Chapter VI. Kashmir through Missionary lens: The Rhetoric of Reform under a Benevolent Empire

Transcription

1 Chapter VI Kashmir through Missionary lens: The Rhetoric of Reform under a Benevolent Empire In the second half of the nineteenth century, apart from the Great Game narratives and the belated travel texts, Kashmir valley also figured considerably in various missionary-cum travel texts. Missionaries while enumerating their encounters with Kashmir valley had highlighted different tropes, varying between missionary and colonial passions of the time. Missionary travel writing on Kashmir, apart from addressing the tensions of the age, had approached and analysed differently the colonial Empire s intervention and policies adopted towards Kashmir. The crucial narratives of the period had revealed that Missionaries had encountered Kashmir purely on behalf of the colonial Empire, the agency that endowed them with the opportunity to preach gospel in the remotest areas of Kashmir. 1 The missionary intervention and their active involvement in evangelisation proved a significant move that helped both Kashmir as well Colonial Empire to figure simultaneously in the missionary travel writing. The late nineteenth century influx of the European missionaries in a far flung area like Kashmir has been an issue of great historical importance. Their historical intervention and the crucial role they played have been widely accepted as one of the benevolent aspects of the colonial intervention in Kashmir. About missionary intervention in Kashmir there is a general assumption that whatever hidden intention they had in carrying out their missionary activism, their arrival and involvement in a crusade against the slumber and ignorance of the people of 1 Dr Elmslie was the first missionary who got actively engaged in medical-missionary type services in Kashmir. He was one of the pioneers in asserting how noble it is to preach teachings of gospel among the pagans of Kashmir valley. It was only the life of a missionary which he considered worth to live. Subsequent missionaries by getting inspired by his services announces the same as the purpose of their lives. See, William Jackson Elmslie, Margaret Duncan Elmslie. Seedtime in Kashmir: A Memoir of William Jackson Elmslie (Harvard University: James Nisbet, 1876).

2 Kashmir proved an eminent force for the transition and transformation of the Kashmir society. 2 Perhaps owing to this, their contribution has been acknowledged as a subject matter in number of texts that traces the history of developments like spreading of modern education, introduction of English schooling and process of emergence of the social reform in Kashmir region. 3 Even in the honour of missionaries and missionary activism in Kashmir, number of books and articles had been written specifically to record and respect their timely assistance in the multidimensional move of Kashmiris towards modernity. An acceptable estimation is that they were the harbingers of positive change in Kashmir. For the crucial rule they played, directly and indirectly, in stimulating the otherwise immobile mentalities of the masses of Kashmir, they have been held in high esteem. In the inception of enlightened been credited with moves towards the dawn of modernisation, many of these European missionaries have achieved a remarkable achievements. However it is to be noted that the process of missionary arrival and their work for the modernity Kashmiri society, were comparatively a late phenomenon. It had only been towards the last decades of the nineteenth and early twentieth century that a devoted band of missionaries formally indulged in imparting modern education and other modern health care and hospital facilities. For their 2 Abida Salam, Towards the Dawn of Modernisation (Unpublished MPhil. Dissertation, University of Kashmir, Srinagar), Hari Om, Muslims of Jammu and Kashmir, A Study in the Spread of Education and Consciousness, (New Delhi: Archives Publishers, 1986); Prem Nath Bazaz, Daughters of Vitasta (Srinagar: Gulshan Books, 2003); Prem Nath Baza, Inside Kashmir (Srinagar: Kashmir publishing company, 1941); A. A Kazami, Report of educational reorganization in the Jammu and Kashmir State (1952); Sir Walter Lawrence, The Valley of Kashmir (Srinagar: Chinar Publishing house, 1992); Sir Walter Lawrence, Provincial Gazetteers of Kashmir and Jammu, (1895); Shri Ganga Nath, Commission Report on Administration of Jammu and Kashmir State, Jammu (1944);Amar Singh Chohan, Development of Education in the Jammu and Kashmir State ( ), (New Delhi: Atlantic publishers, 1998); G. H Hull, Vignettes of Kashmir (London: Christian Missionary School, 1907); Nazir Ahmad Dar, Anjuman-i-Nusratul Islam Jammu and Kashmir (Srinagar: Aar Ess Publishing house, 2005).

3 emancipatory works and wit to stand amid terrible conditions, missionaries have been glorified as sages of unforgettable service. Apart from carrying out assumingly many noble services and bestowing on people many benefits of benign missionary work in Kashmir, the Christian missionaries share the literary legacy and representation of the region as well. Missionaries who visited the valley with a vision to evangelize the people of Kashmir, while performing their activities, developed missionary-cum travel documents. The missionary type travel documentation of Kashmir constitutes a peculiar branch of travel literature, which had been informative and claimed to be objective. Most of the time, these valuable documents have been employed in the writing of the regional history of nineteenth century Kashmir. As a separate branch of literature bounded by its own traditions and trajectories, these missionary writings had hardly been subjected to any severe scrutiny. Though they have gone through various editions, they haven t received any broader critical attention. Rather, recurrent reliance on them, as eminent historical source, has resulted in projections of Kashmir in such a way that seemed to be less authentic and least correspondent to the ground realities. The Missionary travel texts on Kashmir, had most of the time been treated as neutral documents and thus essential to reconstruct the regional history with their help. On other occasions, though inconsiderably, they have been rejected simply for being limited by missionary character. Despite being an explicit expression of missionary propaganda, a good number of these travel reports contain a close proximity to the contemporary realities of Kashmir. Evidently that sometimes renders them to be perceived as a part of the writings associating with the effort to rise, write, and speak in the presence of God; a sort of writing that contains the tendency to echo voices of the powerless, a fathomable fire with sparks that would sound their being on behalf of the oppressed masses of Kashmir. To begin with some missionary travel texts surfaced as a bold attempt which described unpleasant things about

4 Kashmir, as a necessary outcome of the colonial business. Thus being anti-colonial in approach they had precisely narrated the extreme kind of wretchedness, exploitation and subordination wrought to the region under European hands. Keeping in consideration the myriad voices of missionary-cum travel writing on Kashmir, the purpose of this chapter is to examine the missionary-type travel writing on Kashmir, its tendency to speak partly in favour of colonial power, and partly denouncing the hollow claims of colonial superiority. The primary missionary accounts related to Kashmir and their acrimonious anti-colonial cries were soon countered by the subsequent missionary writing that gave the impression of being the mere mouthpiece of colonial power. They projected Kashmir as a fertile ground for the purpose of planting seeds of Christianity, a distressed land which awaits civilization through evangelisation. While a few of them highlighted the plight of the place as the outcome of the colonial business, the rest of them appreciated Colonial Empire for carrying out various noble works. Together, the missionary travel accounts on Kashmir presents a picture of non-unanimous claims. Generally, some of them contain substantial mockery of Kashmiri character along with a wide and variable mass of European fantasies Missionary s Arrival to Kashmir: A Brief Introduction History testifies to the fact that the Kashmir valley witnessed a great influx of men over different intervals of time. European men and women, varied in terms of their interests and levels of curiosities, have been hosted by Kashmir valley. Curious humanist, traders, merchants, nature lovers, plant gatherers, geographers, mountaineers, art lovers, anthropologists, botanists and people professing other professions and aesthetics have expressed their delight in being fortunefavoured visitors of Kashmir valley. Among the list of travellers that visited Kashmir valley the name of various Christian missionaries can also be seen.

5 The region despite being located amid the high altitude mountains could not defeat the Christian missionaries in keeping them away from the gates of the veiled valley. Irrespective of the hardships of the terrains, cold seasons, and other dozen hostile forces and factors, Christian missionaries entered the region from time to time. Their arrival in Kashmir valley was purposefully aimed to contribute to the further expansion of Christianity, by establishing schools, hospitals and other apparently philanthropic centres, the possible effective mediums often utilized to preach gospel and reach effectively to the masses in the name of service. The desire to keep a record of their accomplishments alive, along with the immediate need to mobilise more men and materials at metropolis for the promotion of Christianity across the Eastern societies, number of missionary documents were published in Europe. The trend of publishing missionary documentaries had set in much before the missionary documents on Kashmir valley surfaced. Number of missionary societies would publish the travel accounts of the missionaries working in the Oriental world. Their encounter, approach and advices for enhancing the scope for the expansion of Christianity were the everyday themes of pamphlets and other publishing materials. 4 More importantly the missionary text production was prompted by the need for missionaries to keep writing home with accounts of their endeavours in order to keep up interest and, above all, funding. 5 Perhaps as part of this missionary work, propagation and publication, was the result of documentation of Kashmir valley on the part of missionaries. The travel documentation of Kashmir took place towards the last decades of nineteenth and early twentieth century. Prior to the nineteenth century the missionary s encounter with Kashmir has been an obscure event. Very few evidences are available about the pre-nineteenth century s missionary 4 Anna Johnston, Missionary Writing and Empire, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). 5 Robert J. C. Young, Review of Missionary Writing and Empire, by Anna Johnston, The Review of English Studies, New Series, Vol. 55, No. 222 (Nov., 2004):

6 encounters. The evidence available, shows that when Emperor Akbar, the renowned Mughal ruler, visited Kashmir valley, with him also started the process of description of Kashmir valley in European missionary-travel accounts. The first European missionary to visit Kashmir, of whom we have any note, belonged to the Jesuit missions sent to the Mughal emperors, the first of which arrived in Agra in A.D Emperor Akbar, who is revered as one of the pioneers of Indian secularism, 7 is said to have sent an invitation to the Jesuit fathers at Goa, expressing desire to study the law and Gospel and asked for two learned priests to whom he promised protection and rewards. The third mission sent in reply to this and later invitations resulted in the visit of Mughal court by three prominent Jesuit missionary fathers namely Jerome Xavier, a grand nephew of St. Xavier, the famous missionary to India, father Emmanuel Pinheiro, and brother Benedict de Goes. Of these three, father Xavier and Brother De Goes went with Akbar on the latter s visit to Kashmir in In their personal narratives that were published later on in their respective countries, Kashmir valley has been favourably described. Apart from praising its inhabitants, for certain traits, and treatment of Kashmir as a royal resort for the travelling purposes, there is not much historically worthwhile description. Kashmir valley, in the same way, found a second missionary description during the tenure of Jahangir, when father Joseph de Castro visited Kashmir valley along with Mughal emperor Jahangir in Likewise Father Busy in 1651, during the reign of Shahjahan, visited Kashmir valley. In these, historically important missionary descriptions, Kashmir valley had appeared as a favourite place of Mughals. Deluded by Mughal visions of region the subjectivity of Kashmiri masses could not figure in missionary writings. From, the travel texts of the period, it is evident that the missionaries were by then neither too much appreciative of missionary work nor even enthusiastic in earning hopeful levels of conversions. 6 James Ferguson, Kashmir, An Historical Introduction (London: Centaur Press, 1961), 143.

7 They perceived there is not much scope for missions in Kashmir. Even the mountainous landscape appeared to have made them uneasy for carrying out their activities. In 1832 Kashmir was visited by Rev. Joseph Wolff. The son of a Jewish Rabbi, Wolff, was born in Weilersbach(1795) in Bohemia and at an early age showed a desire to become a Christian. He was baptized by the abbot of a Benedictine monastery at Prague in 1812, received the Christian name of Joseph. He proved, however, too critical of the beliefs of the Roman Catholic Church and was expelled from the propaganda where he was studying in preparation for a missionary carrier. He was then befriended by some English people and after he had been introduced to Simon of Cambridge, the leader of the evangelical movement in the church of India at that time, it was decided that he should study at Cambridge to train as a missionary to the Jews. Here, he tells us, he learnt everything that he undertook with the exception of one thing which Simen tried in vain to teach him, namely how to shave himself. At the end of two years, in 1821, he was sent out as a missionary by the society for promoting Christianity among the Jews. For the next 20 years he travelled extensively in Asia, Africa and America. He visited India, in He also visited Afghanistan and travelled throughout the land from Kashmir to Cochin. He ended his life as vicar of Ile brewers in Somerset. By adopting various methods his intention was to propagate Christianity to the masses. But in his goal he was partially unsuccessful. Much to his dismay, in a region like Kashmir he hardly achieved any success in converting the people. Probably because of this Wolf s description of Kashmir had been nothing more than his disgust in failing to make a good number of conversions. His utmost efforts to do a favour to his creed Christianity, has rendered Kashmir into oblivion.

8 Towards Peripheries: The Christian Missionary Activism in the Aftermath of Revolt 1857 By and before the outbreak of the revolt of 1857, the missionary activities remained largely confined to the core regions of British India. During the entire period, that follows the fall of Mughal Empire till the time of great mutiny of 1857, missionary activities were going on in India. But most often Christian missionaries operated in British India only. Outside British India their activism was not so much impressive. Within the British India the purpose of their operation was governed by many things. First and foremost, due to the security reasons they remained confined to the core regions of British India. At the initial stages even the colonial government was not actively supporting them. For, the company perceived them as a threat for their commercial gains. In the metropolis the absence of strong lobby or popular voice that might support the establishment of extensive networks for carrying out the process of evangelisation was second great impediment in the missionary activism in India. It was only towards the turn of the nineteenth century that missionary activism and colonial commerce with colonies could negotiate their differences to a great extent. With the rise of various Christian missionaries to power in Britain, new gates were opened for the active evangelism. This process continued up to the unfolding events of After the 1857 Revolt colonial state realized that somewhere the missionary activities too were one cause of the outbreak. 8 Perhaps it was in this backdrop that many of the privileges of Christian missionaries were curtailed. The strict watch over their activities eventually led them to look for peripheries. This move assigns a new outlook to colonial rule, which appeared more messianic to many from at the metropolis. 8 Aberdeen Herald and General Advertiser, Saturday, August 22 (1857), 3, cited in Heather Streets, The Rebellion of 1857: Origins, Consequences, and Themes, Teaching South Asia, and internet Journal of Pedagogy, vol. Volume I, No. 1, (Winter 2001): 94.

9 Due to these Indian situation and many other developments at the metropolis, the extent of missionary activism took a different direction towards the peripheral regions of the Empire. It was in the wake of the Revolt1857, that many European missionary societies could establish their networks in different parts of India that were officially designated as Princely States. At the initial stages the peripheral regions could not get any benefit out of missionary blessings. For, areas wherein security lapse would put in peril the lives of missionaries, ended up in failure, in attracting the missionaries. It was only after the passing of the Queen s proclamation in 1858, that Christian missionary activities, which were earlier being even facilitated by persons in authority, came to a halt, probably due to the considerable extent missionary activities and stories of conversion to Christianity were presumed as one of the necessary factors, behind the outbreak of revolt of As Mantena, in a seminal work Alibis of Empire: Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal Imperialism had argued that the generation that rose to prominence in the wake of the Indian Mutiny (1857) and the Morant Bay Rebellion in Jamaica (1865) drew two lessons from these crises. First, they viewed these outbreaks as a backlash provoked by too much imperial meddling in traditional societies. Second, they concluded that, far from being amenable to civilizing reforms, traditional societies were incommensurably different from modem, European ones. 9 Consequently, in post 1857 period, the policy of conservative brand of liberalism 10, as Thomas Metcalf calls it, started, but not discouraged the missionaries completely. Evidently, from here on Christian missionaries resorted towards the peripheries. The peripheral move of Christian missionaries, with the hopes to win more numbers to Christianity, as well to act as the necessary source of information for the authorities of British, 9 Karuna Mantena, Alibis of Empire: Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal Imperialism, (New Jersey, Princeton: University Press, 2010). 10 Thomas R. Metcalf, The Aftermath of Revolt. India, (London and Princeton: Princeton University press, 1965)

10 both in India as well as at metropolis. But, there were also few missionaries, whose endeavours were individualistic and assumingly disconnected with colonial power. This way Kashmir valley in the second half of the nineteenth century came in true sense under the influence of Christian missionaries. By that time however Kashmir as a border region had been turned into a princely purchased territorial state of Gulab Singh and the male heirs from his family. Gulab Singh and male successors from his own Dogra family ruled over the state of Jammu and Kashmir till the political decolonisation of India in1947. It was during this time that Kashmir valley truly witnessed the arrival of Christian missionaries who have left accounts of their stay in the state in the form of travel accounts. Robert Thorp and Arthur Brinkman: The Opponents of Imperial Business and not Empire In the second half of the nineteenth century just before the inception of organised missionary activities in the region, Kashmir witnessed the arrival of Robert Thorp, an English missionary. Robert Thorp was an English Christian missionary and son of a Kashmiri woman who married an English officer. Major Thorp, father of Robert thorp, had married a Kashmiri woman, and Robert Thorp was born to the couple after their return to England. As he grew up, he decided to visit the place where from his mother had come. This eventually took him to the Kashmir. On reaching Kashmir, contrary to his expectations to encounter a beautiful landscape and its people in all pleasant conditions, he found widespread wretchedness all around the Kashmir valley. Kashmir, which was his maternal home, he found had been handed over to Gulab Singh, as a token of honour, for playing a treacherous role in the first Anglo Sikh war (1845), which eventually had led to the defeat of Sikhs. This type of colonial transaction in which a vital region had been sold and subjected to utter slavery and subordination left him broken. His image of British rule as a Civilising force playing crucial role in overhauling the stagnant oriental lands was shattered at once.

11 According to Biscoe, Thorp initially came to Kashmir as a tourist and a hunter of big game. Soon, his attention was diverted towards the sorrows of Kashmiri Muslims who were labouring under the worst kind of misrule that they had ever witnessed. Since his own mother had been a Kashmiri Muslim, he felt a brotherly feeling towards the abject subjects of Maharaja. His father, Colonel Thorp, had married Jana of Tosa Maidan belt. So he made it his business to study and expose the pattern of misrule unleashed against them by Ranbir Singh and his agents. 11 On finding the people of Kashmir in distress and utterly miserable conditions he decided to expose the messianic claims of British imperialism. He began to write articles for the English newspapers of London. His intention was to highlight the plight of Kashmiri masses as an outcome of the colonial transaction through which they have sold the vale. For this reason he vehemently exposed the oppressive Dogra state of the region. First and foremost, for the European audience he wrote articles in such a way that helped them to trace the history of the region, which seemed to him was in inexplainable suffering. Followed by this, by the same token, he sought to locate the reasons behind British handing the region over to a war lord. The overall state of people that was widely miserable, owing to the excessive taxation and denial of justice, led him to question the claims of colonial rule as a civilizing force. With the purpose of creating awareness among the general people in Britain regarding the colonial business of Kashmir, enabled his expositions to be the first major narrative of counter- hegemonic stance. A collection of these articles, Cashmere Misgovernment, 12 pitched for the overthrowing of the cruel Colonial rule. Instead of being a critique of Empire by intention, he tried to highlight the colonial business of Empire that has rendered Kashmir as a victim of a cruel, corrupt and oppressive native rule. Without any hesitation he remarked: 11 C.E Tyndale Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shadow (London: Seeley Service and Company, 1922, reprint, Srinagar: Gulshan Publishers, 2005), Robert Thorp, Cashmere Misgovernment (London: Longmans, Green and Co., 1870).

12 by a government into whose hands British statesmen sold the people of Kashmir, by a government, therefore whose existence is a disgrace to the British name. It is at once a memorial of that foul act, when like the arch traitor of old; we battered innocent lives, which fate placed into our hands for a few pieces of silver. 13 Further he mourned by revealing, Towards the people of Cashmere we have committed a wanton outrage, a gross injustice, and an act of tyrannical oppression, which violates every humane and honourable sentiment, which is opposed to the whole spirit of modern civilization and is in direct opposition to every tenant of the religion we profess. 14 The multiple layers of oppression and cruelty of Dogra rule was the motivating factor that led him to lament on British attitude towards Kashmir. In his writings, Dogra rulers figured as the perpetuators of crime and as accomplices of colonial business. Naturally, they could not tolerate his endeavour aimed at damaging their image at Britain. Consequently, Ranbir Singh ( ), the Dogra Ruler of the state of the time asked him to vacate from the valley, but he was determined to stay and refused to obey his orders. As his endeavour raptured the image of princely order of Kashmir among the colonial authorities, this eventually led to his mysterious death. But before his death Robert Thorp has considerably raptured and exposed an oppressive regime. In his lamenting over misgovernance in Kashmir, Robert thorp had made visible the atrocities of Dogra regime, including its oppressive mechanism and multiplication of taxes, 13 Thorpe, Cashmere Misgovernment, Thorpe, Cashmere Misgovernment, 66.

13 prevalence of legalised prostitution centres, forced labour, religious discrimination, and other wretched conditions owing their origin to Dogra politics. Despite Robert Thorp s attempt to voice anti-imperialist sentiments he however could not usher in the expected change. He lost his life but the sufferings of people of Kashmir continued as usual under the same Dogra dynasty. The colonial state of India did not abrogate the dynasty, rather tried to create some checks and balances over the misuse of power. However, the legacy of highlighting the miseries of Kashmiri masses as the outcome of colonial transaction and the imposed subjection as a necessary outcome of the establishment of a native princely order, did not go in vain. Soon Robert Thorpe s legacy received a valuable rejoinder. Arthur Brinkman, who visited Kashmir valley soon after his death, had paid much attention to the identical facets of Kashmir. Arthur Brinkman s basic objective as a Christian missionary was to propagate the teachings of bible in the beautiful lands of Kashmir. But his missionary zeal turned him into a reactionary for the Colonial business in which Kashmir had been sold out to loyal tyrants. This led him to write a pamphlet entitled, Wrongs of Kashmir, 15 with a purpose to get addressed the plight of Kashmir valley. The subject matter of the pamphlet which he published after returning to England was much provocative and critical of manhandling of Kashmiris on the part of colonial authorities. At the very outset of the pamphlet, Arthur Brinkman champions the cause of direct annexation of the region. He starts his account by asserting, the objective of this little pamphlet is to inform the British public of five facts, of which it seems to be ignorant. Firstly, that there really is a beautiful country called, Cashmere, situated in the Asia; and that Cashmere is not a mere name of distinguishing a peculiar kind of shawl. Secondly, that this country, Cashmere, a short time ago, belonged to us, but that we sold it, against the 15 Brinkman, Arthur, Wrongs of Kashmir (London: 40, Berkely Square, 1867).

14 wish of its inhabitants, to Golab Singh. Thirdly, that since this noble bargain was concluded (1846), the poor cashmeres have been shamefully oppressed by the rulers we put over them, and that this oppression is getting worse and worse. Fourthly, that for the last fifteen years these unhappy people have been asking us in every way they could, to release them from their wretched condition. Fifthly, that we the ruler of cashmere is tributary to us, and bound by treaty to acknowledge our supremacy, and yet he is allowed to insult us continually with impunity, and to persecute Christians. In short, to get Kashmir well governed, is what I am trying for; how this is to be done, ought soon to be decided for many reasons. The only plan that I humbly think would secure this object would be annexation. 16 William Elmslie, a medical missionary from Edinburgh before he started his missionary profession at Kashmir had also voiced the same feelings: Disgraceful to us English, for we sold, literally sold, the country into the hands of its present possessors; and sold with it the flesh and blood of thousands of our fellow creatures, sold them into perpetual slavery. 17 These early missionary accounts could not mobilise enough support, so that colonial interests may be given up, in favour of the welfare of the colonized subjects. This failure came up most probably because of the essential purposes behind the carving out of the princely state of J&K in the north-west, which was nothing but purely a colonial creation. For, they wanted to contain the Russian threat at the lowest expenditure. Further that time it was not economically feasible for the colonial government of India to govern this region through a direct manner, for fringes were controlled only for the purpose of consolidation and not always and exclusively for the commercial gains. Under such circumstances the interests of the colonial Empire were given 16 Brinkman, Wrongs of Kashmir, T. W. Burns, A Memoir of William Jackson Elmslie, 3rd edn. (London: James Nisbet & Co., 1881), 76: see also, Elmslie and T. Burns, Seedtime in Kashmir: A Memoir of William Jackson Elmslie (London: James Nisbet & Co.,1875), 76.

15 priority that ultimately resulted in unheeding the plight of the people of the Kashmir Valley. The raptured image of empire and colonial business that pioneers of the missionary intervention in Kashmir highlighted was negotiated by subsequent missionary travel narratives that attempted their best to portray their missionary activism in the region was going to lead them towards the better standards of the life. No doubt the direct intervention of Christian missionaries in the region was part of the colonial intervention in Kashmir, but partly they were meant to reduce the effect of negative foil created by earlier Christian partisans of colonial order in the context of Kashmir. Apologists of Empire: Missionary Writing Justifying Colonial Hold of Kashmir In contrast to the missionary narratives of Thorp and Brinkman, that had relatively damaged the image of the colonial empire respectively, the subsequent missionary cum travel writings attempted to free the colonial state from all sort of allegations levelled against it. This becomes evident when the subsequent missionary-travel writing sought to justify the Empire s hold over Kashmir as a benevolent interventionist force worthy to bring substantial changes in the stagnant society of Kashmir. In the name of missionary accounts these travel texts bear the tendency to convey the message essentially on the Empire s behalf as well to raise respect for the Empire among the metropolitan detractors. Church Missionary Society of England During the second half of the nineteenth century, Church Missionary Society of England began to take interest in Kashmir. It was this society of protestant missionaries which for the first time started its missionary activities in Kashmir in an organized manner. Colonel Martin, a retired army officer of Peshawar, Rev. Robert Clerk of the Punjab missionary and two other Indian Christians, were the important members of CMS that made Kashmir as a

16 destiny for their missionary activities. 18 However, a permanent mission was established under Clark and Smith in These missionaries started the process to eradicate the mass illiteracy. In 1880, a school was founded by the permission and assistance of the Church Missionary Society London. 20 Rev Doxey a Christian missionary Doctor, Dr. Edmond Downes Rev Knowles were prominent missionaries involved in imparting education to Kashmiris till With the arrival of Biscoe in 1891 imparting education started on modern lines. 22 Roman Catholic Church Mission By taking tinge from Church Missionary Society of England and the Scottish mission, the Roman Catholic Church too showed a phenomenal interest to impart education for the purpose of proselytization in Kashmir. In 1903, Father Brauer and J. P. Boland started St. Joseph s School at Baramullah, a remote region of Kashmir. As a co-education school it actively played a crucial role in educating both boys and girls till Besides in 1936 some nuns associated with Roman Catholic Church also established a Presentation Convent school at Srinagar. Scottish Church Mission The Church of Scottish mission one of the oldest missionary group started their proselytization work in Kashmir by around At the request of Reverend Youngston, notable among the Scottish mission group, maharaja Pratap Singh ( ) sanctioned a grant of land for the Scottish mission church on 29, September With lot of difficulties, they too tried their best to implant Christianity in Kashmir by the agency of education and 18 P. N Bazaz, Daughters of Vitasta, Bazaz, Daughters of Vitasta, 206; Mohammad Ishaq Khan, History of Srinagar, Khan, History of Srinagar, Biscoe, Tyndale, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shades, Biscoe, Fifty Years Against the Streams, Census of India 1971, Kashmir, part 1, Jammu and Kashmir General Department (O.E.R) file no73/b-79 of 1915.

17 missionary medical services. But unlike protestant missionaries, the Catholic groups could not achieved much reputation. Protestant missionary groups of which Tyndale Biscoe was an important member, both for their educational and medical services, were comparatively well received. Tyndale Biscoe, an Apologist of Empire: Colonial Mission and Kashmir After a few Christian missionaries who had planted themselves, by establishing schools and hospitals, Kashmir witnessed the arrival of Tyndale Biscoe. By around 1891, he arrived and indulged wholeheartedly in imparting modern education. In missionary texts he had been described as one of the eminent missionaries who devoted his life to the cause and development of the education of the people of Kashmir. He, along with his family, stayed in Kashmir for more than a decade, established his own school after his name and added many times to the growing popularity of Christian missionary schools. For his educational endeavours his name is still remembered with a lot of respect, and the school named after his name exists till date, maintaining its reputation in the heart of Srinagar city. His stay in Kashmir for a considerable period enabled him to write more precisely about the Kashmir valley. And a result he could develop documents of his experiences and experiments he carried out in Kashmir, in moulding Kashmir society s form and other traditional practices. In a missionary mode, his prolific writings about Kashmir and its people have come down to readers in the form of three major books namely, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shadow, 25 Fifty Years Against the Streams, 26 and Character Building in Kashmir. 27 These books seem to have been written for various purposes. At the first place they seem to be carried with intent to keep men at metropolis informed about the developments taking place at colonies under the aegis of Empire. Secondly, 25 C.E Tyndale Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shadow (London: Seeley Service and Company, 1922, reprint, Srinagar: Gulshan Publishers, 2005). 26 Tyndale Biscoe, Fifty Years Against the Streams: The story of a school in Kashmir, (London: Wesleyan Mission Press, London, 1930). 27 Tyndale Biscoe, Character Building in Kashmir (London: Church missionary Society, 1920).

18 they presented the more recent and detailed descriptions of the missionary work, for those associated especially with the Missionary Societies, and the people contributing for it, in terms of charities. These texts were simultaneously meant to made them believe in the assumption that the English presence outside is dedicated to the cause and upliftment of downtrodden societies of the East. Biscoe being a missionary, whose objective in visiting the Kashmir valley was serving the missionary activities in the field of education, provides invaluable inferences about nineteenth century Kashmir. Like his other contemporaries, he finds Kashmir as a fertile ground for missionary activism. Vent has been given to the superstitious beliefs, which were assumingly then prevalent among Kashmiri s. Kashmir s description as a whole, including its people, politics, places, people s character, popular beliefs, fashions, manners, memories and medicinal beliefs, all have been described. All eventually had highlighted it as a region that has to become skilled in many good things only from the valuable presence of the European people and power in the region. Unlike those few missionaries who happened to be visitors of the valley before him; his vision of Kashmir varied widely. For instance, for the native rule, he had deep respect for they are now no more placing obstacles in the missionary activities. Even, he attempts to put them preferably at places wherein they would happily listen and learn from enlightened West. He starts his description of travel and encounters more like a traveller than a missionary. On disembarking from the train near Peshawar, the road that would lead him to Srinagar at last, Biscoe realized the natives had indulged in money making through various acts of corruption. And in this wake he passed a judgement like this: The natives oppress one another when they get a chance, and to show what enormous difficulties confront the English police officers in their herculean efforts to administer

19 justice in India. There is a certain class of politician who is continually trying to belittle the work of the British officer and bringing scorn, as they think, our administration in India by showing up the evil practices of the Indian police, but those who know India at all know that these revelations only show that there is still need of more Englishmen to prevent the Indian from bullying his brother. English have their faults, and plenty of them, but it is not in their line to oppress and bully the poor defenceless, thank God. 28 Further he reiterated: In my compartment is a political officer who understands his eastern brother well and in consequence has coolies in plenty to pick up his loads when other passengers are shouting coolie in vain. The trick is quite simple. Instead of calling coolie ider ao! in an angry tone, you say ider ao tum badmash! (come here, you blackguard! ) In a firm voice, with a spice of jocularity thrown in and a twinkle in your eye, and give the men a good smack on their backs as they bend to lift your loads, then you will have as many coolies as you desire. I have always been most grateful to this officer for teaching me this trick, which has stood me in good stead all through my pilgrimage in this wonderful and amusing country. 29 Similarly he recounted: Our eastern brother is a naturally good tempered and easy going gentleman, who responds to pleasant and cheery treatment. If, on the other hand, you lose your temper with him you will never get willing service and often have unnecessary trouble. Treat the Indian well and you will never find better servants or more trusty friends. 30 After these general remarks about his western self and its Other in the form of eastern inhabitants, Biscoe provided a historical sketch of the Kashmir valley. In doing this the region s 28 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 21.

20 long suffering under oppressive regimes of pre-colonial days had been enumerated as the general feature of the valley. The worst condition, in which people of Kashmir were living then, thus, through this historical sketch, had been ascribed to a long history and not necessarily to the mere consequences of princely dynasty to which English government of India had created. In this regard he writes: Kashmir, being one of the loveliest countries of the world, very naturally became the desire of all who visited it, and the poor Kashmiri has been the servant and slave of various dynasties. In 1750 it came under the most cruel and worst of all, the rule of the Afghans. Those who would not give up their Hinduism for Mohammed were done to death, and thousands were tied up in sacks and drowned in the rivers and lakes. In 1819 the Kashmiris called the aid of Sikhs, who drove out the Afghans and ruled with almost as cruel a hand as did the Afghans. Again in 1846 the country came under the rule of the Rajputs, for when the British arms conquered the Sikhs we made over this lovely country to Maharaja Gulab Singh [ ], who owned the neighbouring country of the Jammu, for the paltry sum of three quarters of a million pounds, to be his and his heirs, as an independent possession. In consideration for the transfer, Gulab Singh was to hand over annually to the British government one horse, twelve perfect shawl goats and three pairs of Cashmere shawls, and further was to bring all his troops to join ours when necessary for maintaining order in the territories adjoining his border. When the maharaja Gulab Singh died, his son Ranbir Singh [ ], became maharaja, and on his decease his eldest son, Pratab Singh [ ]. Now Pratab Singh, G.C S.I., took his seat on the Gaddi (throne) in the year He governs his country with the help of a state council composed of native officials, not

21 from Kashmir but from India. Most of them are men lent by the Indian government and hold various appointments, such as public works, revenue, etc. 31 His account acted as one of the best expressions of the time explaining the overhauling of the worn out image of Kashmir, produced by the earlier missionaries. Thrilled in describing the deeds of the fellow missionaries in Kashmir, he would sound to see colonial intervention as the necessary force that was going to liberate the region from the age old superstitions. It is no more unhidden that such a travel account might have produced an impression that Kashmir was doing well under the aegis of colonial empire. Especially, the way he writes, one would assume the missionary s arrival in Kashmir and their humanitarian services and the spreading of teachings of gospel as benefiting the people of the region. The people of Kashmir who had long lived under the tyrannical rule and superstitious religious beliefs were now witnessing a change inaugurated by the colonial power. And the present ruler of Kashmir, one of the close aides of colonial government of India, was no more putting obstacles in the activities of missionaries. Unlike former missionary documents that castigates colonial government of India for plunging the region into a state of perpetual slavery and dark rule of natives, 32 the presumptions of Biscoe tended to be sophisticated and highly in favour of the colonial state s decision to retain such a portion of land under the native rule that has nonetheless opted to be different from the past rulers. By referring to the colonial intervention through the institution of residency, he proclaimed the forces of progress had set in. The day doesn t seem so far when the modern type vehicle would run on the tough roads of state. One could fill a book of thrilling stories of this road, terrible deaths and marvellous escapes; and so these excitements must continue until the animals are properly looked after 31 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Brinkman, Wrongs of Kashmir, 1.

22 and the hill-sides cease slipping down, or until motor vehicles supersede the Tonga and the cart, and so relieve the poor animals of their burdens, which I am glad to see is now taking place. 33 Followed by these remarks, he furnished valuable information about the various developments taking place in the Kashmir. Here, more honestly, forces of progress and colonial motives have been identified as the two faces of the same coin. The then resident colonial Parry Nisbet, an officer of the right type, was sent by the viceroy to Kashmir as British resident to help the maharaja to carry out the many needed reforms in his country, and amongst them to push on this cart road from India to Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir, which from Rawalpindi would be about 200 miles. 34 At that time Russia was menacing our frontier in the Hindukush, and it was necessary that we should have a road for our troops in order to resist if necessary any attack from that quarter. 35 Beautiful Kashmir Awaits Reformation An essential aspect of the missionary cum travel documents of Biscoe has been the wide range of subjects about which he has expressed his views. Instead of giving a plain description of his association with missionary works, different things that render the region much suitable for carrying out missionary activities, had been mentioned. The wide range of subjects involve descriptions varying between aspects of the natural landscapes to the traits of the human beings of the Kashmir region. In appreciation of natural landscapes he writes: As you travel off the river you see side valleys opening into the main valley in all directions, down which rushing snow-fed rivers make their way to the main stream, father Jhelum. It is 33 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 31.

23 up these beautiful secluded valleys the visitors wander every Summer like nomads in their tents and select their own camping grounds, under the shade of great wall-nut trees, or higher up under the pines, for these valleys are clothed with pine-trees from 7000 feet to or feet; after that grow the birch trees up to feet; then juniper, and after that grass and bare rock to the snows, at feet and upwards. 36 Further he writes; Standing on the glorious pine-clad mountains, and seeing through a clearing in the forest the whole vale of Kashmir stretched before one s feet, one thinks of Moses on mountain Pisgah viewing the Promised Land. For truly Kashmir is a land of milk and honey. 37 His appreciation of Kashmir as a landscape of awesome beauty was no way an exaggeration, but it had been interrelated with missionary interests as well. By picturing Kashmir as a Promised Land, or a land of milk and honey, the underlined meaning was to appeal to the missionaries for further work. However, by that time the colonial racial science had developed, and it naturally had an impact on his writings as well. Towards this direction he elaborated the racial aspects of Kashmiris thus: The Kashmiris are of the Aryan stock, and are as a rule quite good-looking. The women are considered to be beautiful. I must say that I not myself seen beauties, but possibly if they were clean and wore becoming garments i might have reason to change my opinion. Also most of the upper-class women are never seen in the streets, and I am told by ladies who visit the zenanas that some of the women are really beautiful. Many of the people 36 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 55.

24 think that Kashmiris belong to the lost tribes of Israel, as many of them have such noses, also their love of money and getting jealous of their neighbours is very strong. 38 Besides to implore interest in the oriental women s residence, seclusion, Oriental harem to which English women alone enjoyed access, would usually figure as the theme of most of the travel writing on Orient, have been defined in a single strike. Here Biscoe joined other travellers who encountered the Orient and presented it within a context of male gaze at work. Precise description of Kashmir valley ranging from the issues of history to its habitants, culture, religious beliefs, manners and almost everything has been a part of his writings. In doing so however, he would subject everything to the idea of West s superiority and distinctive place, quite distinguishable from the East, even as he admires that Kashmir fortunately possesses an ancient history, and a civilisation more ancient than our own. 39 In tracing the history of Kashmir, he believes in the notion that once it had been a lake and tectonic developments altered into a home for human habitations. The legend that Kashmir was once upon a time a lake, called Satisar, has been accepted only to say since then it had been home to human beings who came from different parts of the world. This immigration also rendered it to be a place wherein different religious beliefs flourished since the day first. But in the same direction in order to explain the rise of Islam in the region, he ascribed the latter had been a forcible phenomenon. He discredits even the prominent Sufi saints, who are held high for playing key roles in the mass conversion through peaceful means, by projecting them all contemptuously as actors of forcible conversion. The arrival of Syeds and Sufis to Kashmir valley had been ascribed to the legend that would allege that the eviction of Syeds from their native place was an outcome of their illicit acts and false livelihood. Neither the role of syncretic 38 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 60. Much before Biscoe, François Bernier too had speculated about the same Jewish features of Kashmiris. 39 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 67.

25 traditions in popularising the tenants of Islam, nor the flaws in the existing orders have been considered instrumental in the Islamic conversions in the valley. 40 Writing at a time when national movement in India had come into existence and the official strategy of colonial authorities was to exploit the gulf between the Indian communities, especially Hindus and Muslims, this historical ambivalence consequently had affected Biscoe s narrations. In his endeavours to explain the history of Kashmir valley as well as extensive scope for proselytising the people, he attempted his best to define Kashmir as a healthy ground for mass conversions. For, historically, he attempted to make a point that different religions have been adopted and practised by Kashmiris. A fact for which, History stands as a perfect testimony. Started with the Brahmanical religious system, he found, Kashmir had come under the influence of Buddhism whence Buddhist missionaries could carve out a significant space for their religion. By around the beginning of the medieval period Kashmiris adhered to the Islamic principles, by embracing the religion of Islam. In the embracing of Islam, Biscoe however holds the opinion that application of force rendered the region to emerge as a seat of Islam for a prolonged time. He assigned a communal outlook to the regional history in which, like the medieval history of Indian subcontinent, he attempted to portray the medieval Muslim ruler s immense role in the forcible conversions, and their unjustifiable execution of Hindus. 41 By comparing the medieval Muslim rulers who ruled Kashmir with contemporary English monarchs such as Henry VI, Queen Elizabeth I, Charles II, James II, and William III he sought to highlight the advancement of the West and its enlightened monarchs. 42 By painting unscrupulously the medieval period of Kashmir region s history as Muslim, and monarchs of the period as bigots and sectarian towards the other religious communities, 40 M. Ishaq Khan, Kashmir's Transition to Islam (Manohar: Delhi, 1994); Cf. Richard M. Eaton, Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier (Indian reprint, Delhi, 1997). 41 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 72.

26 Biscoe wanted to contain the serious nature of allegations levelled against the British rule. The Dogra dynasty which was ruling Kashmir as a purchased princely state was a colonial creation. In many of its policies and extractions it had adopted anti- Muslim attitude. Though its purpose was to extract economic and materialistic gains from Kashmir, ideologically it ruled as what Mridu Rai has described as Hindu state at its core. 43 Eventually, the colonial creation of the political regime and their exactions has been termed as a reaction to the given history of the Muslim rule. Ultimately this gave the impression that what was being presently perpetuated had little to do with colonial imposition, rather it had connections with the region s own history marked by oppression of Hindus by Muslim rulers in the past. Thus the transgressed conduct of past rulers, whether myth or truth, was ascribed as the main reason behind the sectarian conduct of princely order of Kashmir during the colonial period. Rehearsing Colonial Stereotyping One is astonished to accept the description of Kashmir valley, which has been provided by Biscoe, as a gospel truth. Albeit there was much crude in the character of a Kashmiri due to the consistent eras of oppression, but to call them as a general trait of all Kashmiris is arbitrarily problematic. To make people believe that the condition of Kashmir at the advent of his travel was worst, his resolve appears to be a perpetuation of the crude Colonial stereotyping agendas. Particularly so when he writes: To call a man a Kashmiri is a term of abuse, for it stands for a coward and a rogue and much else of an unpleasant nature. For, instance, when giving a servant a character, a man whom you are dismissing and could not possibly recommend, you write; this man is a 43 Mridu Rai, Hindu Rulers, Muslim Subjects: Islam, Rights, and the History of Kashmir (Permanent Black, Delhi, 2004).

27 good specimen of a Kashmiri. Everyone understands that such a man is not fit for employment. 44 The vices in Kashmiri character, all seemed to him not inborn, but essentially an outcome of the situations he had lived in. And the situations were all marked by political oppression of both foreign and native rulers of the region that happened to be predecessors to the colonial political set-up. The regional political set-up of Kashmir under Dogra dynasty however appears to him an enlightened aide of colonial state that possesses the capability to transform things and to set in motion the forces of progress and prosperity with the help of colonial government. Within this scenario he writes: But why are they so different from the people living around them? Because they happen to live in one of the most beautiful countries on earth and therefore other people have coveted it. Kashmir has been conquered and re-conquered by invaders, who have murdered, oppressed and enslaved their ancestors, and so ground the life and heart out of them that their better selves have been crushed. It is quite possible that if we Britishers had to undergo what the Kashmiris have suffered in the past we might have lost our manhood. I recall instances in my own school life when boys have been severely bullied and so lost their manhood, for their better self-had been crushed out of them. But, thank God, it has been otherwise with us and other western nations, for to us instead has been given the opportunity of helping some of the weaker peoples of the world, and the Kashmiri among them. May we ever be true to our trust. 45 Here the missionary-cum traveller s approach in describing Kashmiri people and their characters would sound to be an expression of a colonial fantasy. But simultaneously he equated their vice 44 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 79.

28 with an inherited heritage of oppression. And thus he then treats it as an acquired trait and not an inborn one. Long subjection to oppression and denial of freedom has been the reasons behind their degeneration. Whatever evil, he however affirmed a positive hope in improvement that colonial government with the collaboration of Christian missionaries would be installing very soon. And towards this direction he writes: Gradually are the Kashmiris rising from slavery to manhood, though the growth is naturally very slow at present, but they are on the upward road; I shall latter on prove to you that in long run they will find themselves, and I trust they will become once more a brave people, as they were in the days of old when their own kings led them forth to battle. 46 To convince the reader that all his account holds truth, he had narrated, I am writing of things as they are, and hence I shall have to speak unpleasant truths maybe, for I am no believer in veiling the truth or playing to the gallery. As humour used to be one of the essential parts of the European travel writing, so had been the case with Biscoe as well. My wife and I were travelling one summer in the valley and having arrived at a village toward evening we pitched our tents. Then we sent for the Chowkidar, of the village to ask him to supply us with the usual necessaries, the most important being milk for our baby boy, who was making his wants known in the manner usual to babies. The Chowkidar appeared carrying his spear with a flag upon it. This being his wand of office. I told him of our needs, and asked him to let us have some milk for the child as soon as possible. He answered, saying that he was very sorry but there was not a drop of milk in the village. So I asked him what the babies of his village drank, and he said; they always drink water. 46 Biscoe, Kashmir in Sunlight and Shade, 80.

29 So I told him not to be a fool, but to bring the milk. He answered; how can i, for there are no cows in the village? at that moment I happened to catch sight of one of the cow tribe feeding on the village green. I said to him; what animal is that? pointing to it. Can it be a bear? No sahib, said he, it is not a bear. It is cow; but all our cows are out of milk. I then said to him; well, what about eggs? To this he replied; there are no hens in the village. At that moment a cock crew, so I asked him: what noise is that? Is that the voice of an eagle?. No said he. True, oh sahib, it is cock s voice. Well, then, be off quick and bring us eggs. I am very sorry, said he, I cannot do that either, for all the fowl in this village happen to be cocks. And he added; we have nothing in this village. By this time I was getting impatient, as our baby boy was crying and my wife anguish to give him his tea, so I said to the Chowkidar; look, what bird is that? Pointing up to a kite soaring over head as his eyes went aloft I seized the spear out of his hand and turned it on that part of his person which he uses when he happens to sit down, saying at the same time; milk! Eggs! The scene changed immediately, for the Chowkidar was off at full speed to the village, shouting, Blue murder, and I heard at his heels until we entered the village gate, where I posted myself with the spear and told him to look sharp. I had not long to wait, for within ten minutes he back, loaded with milk, eggs and chickens, and grinning from ear to ear as he motioned me to return to the camp, whilst he came on behind carrying the provender, so immediately all was peace and happiness. Under Process of Civilisation: The portrait of Kashmir in other Contemporary Christian Missionary Cum Travel accounts Other missionaries who happened to be contemporary to the Biscoe, and even a few of them his close friends and colleagues in missionary work in Kashmir, have also left behind traces of their travels. First of all, it was William Elmslie, a medical missionary from Edinburgh too regarded missionaries are performing a noble profession in serving the downtrodden people of

30 the Kashmir. 47 By considering their missionaries activities as a part of intervention policy partly facilitated by the colonial state and partly as an outcome of their own religious zeal, they have perceived the entire colonial business in Kashmir as wholesome. The contribution of missionaries in the field of education and health, the modernisation of Kashmiri people and preaching of gospel with effectiveness, all appears a happy omen. Fredrick Neve and his brother E. Neve, who worked as doctors in Kashmir, and received a respectable description in Biscoe s own writings, in their personal missionary narratives praised the missionary works. They all have peculiarly resorted to demonstrate that improvements in the lot of Kashmiri s without the missionary arrival, was impossible. Despite the core region of activities was confined to the main city Srinagar, their claim involves that the whole Kashmir would very soon be benefited by the benevolent activities of Christian missionaries. An important knot in the history of Christian missionaries encounter with heathens opened with the despatching of female missionaries. From the 1880 s church missionary societies acknowledged the worth of lady missionaries, both in keeping the male missionaries transgression under check, as well in being allowed to visit the seclude places of oriental woman. Their endurance in suffering the pain, and persistent professing of tenants of Christianity at abroad were the popular parts of missionary publications in Europe. They were perceived iconic figures in promoting light of Christianity in heathendom. In inviting towards salvation, the people of east were painted as pagans, much in need of lessons to learn from the gospel. Women Missionaries in Kashmir The flexibility in the attitude of the protestant Christian missionary societies towards employing female missionaries resulted in deployment of number of female missionaries in Kashmir. The 47 T. W. Burns, A Memoir of William Jackson, 76; Elmslie and T. Burns, Seedtime in Kashmir: A Memoir of William Jackson Elmslie, 76.

31 female missionaries who, in the wake of the changing policy of CMS, visited Kashmir includes Fanny Jane Butler ( ),Miss Elizabeth Gordon hull( ),mrs. C.E Tyndale Biscoe(1891), Miss Amy Judd, (1891), Miss M. K Webster ( ), Miss Annie Coverdale (1893), Miss Catherine Newnham (1893), and Irene Eleanora Verita Petrie ( ). Out of these female Christian missionaries, Irene Eleanora Verita Petrie ( ) biographic travel text serves the most important purpose to understand the encounter of a Christian woman missionary with the Orientals. Irene Eleanora Verita Petrie, daughter of a former soldier, and Scottish by birth, joined C.M. S at a very tender age. Her prolonged association with C.M.S provided for her chance to visit Kashmir with a missionary zeal. Perhaps she was the first woman Christian missionary whose biography entitled, Irene Petrie, Missionary to Kashmir, enumerates the essence of the encounter of a European Christian Woman with Kashmir. Her biography, which got published posthumously, by the assistance of Mrs. Ashley Carus-Wilson is based on memories and views of people who knew her when she was alive, when she was a student, when she wore the robes of missionary, and when she turned into a devoted missionary zealot. Besides these, a wider portion of her biography consisted of letters which she wrote while performing her job as a missionary in Kashmir. From her letters that constitutes a significant portion of the biographical text, it is explicitly obvious that in her encounter her existence and identity as female is superseded by her missionary zeal and association with colonial empire. She was not speaking as a representative of her gender, rather she seemed to be the chief advocate of missionary voices. As a woman Christian missionary, all she did was to furnish names of few ladies who had ruled Kashmir. Besides, she had mentioned her encounter with the Kashmiri woman in the following way; O dear Kashmiri women, why won t you wash? They looked towards her wonderingly, and replied, We have been so oppressed that we don t care to be clean. That explains

32 all. Used abominably for generations, they used each other abominably; and so where Nature is fairest, one sees sadly illustrated the pregnant phrase of Wordsworth, what man has made of man. 48 By referring to the past she described the horrible practice of sati in which, however, her concern was not the women ready to burn on the funeral pyres of their husbands, but the colonial empire that discouraged that cruel practice. Followed by this, the rest of her biography, speaks about her Christian creed and how as a Christian missionary she viewed Kashmir in relation to the British colonial state. 48 Mary Louisa Georgina Petrie Carus Wilson, Irene Petrie, Missionary to Kashmir (Hodder and Stoughton: London, 1901), 111.

33 Fig.3.Photograph of Irene Petrie, (Source: Mary Louisa Georgina Petrie Carus-Wilson, Irene Petrie, and Missionary to Kashmir)