., Vol.I. p Gopala Panikkar K., op. cit., p