Is Horatian allusion to Alexandrian poets, such as Callimachus, a means of refusing to compose state poetry?

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1 Is Horatian allusion to Alexandrian poets, such as Callimachus, a means of refusing to compose state poetry? This essay will discuss the nature of allusivity and whether it may be used as more than the purpose of placing oneself of the literary genre. Essential to this argument will be the establishment of the specific characteristics of the neoteric genre, such as the short, finelycrafted poem. I will examine the literary and socio-political context in which the neoteric poet Horace writes and find that he uses his predecessors and Alexandrian aesthetic as a means of recusatio directed at Maecenas, his patron, and the Roman state. In addition to his explicit recusationes, Horace repeatedly uses the idea of his unsuitability for epic verse and his shape-shifting nature to the same effect. This essay will use Callimachus as the primary influence on the neoteric poets. Yet it is crucial that we define what constitutes the Callimachean aesthetic and how Horace finds his place among the neoteric school. In order to do this, we will require discussion over the intentions behind both Horace s use of genre and his Italian predecessors. We see Horace and many of his contemporaries use recusatio in their poetry, and we find one notable feature of their careers in common: they are writing during the reign of the young emperor Augustus, and many seem to be under the patronage of Maecenas, Augustus political advisor. Thus, we must examine the extent of the effect that the socio-political environment has on the poetry of those composing is the first century BC. First, it is essential that we have understanding of the Callimachean aesthetic, so that we are able to find its traces in later Latin verse. Callimachus was a poet active in Alexandria in the third century BC and thus operated after Homer and the great Tragedians Aeschylus, Sophocles, and Euripides. Homer wrote of grand themes, working in the epic genre and many such themes find a place among Tragedy, such as Aeschylus three-part tragedy, the Oresteia which details the murder of Agamemnon, a Greek general at Troy. It is therefore possible that Callimachus suffered severely from Bloom s concept of the anxiety of influence and felt forced into a new genre, that of the artful and small-scale. In his renowned Aetia preface, we see the lines It is not mine to thunder; that belongs to Zeus and Do not drive your chariot upon the common tracks of others. Callimachus perhaps saw the epic and tragic genres too much exhausted and done with such a skill that he felt it impossible to include himself among his predecessors, though I do not wish to indulge in conjecture at this point. During his lifetime, the native of the Greek colony Cyrene migrated to Alexandria and, under the patronage of King Ptolemy II Philadelphus, was given access the Library of Alexandria. This led to his powerful contribution to the Alexandrian school of poetry, with a more subtle and erudite approach to verse, which favoured the densely crafted and short poem. The most famous of his works, the Aetia, may be translated into English as the causes. In it, he details the origins of many societal features such as peculiar customs and festivals (the Aetia would later come to be the inspiration for Ovid s Fasti). This is an example of the documenting of subjects that would otherwise go undocumented, a notable

2 feature in this new poetry. Callimachus sparks a change from tales of gods and heroes to the mundane and trivial in classical poetry. Following in the same genre, Catullus is perhaps the most noteworthy of the Latin neoteric poets. Catullus, Calvus and Cinna were preeminent in the neoteric school and approved of the poetry which Callimachus championed two hundred years earlier. The word neoteric originates from the Greek word νεωτερος, and later Cicero was mockingly to call this avant-garde group neoterici 1. This label further suggests that, since all these poets may be closely grouped, they have a set of similar distinctive characteristics, which may be mocked by Cicero. We find in Catullus poem 1 the words lepidum novum libellum expolitum which praise his own work for extremely Callimachean virtues a neat, new, polished little book. I shall dissect each word individually. lepidum is most likely a pun 2, closely referring to Callimachus Aetia preface where he uses the word λεπταλεος (fine or delicate); novum refers to the genre the neoteric poets were labelled poetae novi due to their avant-garde attitude to their craft: their poems went against the norms of praise and epic verse; labellum is a word characteristic of Catullus since it features his favoured diminutive ending -llum, but also harkens back to Callimachus in the reference to the shorter length of poem displayed by the Alexandrian school, thus Catullus closely associates himself with his chosen predecessors; finally expolitum seems literally to explain the appearance of the book itself, but must also describe the style of the poems within finely wrought objects, many times revised. Moreover, Catullus condemns those of his contemporaries who chose to compose epic. In both poems 36 and 95 we see reference to Volusius historical epic the Annales. The extremities of poem 36 read Annales Volusi, cacata charta (Volusius Annals, paper crap), the assonance and hard consonants highlighting Catullus disgust. Poem 95 does not relent either in its abuse in the lines at Volusi Annales Paduam morientur ad ipsam et laxas scombris saepe dabunt tunicas (And the Annals of Volusius will die by the Padua and often make loose clothing for mackerels), exclaiming that the only use for his epic is as food wrappers. By condemning others for their style, the poet both praises his own poetry and confirms his place within his genre. There is a similar figure to Volusius to be found in Horace s poetry. In the fourth satire, Lucilius is castigated by Horace because he used to dictate two hundred lines in one hour, standing on one foot. This is reinforced by satire 10 which draws contrast between Lucilius and Cato, who is favoured for being subtilior, and Horace states in line 10 that est brevitate opus (what s needed is brevity). Thus, we see praise of similar Callimachean virtues by similar techniques by both Horace and Catullus; however, as we will see, the two are subject to different pressures within their community. Horace was part of a group of poets under the patronage of Maecenas who in turn was political advisor to Augustus. Like Virgil, Horace had his homeland of Venusia removed from him as part of the land confiscations in which Virgil too was forced from Mantua. Later in his career, farmland was granted to him in the Sabine country by Octavian. Horace, who fought in the battle of Phillipi against Octavian, has much more reason to be 1 R. O. A. M. Lyne. (1978). The Neoteric Poets. The Classical Quarterly, 28(1), Arkins, B. (1988). The Freedom of Influence: Callimachus and Latin Poetry. Latomus, 47(2),

3 thankful to Octavian. It seems unlikely that this would have been given without the expectation of recompense. I think it unreasonable to suggest, as Dalzell 3 does, that when Maecenas encourages his clients to write epic, it is by way of compliment not condition of patronage. Dalzell concludes that the presence of recusatio among these poets, in some cases addressed to Maecenas himself, does not insist upon the historical fact of the patron having made commission to the client, but merely a placement in one s literary tradition. Whilst recusatio is prominent in some of Callimachus work, such as the Aetia preface, Dalzell does not seem to reach a satisfying conclusion. He argues instead that recusatio is nothing more than generic convention. There has been great scholarly contention over the interpretation of Horace are we to see him as the voice of Augustan poetry or as someone forced into writing political panegyric? My argument will hopefully see the latter come to light. It is true that Horace wrote the carmen saeculare for the Secular games in 17BC for Augustus, however this was a commission and surely it would be unwise to refuse the command of the emperor. Even when we do see praise of Augustus, there seems to be veiled ridicule behind it. A close examination of the simile in Odes 1.37 will yield evidence for his ridicule of Augustus. leporem citus venator in campis nivalis Haemoniae (a swift hunter after a hare on the snowy plains of Thessaly) depicts Augustus as an epic hero in hot pursuit of a helpless Cleopatra. This has been exaggerated, to say the least. In fact, the intense chase after Cleopatra lasted a year. This is very likely to be sarcastic in tone, thus ridiculing a potentially inept Augustus. One might potentially see Odes 1.6 as one of the clearest recusationes in Horace. We see him write nos, Agrippa, neque haec dicere conamur (I do not try to speak of these things, Agrippa). The things to which he refers are military matters of heroes such as the anger of Achilles. He abstains from writing a praise poem for Agrippa, which is so unashamedly addressed as to nearly eliminate all doubt of its commission, and confer the responsibility to Varius. He claims that he is tenues grandia (delicate for lofty subjects), here directly juxtaposing the two concepts of grandeur and fineness to emphasise his unsuitability for the epic genre. The recustatio comes not as an aggressive denial but a polite excuse. Horace s unsuitability for epic, and his use of this fact, likely finds its roots in Alcaeus. Alcaeus was an aristocratic, Lesbian poet alive in the seventh century BC, before Callimachus, and highly influential to Horace. Alcaeus, while fighting for control of Sigeion, purportedly threw away his shield and fled the battle. Horace claims to have done the same and, though many have taken this literally, this is likely a poetic motif used to express one s suitability for military affairs, a theme running throughout Horatian poetry. This can be reinforced by examination of the first stanza of Odes 2.12 in which we see the lines Siculum mare / Poeno purpureum sanguine mollibus / aptari citharae modis ([You d not wish] the Sicilian sea purple with Punic blood to be fitted to the soft ways of the lyre). Here, Horace contrasts two very different ideas the horrific image of a blood-saturated sea (made vivid 3 Jstor - Dalzell, A. (1956). Maecenas and the Poets. Phoenix, 10(4),

4 by the alliterative Poeno purpureum, which sonically describes the spurts of blood) and the peaceful image of a lyre. The lyre is the bard s tool and is thereby used here to symbolise Horace s poetic skill; it is presented as fine, delicate not to be harmed or adulterated with grand themes much like his poems themselves. Hence, we see that Horace has a rich variety of influence which fuels his allusiveness, an important characteristic of the Callimachean style. Having examined Horace s influences, we see that the notion of Alexandrianism and the Alexandrian, erudite attitude to verse is important. It is possible to make a link between this attitude and the difficulty in placing Horace s definite style and medium. The Parade Odes serve to illustrate this. The first few Odes of Book 1 all seem to be addressed to different people of different statuses the first is addressed to Maecenas; the second to Augustus; the third to Virgil; the sixth is a recusatio directed at Agrippa. What is more, the metre in each poem varies the first is composed in Asclepian metre; the second in sapphics; the third in Asclepiad (b), a variation on the first with alternating lines of Asclepiad and glyconic metre. The third, a farewell to Virgil, who leaves for Greece, takes the form of a propemptikon, a poetic format which, rather than addressing the one leaving, speaks to the ship which carries him and is typically disapproving in tone. Thereby, it is possible to see Horace experimenting with different forms and metres in this collection of Odes. Perhaps poetic mutability it an Alexandrian attribute. Proteus, many times mentioned in Homer as the Old man of the Sea, is a shape-shifting figure in mythology. Homer states his home to be located on the island of Pharos, near the coast of the Nile Delta in Northern Egypt. Proteus represents the ever-changing form and movement of the sea. It is therefore possible that Horace is alluding to an Alexandrian motif of elusiveness and difficulty to contain in one form. The very fact of this mutability could be a recusatio in itself a statement to Maecenas (or any other one who commissions him) that he will not willingly be assigned to one genre he cannot be forced into epic, but instead behaves like the sea: constantly avoiding control. The elegist Propertius may also be considered a Protean poet. In the fourth and final book of his elegies he leads a poetic tour around Rome. In poem 2 of this book, Propertius adopts the persona of a statue of the god Vertumnus. The elegy begins with the line Why marvel at the many forms of my one body?. This shape-shifting is once again a recusatio a refusal to restrict himself to one genre. This is concordant with the nature of the four books of his Elegies the first three concern love and erotica, the final is aetiological in subject. This final book, in its peculiar treatment of Rome as it jumps from institution to institution in a relatively arbitrary manner, may be a statement in itself to Augustus, suggesting that although Propertius is willing to write about Rome, he will treat it on his own terms. It is also worth comparing the manner of Horace s recusatio with those poets who were active in times similar to him, namely the love poets Ovid and Catullus. Rare for Catullus, he writes a recusatio in poem 68 addressed to Manlius. The request can be seen in lines 9 and 10 in me quoniam tibi dicis amicum, / muneraque et Musarum hind petis et Veneris (you say that I am your friend and ask me for gifts both of the Muses and of Venus). Alas, he cannot compose these gifts (his poetry) on account of his brother s death. There are two possibilities for the cause of this recusatio firstly, that Catullus tells

5 the truth and is in so much grief, he cannot possibly write poetry; or, that he uses this death as an excuse not to write poetry on commission. The crucial piece of evidence to support the latter lies in the word for friend, amicum this can be translated either as friend, or may be taken to mean patron/client. We do not know the definite identity of Manlius but he is presumably Manlius Torquatus 4, an aristocrat, who is having trouble with his love-life. The nature of the request is vague and has been interpreted in many ways: Is Manlius asking for a poem? Is he asking Catullus to find him a girl, or is he propositioning Catullus himself? Regardless, we see a refusal here to a potential patron using grief as a personal excuse. Catullus does not feign unsuitability. Ovid too uses an excuse in the first lines of his Amores. Poem 1 begins with Arma, a bold opening immediately bringing to mind the first words of Virgil s Aeneid, published three years before. This programmes the audience to think of epic themes of the arms and the man. Yet in the third line this is suddenly and unexpectedly undone by risisse Cupido (laughed Cupid), placed emphatically at the end of the line. The excuse has been made Cupid has shot Ovid with his arrows of love, so it would be impossible for Ovid to write about anything else. Ovid exonerates himself of all responsibility for not writing epic. Perhaps being a love poet offers more reason and excuses than it does being Horace, writing in a variety of structures and forms, for recusationes hence why Horace must turn to Callimachus and literary tradition for his own justification. Horace uses such literary predecessors as Callimachus and Alcaeus as a means of refusal, not just to mark himself as part of a particular genre. Horace s recusatio has an intended purpose beyond the general aesthetic conventions of the neoteric poets. This demonstrates the poet s reluctance to be forced into the confinement of writing epic or political panegyric. Many of these refusal poems are directed at Maecenas, his patron, or state officials, whom we may hence deduce are those who request that Horace write in a particular genre. This political pressure is perhaps not a factor to be considered in the work of Catullus, who composed half a century before Horace, Octavian and the reforms that the emperor imposed on Rome. References - R. O. A. M. Lyne. (1978). The Neoteric Poets. The Classical Quarterly, 28(1), Arkins, B. (1988). The Freedom of Influence: Callimachus and Latin Poetry. Latomus, 47(2), Lee, G. (1991). The Poems of Catullus. World Classics paperback. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Jstor - Dalzell, A. (1956). Maecenas and the Poets. Phoenix, 10(4), For more general information - en.wikipedia.org Lee, G. (1991). The Poems of Catullus. World Classics paperback. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 171.