CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION : IQTA SYSTEM

Transcription

1 Lesson 18 CENTRAL ADMINISTRATION : IQTA SYSTEM Introduction The iqta was a territorial assignment and its holder was designated muqti. A saljuqiar statesman of the eleventh century, Nizamu Mulk Tusi, gives us a classical view of the iqta as it developed just before the Ghorian conquests of northern India: Muqtis who hold iqta should know that they have no claim on the subject/ peasants (ri aya) other than that collecting from them in a proper manner the due tax mal (land tax)...if any muqti does any thing other than this they [the king ] should take away his power and resume his iqta... They [the muqti should in truth realize that the country and the peasantry (ra iyat), all belong to the Sultan, with the muqtis simply placed on their head. Nizamu l Mulk Tusi here emphasizes the fact that muqti s right is to collect and appropriate taxes especially land revenue, and there were certain obligations on the part of the muqtis to the sultan. The revenues he collected from the iqta were meant to provide him resources for fulfilling his obligations. The muqti was thus tax collector, army paymaster, and also commander rolled in to one. The area that the sultan did not give in iqta 1 was called khalisa; here the sultan s officials (amils) collected the land revenue directly for the royal treasury. Introduction of Iqta System in India (13 th century) When the Ghorians conquered India, the conquests were initially divided up among commanders who maintained themselves and their troops by plunder and collection of tribute. It shows that Ghorian conquerors were familiar with the practice of iqta assignments. The areas conquered by these commanders were later on designated as their iqtas, and their holders were called the muqtis; they were also called walis and their territorial assignments were called wilayats. After the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate, conditions largely remained the same. The Sultanate in its earlier phase has had yet to stabilize its monetary system. The only means of distributing salary to the officers was the assignment of land revenue. Land grants to collect revenue therefore became the order of the day. The other important reason for introducing iqta in India was to enable the sultans to demand a vast share of the surplus produce of the society. In iqta their assignees (Designated muqtis or wali) collected the kharaj and other taxes and maintained themselves and their troopers out of this sending the surplus to the centre. The sultans assigned iqtas to their nobles for their maintenance instead of cash salaries. Iqta system under Iltumish ( ) With the accession of Iltutmish in 1210, the iqta system seems to have become the mainstary of administrative organization of the Delhi Sultanate. During the 26 years of this reign ( ) the entire Sultanate from Multan to Lakhnauti was divided into big and small tracts of land called iqtas and were placed under the charge of officers designated as muqtai. Thus there were two categoies of iqtas, the iqta of provincial level and small iqtas in the form of certain villages. Iqtas at the provincial level were given to important nobles. They carried both revenue and administrative responsibilities. Small iqtas in the form of certain villages were given to ordinary soldiers directly employed by the Sultan in lieu of their salaries, In such iqtas the holders were 1. Irfan Habib Economic History of the Delhi Sultanete : An Essay in Interpretation Indian Historical Review, vol. IV, No. 3,

2 not entrusted any administrative or financial responsibilities. These small iqta-holders were generally called the iqtadars Barani mentions two thousand such iqtadars during the reign of Iltutnish. Thus during the thirteenth century, the Sultans assigned different regions, large as well as small, to different nobles, who were required to perform administrative, fiscal and military functions. The sultan saught to enlarge their own Khalisa. He is said to have appointed a slove of his as the Shahna of the Khalisa of Tabarhind (Bhatinda). Apparently Delhi and its surrounding distincts also were included in the Khalisa lead. Iqta system under Balban During the larger part of the thirteenth century the muqt is semm to have depended on tribute extorted from local potentates or plunder (in the form of cattle and slaves) from the mawasat or unsubjugated areas. Balban s expedition in the Doab and Katehr was essentially raids of the kind organized on a very large scale. He instituted an inquiry into the terms and tenure of the iqtas given to the Turkish soldiers in Doab which were given during Iltutmish s time. It was discovered that many of the original grantees were dead by this time; those who survived were too old and infirm to render any military service. They retained their hold on the iqta and claimed heredity rights over them. Balban held the other view. These iqta s he said, were given in lieu of military service. When the grantees discountinued to perform their part of obligations, the contract on the basis of which they held these iqta became null and void. The occupants of the iqta however argued that these lands were given to their ancestors by way of reward by the stale in the past and carried no obligation for the future. Balban refused to be guided by this logic. Though he made certain concessions in favour of these iqtadars at the intercession of Fnkhniddin, the kotwal of Delhi. The principle of hereditary iqta was definitely rejected by him and khwaja was appointed to watch and control the activities of the iqtadars. Iqta system under the Khaljis and Early Tughluqs The iqta underwent certain changes under these rulers. Prior to the last decade of the thirteenth century, the muqtis enjoyed all executive powers in the civil, military and financial administration. But afterwards they no longer remained in the absolute control of the iqta administration. In fiscal matters they were brought under the increasing control of the central government. They had to submit the account of revenue collection and expenditure. They could take only an agreed amount for themselves and their troops, and send the balance to, the sultan s treasur. The mode of payment of soldiers underwent a change at the hands of Alauddin Khalji. He abolished the small iqtas by which soliders of the sultan s army used to be paid and subsituted cash salaries. But as noted by Moreland, he left the large iqtas assigned to the commanders unaffected. Alauddin annexed the areas near capital in the Khalisa land. It now covered the whole of the middle Doab and parts of modern Rohilkhand. A fundamental alteration in the position of the iqta-holders took place during the period of the early Tughluqs. Ghiyasuddine Tughluq drew a line between the allotment of the revenues within an iqta for the personal income of the muqti and that for the payment of troops placed under his charge. The following pictures emerge from the instructions issued by him to the muqtis and walls as reparted by Barani. (i) A particular iqta was estimated officially to yield a minimum income, which was assumed to be appropriated in two portions : (a) the pay of the troops placed under the muqti and (b) The personal salary or income of the muqi. 4

3 (ii) Apparently, if more revenue was collected from the iqta than the minimum allowed for it was normally to be sent to the royal exchequer. (iii) The muqti could, however appropriate out of this excess upto 4 to 10 percent of the total amount of annual revenue at which his iqta was valued. This would be allowable, but not more than this. (iv) The muqti was not to appropriate any amount of the iqta income allotted to the troops. The next step was to separate the revenue and fiscal charge from the military charge altogether. This significant change seems to have come after the succession of Muhammad Tughluq. These fiscal responsibilities were now withdrawn from the muqti or wali and put under different officers. According to Ibn Battuta the iqta of Amroha was under two officers, one designated as amir, presumably the incharge of the army and the civil administration and the other was Revenue collector. The farming out of iqta on estimated fixed amount annually also began under Muhammad bin Tughluq and could only have been possible if the two charges were separated. He gave the iqta of Kara to Nizam Mian Bhangari in lieu of a few lakh tankas. Shihab Sultani was another person who had the iqta of Bidar and the adjoining areas from Muhammad bin Tughluq in muqti for one crore of tankas to be paid in the three years. The contract of the centre over the iqta appears to have receded under Firozshah Tughluq. He was compelled to grant concessions to his nobles, allowing for inheritance as well as nontransfer of assignments. He restored the system of payment of soldiers by land assignments now called Wajh. It is possible that when applied to muqti s troops it encouraged sub-assignment by the muqitis and made central intervention in the administration of iqta to protect the interest of the troops very difficult. Thus the double government (central intervention and muqtis administration) in the iqta which is noticed under Muhammad bin Tughluq no longer appears under Firozshah Tughluq. Some traits of the Iqta system as it developed under the Delhi Sultans 1. The geographical distribution of iqta during the period under study seems to be of peculiar nature. We find that the smaller iqta were generally concentrated in region around Delhi and bigger ones tended to spread towards the peripheral areas. Since number of small iqta were concentrated around Delhi and very few extending over the larger zones, they were unevenly spread throughtout the Sultanate. 2. Some idea of the manner in which the muqtis were selected during the thirteenth century could be found in the biographical sketches of the twenty five important muqt is mentioned by Minhaj of the reign Iltutmish. These sketcnes reveal that almost all the muqtis started their career as royal slaves. Before assignment of iqtas they were first put to different kind of jobs at the court. They were appointed to the responsible position of muqtis only after the Sultan had fully satisfied himself about their abilities and efficiency. This has been more or less normal practice throughout the Sultanate. 3. Here it will not be out of place to mention that most of the discussions about the distinction between the terms iqtadar, muqtis and wall, are speculative in nature because the contem porary evidence is not only meagre but conflicting on these points. For our general under standing the holders of small iqtq called iqtadars while those holding big ones were generally known as muqtis or walis. Their accounts were settled at the department of Wazarat. By the lime of the Lodis the muqtfis seems to have been 5

4 officially called wajahdars. But the land assignments were still called iqta. The terms muqti, hakim and amir were also used by people fo r the assignees. 4. The Wajahdar, muqti or hakim had no right over the landgrants. Sultan Sikandar Lodi specifically mentioned in the farmans out it very clearly. If any noble was reported to have disobeyed the royal forman by oppressing anyone who held wajah-i-maash, he was severally punished and he was dismissed by Sikandar Lodi from the state service. Similarly, no noble could occupy any land which was not specifically mentioned in the farman of assignment. 5. The tenure of the office of muqtis, according to Nizamul Mulk Tusi was three years. He emphasises that the muqtis should be transferred after every two or three years, lest they might grow too powerful! Apparently this practice was followed with slight modification by the early sultans of Delhi. A closer study of the appointments and transfers in some of the important iqtas, like Awadh, Badayun, Baran and Lahore indicates that during this time, the average tenure of the office of muqtas was between four to five years. In the case of a distant iqta Lakhnauti, the policy was still more rigorous. In such cases the average tenure comes to only three years. On perusal of some of the important iqta like Awadh, Badayun, Baran, Lahore and Multan, it comes to light that the frequency of transfer in the iqta located closer to Delhi was much less than what it would be in aplace like Lakhnauti. After Iltutmish had annexed Bengal in A.D the policy with regards to the transfer of the muqtis appears to have undergone a change in so far as the muqtis of the newly annexed province of Bengal were concerned. They were transferred quite frequently. Both the Lodis and the Sur kings exercised their royal prerogative and authority by transferring or dismissing the nobles from their iqta whenever they desired. But is also noteworthy that muqtis of a Afghan period were not subject to frequent transfers like the Mughal nobles under Akbar and his successors. The muqtis or wajahdars were not transferred from their iqta unless they lost the royal confidence. A detailed study of the evidence relating of iqta assignments made by the sultans of Delhi during the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth centuries indicates that the muqtis performed the following main functions : (i) to wage wars against the local chiefs and foreign invaders, (ii) to appoint their own deputies over important towns and out posts, (iii) to assign lands and make free grant of land to their favourites and men of learning and (iv) to maintain a considerable number of soldiers out of the revenues assigned to them. The muqti or wajahdar took keen interest in the progress of agriculture in his iqta. The peasants were encouraged to bring new land under cultivation and also got loans from him whenever necessary. If he was posted somewhere outside his iqta his representative administered it on his behalf. He exercised full military and executive powers inside the iqta quite independent of the hakim of the sarkar or the province. For example, Sultan Bahlul Lodi appointed Masnadi-ali Umar Khan Sarwani as the hakim of the Lahore sarkar while he was given iqta in the sarkar of Sirhind. 6

5 Iqta system under Shershah The traditional iqta system continued unchanged under Shershah also he did not usher in any change in it. The Sur rulers also assigned their nobles the revenue of parganas and sarkars according to their rank and position in lieu of cash salary. These parganas and sarkars were called the wajahdari-iqta. The Sur kings also assigned iqta to their nobles excluding the tax free land grants given to the scholars, saiyids and pious persons for their maintenance. Though Islam Shah is reported to have abolished the iqta system and established the system of cash payment instead by bringing the whole kingdom under Khalisa, a careful study recals that it continued even during his reign. 7

6 Lesson 19 THE MUGHAL AFGAN CONFLICT : THE SECOND AFGAN EMPIRE The First Afgan Empire The first Afgan Empire was established in North India by the Lodis. The territorial possesion, which they acquired was a mere fragrant of the sultanate. However, Delhi was still the pivot of authority and the symbol of sovereignty. The neighbouring kingdoms of Jaunpur and Malwa were mighty and resourceful. Still they rivalled each other for acquiring Delhi as who possessed Delhi possessed the entire Hindustan. Delhi in fact enjoyed the same status which was achieved during the early medieval times. Bahlul Lodi coped with the situation intelligently. He was determined to restore the power and prestige of the Delhi sultanate. In order to suppress the internal dissentions he invited his own clan fellows from Afghanistan. He imprisoned the old Wazir Hamid Khan and also frustrated the attempt of Mahmud Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur to get possession of Delhi. He also reduced the provincial governors and local chieftains who had strengthened themselves following the decline of the power of the central government and they virtually started ruling like an independent potentates: Ahmad Khan of Mewat, Dariya Khan of Sambhal, Isa Khan of Koil, Raja Pratap Singh of Mainpari and Bhogaon, Qutb Khan of Rewari and several other chieftains of Doab were subjected to the Central authority. However, sultan treated them with kindness so that they might be reconciled to his rule. This measure made him free from internal problems. Bahlul Lodi s next move was to subjugate the power of the Sharqi ruler who was a Claimant to the Throne of Delhi. He invaded the Sharqi Kingdom and forced its ruler to quit the country. The capital was put under charge of his son Barbak Shah. He also defeated Kirat Singh the Raja of Gwalior. Bahlul Lodi restored the power and prestige of sultan and tried to improve the administrative machinery. He enjoyed the love and confidence of his relatives and fellow tribesmen who were given high posts in the administration. They were rather sharing his power and authroity. Sultan did everything to appease them. Contemporary sources reveal that he never used to sit on the throne. Instead, he preferred a masnad where he sat with his fellow tribesmen. Due to this measure the Afghans tribal chiefs became very ambitious and this ultimately led to a struggle with crown during the reign of Ibrahim Lodi. Bahlul Lodi was succeeded by his son Sikandar Shah Lodi in the year He was endowed with considerable energy and vigour and made earnest efforts to increase the strength and resources of the state. He tried to check and audit the accounts of even the leading Afghan nobles, much against their will. He asserted his authority upto Tirhut and Bihar : appointed Dariya Khan the hakim of Bihar and reduced Tirhut to a tributary state. He also conducted a treaty with Sultan Nusrat Shah of Bengal by which both agreed not to encroach on each others domains. The chiefs of Chanderi, Dholpur and adjacent territories also extended their submission to him. In order to have an effective control on the chiefs of Malwa as well as Rajasthan and also to control the trade routes of the region he founded the city of Agra in Later on Babur realised the importance of this place and he also selected this site as the capital of the Mughal Empire. The city had a rich hinterland and commenced the vast resources of the region. Agra emerged as one of the greatest trading centre of north India. 8

7 Sikandar Lodi has been highly praised by the comtemporary historians as a firm, vigilant and upright ruler. He dispensed justice with strict impartiality and personally attended the complaints of the poorer section of the society. He took every step to supress disorder and lawlessness. He was equally concerned about the prevalence of peace and prosperity in his kingdom. Contemporary records show that the prices of essential commodities were exceeding low during his reign. Sikandar Lodi also tried to censure the power of the nobility and tried to enhance the prestige of the crown. He was thus not reconciled to Bahlul Lodi s concept of sovereignty i.e. he did not want to share power with his nobles. He adopted several methods to impress the superiority of the crown to which his Afgan nobles were not accustomed. Thus he initiated a process of the centralisation of authority in the hands of the sultan. There was a discontentment among the nobles which manifested itself during the reign of his successor Ibrahim Lodi. The new sultan possessed military skill but lack tact and moderation. He adopted a policy of repression towards the powerful Afgan nobles especially the Lohani and the Lodi tribes who constituted the official class of the state. This led to the alination of their sympathies with the crown which manifested itself in absolute defiance of his authority. A gap was thus created between the sultan and his nobles. The Lohani clan became independent in Bihar under the leadership of Dariya Khan Lihani, Daulat Khan Lodi also started acting independently in Punjab. Which the sultan was trying to impose his absolute authority, the Afgan ruling class was also asserting its power. Some of these even tried to intrigue against the sultan. Daulat Khan Lodi, for instance, invited Babar to invade the Lodi state. Babar was at this time located at Lahore and closely watching the activities in Northern India. He defeated Sultan Ibrahim Lodi in the battle of Panipat in 1526, and established the Mughal empire. Thus at the opening of the sixteenth century the Afgan power was distracted by internecine disorders had gone extremely feeble. The second Afghan Empire The newly established Mughal empire faced numerous problems especially after hardly recovered from the sudden death of its founder, Babur. This situation was thoroughly exploited by the Afghans under the leadership of Sher Khan, who ultimately succeeded in laying the foundation of the second Afgan Empire known as the Sur empire in northern India. Sher Shah ( ) Sher Shah s victory over Humayun at Kanauj in May 1540, paved the way for him to capture the throne of Delhi. He soon had to march to the Punjab to reduce the Gakkar tribesmen living between the upper courses of the rivers Jhelum and Indus to submission. In 1541 he was forced to travel all the way east to Bengal to suppress a rebellion there. To make his inheritance safer, Sher Shah then marched against the Rajputs. Malwa was subdued in Puran Mal of Raisin was crushed by treachery and deceit in Sind and Multan were annexed to the Afghan Empire by the Governor of Punjab. The defeat of Maldeva, the Rajput ruler of Marwar, in 1544 by means of a trick, extended Sher Shah s empire further to the west. In the campaign against Kalinjar that followed, the great Afghan ruler s career was brought to an end by sudden blast of gunpowder on 22 May 1545 at the mature age of seventy-two. Thus ended so abruptly the meteoric career of a soldier of fortune who has left a permanent mark on the pages of Indian History not so much as a military commander, but as an administrator of outstanding merit. Sher Shah initiated many bold innovations and experiments, some of which were adopted by Akbar also. 9

8 Sher Shah s Administration In a short span of five years ( ), during which he extended his rule over the large part of the Northern India, he has left a name which the later generations have honoured as that of a great administrator and a just ruler. The administration of Sher Shah was on the same pattern as was established by the Sultans of Delhi. All powers were vested in the kind. He was the chief executive, the chief legislator, the chief judge and the commander-in-chief of the army rolled into one. Besides, Sher Shah was a firm ruler and took keen interest in day to day affairs of the state. He is reported to have said : It behoves the great to be always active, and they should not consider on account of the greatness of their own dignity and loftiness of their own rank, the affairs and business of the kingdom small or petty and should place no undue reliance on their ministers. Administrative Heads Sher Shah was assisted by the heads of the civil, military and ecclesiastical departments. The Vakil seems to have functioned as the chief secretary; the Vazir was in-charge of public finance and accounts; and a private secretary looked after records, received reports from newswriters and spies and drafted royal orders. A military secretary headed the army department whereas the artillery was headed mir-i-atish. Sher Shah instructed his administrator and commanders of expeditions to keep him regularly informed about the progress of their work. Not content with this he posted his own independent agents and spies all over his kingdom. Their duty was to keep him posted with whatever they found affected Imperial interests. Sher Shah also organised an efficient system of postal messengers. The horses were provided to them in most cases. Change of horses was also provided to them at convenient posts throughout his empire. When one messenger got tired, his reliever took over from him, allowing the relieved runner to rest and be ready for duty in his own turn. At posts, free meals were provided for Hindus and Muslims alike as a part of royal charities. Units of Administration The empire was divided first into 47 and later on into 50 large units of administration. These administrative units were smaller than provinces but larger than districts, somewhat like the Commissioner s Divisions of today. These administrators conducted all civil and military functions in their persons. They had large garrison forces under their command, very often distributed in various important places under their charge. The units of administration in Sher Shah s time may be said to be, in ascending order, the village, pargana, sarkar, (shiq), and may be subah. Revenue Administration The administrators, their staff and the forces under their command seem to have been paid by assignment of the revenue of parts of the areas administered by them. Land revenue formed of the chief source of the state-income. But custom duties, sales tax, excise tax, additional cesses on land, cattle-tax, grazing tax, professional tax on some industries and ferry dues also added to the state s revenues. Some income was also derived from some of the industrial and commercial undertakings of the state. Collection of the dues at ferries seem to have been framed out. In addition to all these dues, Hindus paid the jazia (poll tax) also. This was levied on all the able-bodied adult male Hindus. 10

9 Assessment of Land Revenue : Sher Shah made a substantial change in the assessment of land revenue and introduced some improvements in the method of its collection. According to the traditional system of land revenue assessment, the state claimed a substantial share of the produce. This required detailed supervision all over the country. Alauddin had earlier tried to collect land revenue in cash, calculated according to the area of the land under the cultivator, but it does not seem to have worked effectively and we hear no more about it later on. Sher Shah aimed at introducing a system of land revenue where the cultivator (ryot) was asked to pay, primarily in kind, one-third of the expected produce of the crop from the land under cultivation. Under Sher Shah s rule land was measured and records were maintained. The unit of measurement was the yard of Sikandar Lodi, gaz-i Sikander-i. An average of produce per bigha for every crop was struck by taking into account the produce of the best, the middle and the worst land for every crop. A per bigha schedule of rates in kind was then prepared for every crop and the cultivator was assessed to pay according to the area he had under various crops. Every season the extent of area under every crop was entered in the records for every cultivator against his name. This area was supposed to be measured in every season. But it is quite likely that the primary measurment, was made when the system was first introduced, and served the purpose subsequently. The records of the holdings of every cultivator were detailed and specified not only the entire area cultivated by him but its sub-division also. Subsequently, it was considered sufficient to record the sub-unit under cultivation, their area could be recorded from the earlier records. This was the land revenue system which Sher Shah would have liked to introduce throughout his territories; But the detailed Measurement of land and the preparation of primary records for every cultivator is a lengthy process and it is not likely that Sher Shah was able to introduce it even over the larger part of his newly established empire. At many places, the old system continued where by the state claimed one-third of the actual produce (not the estimated and expected) of every cultivator. Sometimes concessions in rates were made to the local custom, as in Multan, where only one-fourth of the produce was claimed. Sher Shah might have preferred to collect some of the land revenue in cash. Since no definite information is available on how the demand was assessed in cash, it is fair to suppose that the conversion was done at the current market rates. Collection of Land Revenue : The land revenue was collected by the village headman (muqaddam or mukhiya) who charged an additional 5% for performing this task. Another 5% seems to have been collected for the expenses incurred on visiting officials. In other words it means the burden on land remained quite heavy and the peasents in spite of some relief because of the better law and order situation, continued are to be exploited by those who controlled the state power. The amount of revenue varied according to the extent of area under cultivation and types of crops cultivated. An increase in area meant higher collection; cultivation of more valuable crops also increased the state s share. The state, therefore, encourage not only the bringing of new land under the plough but also the introduction of crops with a higher cash yield. Interest-free loans were given to the cultivators for both the purposes. An interesting innovation in the system of collection was also introduced. The revenue officials supplied the village headman demandships indicating what every cultivator had to pay. The dues were vigorously collected as the headman was buond to pay the exact amount due every 11

10 season. The cultivators were granted receipts for what they had paid so that there could be no undue exaction. The Patwari kept the land records for one or more villages. He was the lowest of the officials but stiil occupied a vital role in the land administration. Revenue Officials : The pargana was the main unit for revenue collection. It consisted of a large number of villages, some what a tehsil taluqa of today. Here the shiqdar (collector; literally administrator of a unit) was the presiding officer, responsible for the collection of land revenue. He had one clerk to help him in keeping local records in the local language; another clerk would prepare records in Persian for submission to the capital, Shiqdar was responsible for transmitting the collection to the centre in cash or in kind, as per orders. The treasury received the money thus collected. We hear of a coliector-in-chief or amil also who stood at the head of the revenue establishment. Administration of Justice Sher Shah was known for his even-handed justice and capacity for examining thoroughly all disputes brought before him. Dr. Ishwari Prasad remarks : Sher Shah was very strict in administering justice in one of his farmans he defines justice in these words : justice does not consist in abstaining from oppression, but in fair and honest dealings with men. Of course, all types of cases seem to have come up to the royal court. They came not so much in appeal against the decisions of the lower courts as direct demands for justice from the highest in the realm when the complaint had failed to get it elsewhere. Investigation of crimes as well as adjudication of cases was a royal function in cases that were brought upto the court. Besides the traditional Qazi s courts and revenue courts, Sher Shah seems to have set up regular courts under mir-i-adl, (judge) in every Pargana. Revenue officials decided revenue disputes. Qazis, mostly stationed in towns and cities decided civil and criminal cases among Muslims and criminal cases against Hindus. The Qazis decided cases between the Muslims only, for, to take notice of any other type of law or of local customs would have been a matter of disgrace for them. Cases among the Hindus, and such case among converts to Islam as depended on local customs must have been decided by the Panchayats of various types. In the villages the panchs were sure to be conversant with local affairs and customs and could be expected to decide cases fairly. As oaths carried much greater weight than they do today, they probably settled many quarrels. Muslim criminal law did not take circumstantial evidence into consideration ; cases were decided by the statements of at least two eye witnesses, or upon the confession of the accused. On the whole, he followed a liberal police with regard to the Hindus and he did not interfere in their day-to-day religious practices. In the opinion of Dr. Ishwari Prasad the Hindus were treated with justice and toleration. The Army In army organization, Sher Shah revived Alauddin Khilji s system of branding the horses of every royal trooper. He also raised a full-fledged royal standing army. All soldiers were recruited as royal soldiers and their horses were so branded. Their salaries were paid by the state rather than by the commanders of the garrisons under whom they served. Sher Shah had a very large standing army, under his own command and another distributed all over his dominions. The garrison commanders were granted separate jagirs for their own use and the land revenue from some other specified area was set apart for the maintenance of the royal troops serving under 12

11 them. In case of any attempt at diverting the income from the portion assigned for the troops, punishment followed swiftly and surely. Encouragement to Trade and Industry Sher Shah took every care for encouraging trade and industry. The worst obstacle in the movement of goods from one place to another was levying of transit duties on goods by all those who were stronger enough to collect them. Sher Shah abolished this levy entirely except a few places. Free movement of goods needed good roads. Sher Shah repaired old roads and opened new roadways so that Agra, the capital, stood connected with Bengal on one side, and Rohtas on another. Burhanpur on the third and Ajmer on the fourth. A fifth road connected Lahore with Multan. Serais or rest houses at suitable distance were dotted all along the highways constructed by Sher Shah. The serais were enclosed buildings with Chowkidars. Here goods could be stored; men and mounts found shelter and provision. Safety of life and goods was assured. These serais must have been places of some pretension; every important serai was even provided with a separate lodge for the king, and aristocratic people. There must have been rooms for his officers, and stables for the royal horses in postal service and free kitchens all in addition to the necessary quarters for the weary travellers and their goods. Trade and commerce benefitted greatly as Sher Shah riforouily enforced the responsibility of keeping peace and order on every locality itself. Sher Shah reformed the coinage as well. Coins of copper, silver and gold, species of uniform weight and fineness, were introduced to make commercial dealings easier and streamlined. Sher Shah s achievements are numerous : for bringing large territory under his sway; setting up successfully a strong centralized government in making a break with the prevalent faulty methods of land revenue assessment and collection, and in evolving fairly and reasonably a new method which was adopted by his successors. He encouraged trade and industry, kept peace and order in his dominions and was just to his subjects, at least by his own conception of justice. His regin was a fitting prelude to that of Akbar whose innovations in the machinery of government covered a much larger area and survived long after his death. Prof. Kaikaranjan Qanungo says : His reign was short but its importance was almost as great and far-reaching as Akbar s rule of half a century. His dynasty survived him barely a decade but the Indian empire carved with his sword moulded by his statesmanship, evolved institutions. Sher Shah s memory did not fade as long as the Rupaiya and the Paisa remained the Indian currency and so long as the revenue system of the country was not affected by later experiments. 1 In the opinion of Dr. R.P. Tripathi, Sher Shah was undoubtedly the builder of the second Afghan Empire. During his lifetime, he united the Afghan tribes into a strong force and recovered for them their lost empire. The successors of Sher Shah Jalal Khan, the second son of Sher Shah, succeeded his father within five days of his death on 27 May, The new ruler, entitled Islam Shah proceeded to crush all opposition to his rule. He was able to keep the turbulent Afghan nobility in check for a surprisingly long time. 1. Sher Shah and His Times, pp

12 In fact, Islam Shah generally maintained the high standards of efficiency both in the army as well as in the civil administration set by Sher Shah. His death in November 1554, however, brought latent disruptive tendencies to the surface. His minor son, Firuz was murdered by Mubariz Khan, who ascended the throne as Muhammad Adil Shah whose brief reign saw the rise to chief ministership of Hemu, a bania of Rewari, which aroused the jealously of the Afghan chiefs. The standards of revolt was soon raised against Adil Shah by many Afghan nobles and by his nephew Sikandar and cousin Ibrahim. It was this discord that facilicated Humayun s successful return to Agra. The Surs, however, continued to trouble Akbar until the last of them died in Their greatest challenge had, of course been met and hurled back at Panipat in November,

13 Lesson 20 EXPANSION AND CONSOLIDATION OF MUGHAL STATE UNDER AKBAR ( ) Introduction Akbar is regarded as one of the most outstanding monarchs of India. He understood his age and accordingly rose to the occasion and not only succeeded in bringing extensive territories under his rule but was able to provide a strong foundation to the Mughal empire. The Second Battle of Panipat (1556) Hardly had Akbar ascended the throne, when the disturbing news came that Sulaiman Mirza of Badakhshan had besieged Kabul with a large army. At the same time Hemu, the Commander-in-Chief of Adil Shah Sur ( ), captured Gwalior and Agra and was proceeding towards Delhi, which was not well projected. Again Sikandar Sur was threatening to overrun the Punjab. The situation was further worsened by the fact that Agra and Delhi were badly affected by famine and pestilence. The danger posed by Hemu was considered to be the most serious and accordingly Pir Muhammad Shirwani (a Mulla and a favourite of Bairam Khan, the regent of Akbar was sent immediately to assist Tardi Beg Khan, the Mughal governor of Delhi. Before the Mughals could decide their plan of action Hemu reached the environs of Delhi. Tardi Beg Khan offered him strong resistance but was defeated. Consequently he had to retreat to Sirhind. Bairam Khan got him murdered (1556) on the charge of deserting Delhi. Bairam Khan did not want to wait since the fall of Delhi was a serious blow to the prestige of the Mughals. In order to recapture it a Mughal army.under Bairam Khan s command hastened towards Delhi. Immediately it met with a success when Hemu s artillary was captured in the unguarded moments. Undeterred by this loss Hemu arrayed his forces in the historic field of Panipat, where Lodis fate had been decided earlier also in A desparate battle was fought on 5 November Hemu s apparent success was accidentally turned into a, positive defeat when he was struck by an arrow ih his eye and fell in his howdah. Rumour spread that he was killed. His soldiers deserted him. Hemu was arrested and killed. Thus the last bid of the Afghans to recapture political authority failed. Soon after, the victory at Panipat Sikandar Sur surrendered and Akbar heaved a sigh of relief. The defeat of Sikandar Sur was followed by the conquests of Gwalior and Jaunpur. Bairam Khan took vigorous measures to consolidate Ajmer. The situation in Kabul also took a favourable turn for Akbar. Sulaiman Mirza was getting tired of the long siege. The advent of winter, the movements of Uzbeks in Central Asia and the rumour of reinforcement arriving from Delhi forced him to sue for peace. He promised to withdraw if his name was read in the Khutba just for a day. This was done and he withdrew his forces from Kabul. During the four years regency of Bairam Khan, Akbar succeeded not only in overcoming many formidable dangers but also in extending his possessions from Kabul to Jaunpur and from the Punjab to Ajmer. 15

14 The Assumption of Power by Akbar The success and growing influence of Bairam Khan created jealously among the Turani nobles of the Mughal court. The main opponents of Bairam Khan were the Turani nobles and the fosterrelations of Akbar. They tried to create a gulf between him and Akbar. Akbar also used this opposition to get rid of him. The opportunity came when Bairam Khan dismissed Pir Mohammad, the tutor of Akbar and once favourite of Bairam Khan and exiled him. Akbar moved out from Agra to Delhi and dismissed Bairam Khan in March 1560 from the office of Vakil. Bairam Khan was not prepared to take his removal from the office of Vakil lightly and opted for confrontation. Finally, he surrendered and Akbar treated him gracefully and allowed him to go to Mecca. But on his way he was murdered at Patny (Anhilwara) on 31 January 1560, by an Afghan, Mubarak Khan who had some personal enmity towards him. Bairam Khan s wife and his son, Abdur Rahim Khan-i Khana the celeberated Hindi poet, were sent to Akbar. Conquest of Malwa Akbar now decided to embark upon a policy of expansion and sent Adham Khan (son of Maham Anaga, the foster mother of Akbar i.e., head nurse but who had not actually suckled him) was sent against Baz Bahadur, son of Shujat Khan of Malwa, where he earned a very quick success (1561). This easy conquest of Malwa turned his head and he started acting in a very high handed manner. His ruthless cruelty and misappropriation of booty of Malwa made Akbar furious. He marched in person to punish him, but on the intercession of Maham Anaga, he pardoned him. Adham Khan, however, did not improve. Shamsuddin Muhammad Atka, the husband of Jiji Anaga (who actually suckled Akbar) and who was now the Prime Minister, was regarded by Adham Khan as his chief enemy. Adham Khan taking advantage of an opportunity attacked Shamsuddin Muhammad Atka in his office who died of injuries. Akbar could not tolerate such things and he ordered him to be thrown down from the terrace of the fort and thus he was killed in May Akbar himself conveyed this news to Maham; who could not bear this shock for long. She died, after 40 days, in June In Malwa (1562) Adham Khan was succeeded by Pir Muhammad Khan as subedar (Governor). But he was defeated by the ruler of Khandesh and Baz Bahadur and was killed while crossing the Narmada. Baz Bahadur was back on the throne of Malwa. Akbar now sent Abdulla Khan to re-establish imperial authority over Malwa by driving out Baz Bahadur. He not only did this, but also succeeded in capturing Mandu, the capital of Malwa. Conquest of Gondwana The conquest of Malwa extended the boundaries of the Mughal Empire upto those of the Gond Kingdom of Girha-Katanga or Gondwana, which included the regions of Sagar, Damoh; Mandla, Sivni, Narmada Valley and possibly a portion of Bhopal. It included 53 forts. Its ruler, Dalpat Shah, died, leaving his widow Durgawati and his infant son Veer Narayan, Durgawati managed the administration as the regent of her son who was only three years old at the time of the death of his father, Dalpat Shah. The kingdom of Gondwana was a fairly rich kingdom and Asaf Khan, the Mughal Governor of Kara (Allahabad), was tempted by its wealth. Occassionally he revaged the border of his neighbouring kingdom. Rani Durgawati wanted to avoid confrontation with the Mughals, and therefore, she started negotiations with Akbar for a peaceful settlement. Nothing came out of these negotiations. And she decided to attack Bhilsa. The Mughals were bent to confront her and Asaf Khan marched with his army. In spite of stiff resistance Rani Durgawati could not escape defeat. Rani Durgawati, who was already wounded and ended her life by killing herself. Kamlawati, sister of Durgawati, was sent to the court along with

15 elephants. Asaf Khan captured large amount of gold, silver and jewels over and above 1600 elephants of which only 1200 were sent to the Emperor, the rest having been appropriated by Asaf Khan himself. Three years later, in 1567, Akbar restored the kingdom of Garha-Katanga (Gondwana) to Chandra Shah a brother of Dalpat Shah after taking ten forts from it. Suppression of Rebellions The rebellion of the Uzbek nobles ( ) The conquest of Garha Katange (Gondwana) was not yet complete, when Akbar was faced with another series of internal rebellions. There was a tribe of Seistani Uzbeks who had done some valuable services to the Empire, but whose loyalty was not unquestionable. The crisis started with the rebellion of Abdulla Khan JJzbek, the Governor of Malwa. Akbar went! to punish him, but he fled away. There were a number of Uzbek nobles, like Khan Zaman (or Ali Quli Khan), Bahadur Khan Alam (or Iskandar Khan), and Ibrahim Khan who were suspected of conspiring with Afghans. Akbar marched with Munim Khan towards the east and encamped at Jaunpur to deal with them one by one. Khan Zaman attempted to foment a rebellion. Akbar immediately despatched Munim Khan (or Khan Khanan) to suppress him. Later on, he pardoned the rebels at the request of Munim Khan. He was quite convinced that Munim Khan was favourable inclined towards the Uzbeks, but as the time was not opportune for a stronger action against them, he accepted Munim Khan s advice. Rebellion of Mirza Hakim But more serious than the Uzbek uprising was the rebellion of Mirza Hakim (a stepbrother of Akbar and the governor of Kabul) who took advantage of the situation and attacked the Punjab. Akbar moved out from Agra in November 1566 to punish him. Hearing the news of the march of the Mughal army under Akbar with a view to toppling him. Mirza Hakim was shaken and he returned to Kabul. Rebellion Mirza brothers A third rebellion was stirred up by the Mirza brothers who belonged to the family of Babur. They had been, given jagirs, but this had not satisfied them. When Khan Zaman, the Uzbek leader of Jaunpur, acknowledged the claims of Mirza Hakim to the throne of Hindustan the Mirzas felt encouraged and went to him to get support for their claims. Finding him unenthusiastic they proceeded towards Delhi which they found well protected, then turned to Malwa and captured it. Akbar went to suppress them in a week s time and thus ended the venture of Mirza brothers. The action of Khan Zaman of letting the Khutba being read in the name of Mirza Hakim enraged Akbar, and he marched against Khan Zaman in May 1567, fully determined to crush him. His efforts bore fruit. Khan Zaman was killed and his brother Bahadur was arrested and put to death. This ended the Uzbek rebellion and the long struggle between the Emperor and the turbulent nobility. Akbar faced this period of trial with unbounded energy and undaunted courage. Akbar s Relation with the Rajputs When Akbar ascended the throne he was too young to formulate any definite state-policy. For about four years, the affairs of the Mughal Empire were managed by Bairam Khan. The activities of Sher Shah s Afghan general Haji Khan were bound to attract the attention of the Mughals. Taking advantage of the chaotic conditions following Humayun s death, he had become the independent ruler of Mewat. What was more, he had captured Ajmer also with the help of Raja Maldeo of Marwar. The Mughal forces were sent against him in April 1557 but he continued 17

16 to threaten Hissar and reached Sirhind. This rapid advance of Haji Khan forced Akbar and Bairam Khan to march against him. Not prepared to risk a conflict with the Mughal army, Haji Khan fled towards Gujarat and the Mughal forces captured Ajmer and Setarana (March 1558). The newly acquired territories were put under the charge of Mirza Sharafuddin. Matrimonal Relations with Amber, Jodhpur and Bikaner The tiny state of Amber was ruled by Raja Bharmal of Kachhwaha dynasty. Sharafuddin Husain, the governor of Mewat, wanted to acquire Amber for his friend, the nephew of Raja Bharmal. Akbar, going for his first pilgrimage to the shrine of Khwaja Muinuddin Chishti at Ajmer, camped at Sanganir 1 near Amber in January Raja Bharmal Kachhwaha took advantage of this opportunity to pay his respects to the Mughal Emperor and sought protection from the designs of Sharafuddin and the Raja of Marwar. Amber was also threatened by internal quarrels. Akbar received Bharmal with kindness and promised to help him, Either of his own accord or in compliance with a suggestion of someone else; Raja Bharmal gave his daughter in marriage to Akbar. This marriage took place on 6 February This matrimonial alliance was based on mutual faith and goodwill. Incidentally, Jahangir was born of this wedlock. Raja Bharmal s son Bhagwan Dass and his grandson Man Singh were taken into the imperial service and were given high positions. This special patronage extended to the Kachhawahas not only helped this family to rise into promisence but also helped the Mughals in getting unflinching loyalty and distinguished military service of this family for the consolidation and expansion of the Mughal Empire. This matrimonial relation between the Mughals and the Kachhwahas, the consequent rise to political power of the Kachhwaha family and the enhanced prestige of the state of Amber ruled by this family, seem to have created a feeling of jealousy and keen rivalry among the other Rajput families. Gradually the rulers of such Rajput states of Jodhpur, Bikaner and Jaisalmer also vied with each other in marrying their daughters to the Mughal Emperor or Mughal Princes. Akbar himself married a number of Rajput princesses and arranged similar marriages for his son and grandsons. They secured a mansab for them at the Mughal Court and protection for their states. Akbar s visit to Ajmer for pilgrimage was closely connected with his future plan of the conquest of Rajputana. Merta was occupied by him in the same year (1562). Soon after the death of Maldeo of Jodhpur on 7 November 1562, started the struggle for succession in this extensive Rajput state. Taking advantage of the situation, Akbar set Husain Quli as the head of an army and he succeeded in occupying it without much difficulty in Till 1583 it remained with the Mughals after which it was returned to Udai Singh, who acknowledged the Mughal suzerainty. Akbar had by now succeeded in establishing friendly relations with Amber, Jodhpur and Bikaner. The minor states could be forced to surrender any time. Relations with Mewar : Conquest of Chittor Mewar played an important role in the struggle for power in North India. It did not succeed in it yet it was not prepared to yield before Akbar, who had recently launched an expansionist policy. Its conquest was necessary for Akbar for the protection of Malwa which lay south of it. The ruler of Mewar, Rana Udai Singh, was determined to stop Akbar s expansionism. The main target of Akbar was the strategic fort of Chittor. He appointed Asaf Khan, who bad been prominent in the Garha-Katanga compaign, to collect an army and provisions for the invasion. Akbar himself, marching at the head of a large army, succeeded in capturing the forts of Sivi, Supar and Kota, before moving towards Chittor in