Iz^zs"? ite ati nal Jo. a of Islan Affairs. s ands^ Research and ConceDts. »ssier. March 2009 ISSN Year 18 Nol

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1 U L. 9 i. ^ i) Tite: Insuta: internationa journa of is. Cat. no: Subscr.ip ion no: Note: Date: 27 Feb 2 Iz^zs"? ite ati na Jo. a of Isan Affairs»ssier s ands^ Research and ConceDts March 29 ISSN Year 18 No

2 Internationa Journa of isand Affairs ISSN YearSNo March 29 ^ Edita ria Board f. Editer: Fier Giovanni d'ayaa Editoria staff: Mohamed-Nizar Larabi Jennv Marday Despair of a migrant in thé Isand of Mata Scientifîc Advisory Committee: Bibiothèque Prof. Godfrey Badacchino Prof. Savino Busuti, Mata Prof. Hiroshi Kakazu, Japon Prof. Nicoas Margaris, Greece Prof. Patrick Nunn, Fidji Dr. Henrique Pinto da Costa, Sao Tome e Principe Pubished by INSU LA, thé Internationa Scientific Counci for Isand Deveopment, with thé support of UNESCO. E-mai : Library Te ()45_68 7,-Pace de Fontenoy 757 Artices pubished in this journa do not necessariy refect thé opinions of INSULA or of UNESCO. Materia appearing in this journa cannot be reproduced vvithout thé prior permission of thé Editor. INSULA, thé Internationa Journa of Isand Affairs, is distributed free to INSULA's individua and institutiona members. For subscriptions and information, pease Write to: Lava How - Mount Etna vocano (Siciy) - photo by Caude Grandpey INSULA C/ UNESCO, rue Miois Paris cedex, France Te: Fax: E-mai: insua@insua. org..... For More information our website is avaiabe: org East^yi hèq<u e/ Li b rary UNESCO 7 pace de Fontenoy PARIS 7 SP - FRANCE

3 / / ^ Editorîa By Pier Giovanni d'ayaa Dossier: 'Isands, Research and Concepts' On Isands and Isoation ByAbraham Moes Studying Isands, on Whose Terms? By Godfrey Badacchino 14 Expérience and Représentation of Isandness amongst Azorean Undergraduates Living on Mainand Portuga: A debate on thé Insuar Condition by Eduardo Brito Henriques 27 Off-Shore Isand Community Empowerment vis-àvis Gobaization: thé Case of Matzu - Taïwan by Yuung-Jaan Lee and Ching Ming Huang Thé Mediterranean, thé Isand ofmata and Irreguar Migration By Victor Maia Mianes Emergency No Luck for Haïti: Les Gonaïves, thé City ofdoom By Pier Giovanni d'ayaa Isanders at Work Procida: Internationa Youth Working at thé Promotion of thé Isand Environment By Mario Lupoi Youth Chaenges By Jenny Marday First Word Conférence: Vocanoes, Landscapes and Cutures Insua's Guest Interview with H.E. Mrs Laura Faxas, Ambassador, Permanent Deegate of thé Dominican Repubic to UNESCO 72 Book Review " -'or some years now there bas been a genuine boom in thé pubic interest for Isand issues. One of thé reasons, for, a capita one indeed, but ess perceived perhaps, is thé récent swift deveopment of thé information society together with its information and communication technoogies. A move which bas strongy contributed to accentuate thé isands visibiity bringing in ai homes connected with internet features, news images at an unprecedented pace. Sad news aso are prompty circuated. Hurricanes, tsunamis, cimatic changes and sea eve rise hâve consistenty shaped pubic awareness on Isands vunerabiity. Thé trave industry, increasingy attracted by isand destinations was not eft behind in opening Windows on thé Isand word. As usua, académie debates hâve simutaneousy foowed and anticipated this wavy movement of pubic interest. Recenty it has focused on «insuarity, research and concepts». Insua, our journa took of course thé bai at thé rebound opening its pages to a bunch of fine authors refecting, such a poyhedra nurrow, thé présent questioning about insuarity. Insuarîty as a concept, as an existentia condition, a point of view or as a metaphor. Thé questioning coud nevertheess proceed further focusing for instance on thé Pier Giovanni d'ayaa insuar space as a aboratory to investigate conipexity. There is in fact no way to know an Isand within a mono-discipinary approach nor exercise upon a sound governance, from a sectoria point of view. It is good to reca that surprisingy enough, mathematicians consider impossibe to measure thé exact engh ofan isand's coastine because thé isand, as rea object in space, does not foow thé principes of Eucides pan geometry. Isands, more than other spaces require imperiousy a hoistic approach. Thé matter itsef imposes a goba discourse. Thé Labyrinth is perhaps thé best metaphor of thé compexities of thé insuar space. Our Authors offer us a first, hardy needed, Ariadne's cew. We may fed more at ease with such a niythica wire in hand, but et's not forget that in thé hearth of thé isand's abyrinth, in thé dark hides thé Minotaur, thé fearsome hybrid of Nature and Cuture. Ony thé hero sha with his sword, reduce thé hybrid to its origina understandabe components. edge? Wi our sword show such a sharpened INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL F ISLANO AFFAIRS

4 ^ / ^ -^ By Abraham Moes f «n y a entre 'homme et es ieux un rapport subjectif extrêmement puissant, rée mais aussi rêvé contre eque se brisent toutes es tentatives de réduction à une expication purement rationnee et objective, en particuier du type économique». J. Bonnemaison he very existence of isands is disrespect to thé authority of thé state. Thé power and thé majesty ofstates are by essence continuous variabes. Uniform on thé area of their respective territories and thé meaning of them does not suffer that there be any dismption between their regaian vaue and thé paces where it has to manifest itsef. Isands do not compy with this condition. Thé essence of thé State is continuity, it reigns ofit contros thé whoe ofa territory. This "essence" undergoes a sharp discontinuity over thé univabe extension ofwaters that surround thé isand. Nevertheess, there are arge states in arge isands: Engand has been a famous exampe, Japan oraustraia sti are; hère shores and borders are confounded. But, in themseves thé sma isands, right in thé midde of thé sea and isoatedby nature, are severed from thé chief territory, they never beonged to thé unity of thé whoe; they hâve their unity oftheir own, they are différent. Where it that sma isands hâve something to do with thé size of thé human body and that we rediscover in some way what we know ah-eady ofindividuas: thé fact they are basicay in some kind of diaectica opposition to thé whoe? Were it that thé inhabitants of thèse isands woud intrinsicay hâve a kind of community of their own, arger than thé home, esser than thé nation? Were it fînay that thé isands woud contribute to a humanity ofman that is not so britte in thé sma isands that in thé cast country? An isand is thé most simpe, thé most natura expression of a topoogica division in thé uniformity of space, it is a break in continuity, it is a topoogica scandai for thé socia power. Isands are "morphoogica anarchists" and thé peope who ive in them do participate -whether they accept it or not- from this permanent questioning of thé "centra" power. For sure, there are many types ofisands: arge or sma, remote or cose, sunny or foggy, poor or rich, and thé concept of "isoation" appies very differenty to ai thèse catégories. But it is cear that thé socia System is, by essence, continuous in its nature ( its gradient) up to thé we déimitée borders and that any materia ceft in thé space appears as being an hindrance to its functioning. When a German sovereign makes his capita in an isand inside a ake, his déviation from thé mie compicates thé praçtice ofit ( Herren-Chiemsee). Remember thé famous quotation of John Donne: "No man is an Isand, intire of it sef; every man is a pièce of thé continent, a part of thé main: is a cod be washed away by thé sea, Europe is thé ess, as we as ifapromontorie were, as we as if a manor of thy Friends or of Thine owne were; any man's death diminishes me, because am invoved in Mankind: and thercfore never sen to know from whom thé be tos; it tos for thee. Shoud we deiberatey misinterpret it, shoud we, on thé contrary, repace thé words of thé humanist by thé assumptions of thé psychoogist: every man is an isand entire of itsef: ai of us are distinct from thé others, are pièces of an archipeago, separate atoms ofa whoe: if an iset is taken over by a tide, thé archipeago stays thé same, as if it were a city where ony some friends are singed out. Thé death of any man does not change me, for am not invoved in thé whoe mankind. And therefore do not corne to ask: "for whom thé be tos?" For it tos, ony for your friend. Cutura ecoogy woud be thé interaction of différent species of cuture within a imited area or territory that encoses a imited amount of resources. In an isand, resources of any kind are obviousy imitée: thé ecoogica principe appies quite necessariy as a reguatory factor to any exchange as we as to ai forms of transactions. Thé German defmition of isands (in Brockhaus) incudes not ony thé conventiona idea " a part of and which is surrounded by water on ai sides", but aso thé idea that water, and especiay thé sea, permeates thé whoe of thé isand, -at east thé major part of it-, that thé isand is submitted to some kind of marine condition. This woud excude, in a rather imprécise but cear, way, paces ike Austraia or Greenand which, definitey, do not fufi this condition. What is thence thé effect ofsea, ofsurrounding water, on thé and? it is one of thèse atent factors that contingent and at G?'» i es" <çn- îs-

5 random at short distance pay such a arge rôe at ong range, thé beach or thé rocks by thé sea can be hidden by neary nothing: by thé ine of thé trees, by thé curve of thé track, by thé hedge aong thé ciff. However there is a subte change in thé background in thé way of iving, and orienting onesef, thé présence of thé sea is part of thé menta map. Hère is a task specificay for thé geographer to ascertain and to gauge thèse effects without apparent causes which are so obvious when we circuate on a road or an highway in a andscape: thé free water appears nowhere but is so cose nevertheess. What may be thé sma déviations of behaviour that bias thé mind of thé countryman, of thé résident, of thé tourist, of thé inhabitant, a very sma bias indeed but aways présent as a andscape beyondthe andscape, apotentia andscape, hidden to thé eye, présent to thé mind, a "genius oci"(norberg Schuze) of thé shores extending from their ocation inside thé and. In short, isands are treasures: by themseves they are "treasure isands", not in thé mythica sensé of Stevenson, but by their very topoogica nature. They are treasures because they are isoated, because they are matched to at thé size of thé human mind, because they are shetered on firm ground against thé dangers of thé vast océan, because there is in them more "charisma" -human warmth" than on thé vast and. Thé space psychoogist categorizes thé basic archétypes of space into some, -rather sma- number of catégories: among them are thé idea of désert, thé idea of ce, thé idea of corridor, thé idea of viage and thé one of metropois. Thé "isand" is another archétype, -a minor one, because statisticay isanders together with thé overa area of isands is restricted versus thé immense areas of thé continenta shapes. Isands -especiay sma isands, as we sha justify ater-, being "rare archétypes", are oaded with psychoogica vaue. Shoud we say that they escape thé average standard of iving for thé mankind? They are exceptiona, and a priviège for thé anthropoogist, precisey because they are exceptiona. Out of thé 8 3. km2 ofisands existing on earth (excuding Austraia and Greenand) thé 22 argest isands make 55% of thé area and45%, i.e are representing thé thousands and ten thousands of sma isands. This justifies thé fact that thé true archétype of isands is thé sma isand, thé one we never ose thé concept ofshore, and of sea in our menta andscape. Thé isands hâve thus a vaue by themseves and this vaue appears on thé market of transactions. There is a market for isands, and thé existence of such a market is one of thé most concrète évidence of thé existence ofa 'vaue', aso in thé economica sensé. Drawing this remark a itte forward, we shoud ogicaybe edto consider a new division of thé nations of thé word, thé ones which hâve isands ( many of them) and thé ones which hâve not (or rather scarcey). Thé poitica geographer woud be induced to consider with Montesquieu that this has impied in thé past history of thèse nations quite différent ways of govemment (how do révoutions start in a country which is basicay composed of many isands, of roughy équivaent size?). more geographicay, we woud say that, for thé former type of countries, thé statistica distribution ofisands according to their size (or their popuation?) woud be an important feature of thé nationa tempérament and of its way to conduct affairs, just as thé distribution oftowns according to their importance is. To sum up, an isand is a treasure, maybe a poor trcasure indeed when it is made ofsome emerging rocks scattered around on thé sea danger for thé ships, without drinkabe water, may be without resources of any kind. At east it can be used for naturist coonies (Syt) or concentration camps (Pag or Acatraz). It seems that this essentia différence in fheir size, which had be ignored by thé scientist, thé geographer and thé psychoogist unti now, coud become more pertinent when a new factor appears in human geography: thé growth of absoute number of popuation of thé word ("thé Earth is fu"), that reinforces thé pertinent contrast existing between différent parts of thé word with différent features compare for instance Greece and Paraguay. After ai, in most European countries, thé aw makes thé state owner de jure of ai thé and which can be covered at highest tide (thé custom's trai) but it eaves free for édifices, everything which is across it, enabing thé private citizen to buid on it. It wi not be ong before thé rea estate enterprises specuate on thèse possibiities. A bare rock, deprived of any faciities, is endowed of an intrmsic vaue, at thé âge where technoogy can provide ai thé amenities necessary to ife, if ony one wants to pay for them. Thus, isands are privieged subcategories of ands, precisey because oftheir isoation, of thé fact that man must and or fy off from them: a feature which was, up to now, a drawback coud very we tum into thé concretization of a "dreamt of barrier: as thé immateria moat or wa of thé symboica caste, i.e. expresses thé temtoria imperative. Psychoogica geography, a new discipine in thé making, sets to ist and to categorize objectivey thé subjective effects of thé form of space on thé behavior of peope. Isands are privieged cases for this, a type of topoogica fact, that had been arbitrariy expeed from geography by abusivey "rationa" scientists. Where is then, thé treasure since it is not buried on thé beach? Is it in a généra manner their shape and their size in reationship to man as their major character (Isand of Sein in Brittany). Who are thé tourists in Hegoand? What do they corne for on this desoated ciffwhich has been so attractive for batteships? It may be there is a généra drive for tourists to "go to paces" dreary of sunny, peasant or unpeasant, where, sometimes in history, something has taken pace. And a rather convincing proof of this fact might be that tourism agencies do incude thèse paces in their tours when they hâve thé ogistic possibiity to do it. For going on a foggy or windy day to thé ise of Aran, thé patron of thé tour shoud hâve some grain of Schadenfreude. Fortunatey, i sa! i I s» à in ^

6 ^ thé schedued time for staying there is short: it is a contrapunta duration in thé musica opéra of tounsm. At fhe opposite, there are thèse isands shiny andradiating of sunight which possess penty of thé Four S (See, Sun, Sand, and Sex) which propose, so evidenty thé image ofparadise: was Gan Eden an isand instead ofbeing described a Garden of Orange Garden? Thé Hebrew word for paradise was very "continenta" and ignored this possibiity. On thé contrary, other cutures, a arge number of them, hâve seen thé isand as a state ofbiss quarantmed by thé sea from thé is of thé continent (Yi Fu Tuan). Logicay, if thé word formed out a watery chaos, and when it appears was ofnecessity an isand and, naturay, kept thé innocence of thé birth. Eyseum was another concept of paradise; it was an isand of fruits, ocated in thé heaven and to be entered by thé west according to thé Poynesian mythoogy; thé Fortunate Ises, of which Tahiti was a picture, were cose approximations to thé Bessed Isand which appears as a récurrent archétype in Cetic Greek Poynesian and Irish cutures "... where no tempest reves, where for nourishment, one inhaes thé perfiime of fowers from paradise... But fhe immense maj onty of tourists (a new God, at east from thé economica point of view) remains convinced ofthis eventuaity; in a testmg survey it woud vote quite concusivey for it: paradise is an isand. Nietsche has todus very ceariy, Hoderin said that "Isands are daughters ofdivinity". Yes, this anaysis is very biased; it bears thé mark of thé Mediterranean sea or thé Caribbeans and it coud not be transferred without cautions to thé desoated isands ofarabia, or to thé j ais of Andaman Isands. But one can egitimey contend that thèse obvious restrictions do not deprive it ^ ^t-^»'- ^A» Af.Aiiu. of its pertinence, at east for no other reason than thé fact that "thé tourists" if they are not gods, are certainy kings, who exert their power in a dictatoria manner. We encounter hère one of thé most basic probems of what can be caed nissoogia, science ofisands. Thé économie probem of thé sae of beauty is that, if, anywhere in thé consumer market society, there is a "good": a thing endowed with vaue, a pace désirabe to go, désirabe to enjoy, thé tourists as consumers of peasure and of beauty are entited with an inaiénabe right: to go there (to thé extent they hâve thé money for it), in order to enjoy thé pace, to consume beauty which transcends ai its viscéra forms (images, mo vie pictures etc..) this is one of thé most généra truth of a society, has, with technica mobiity, which has invented to put on thé market every thing which exists in thé word. S orne ancient moraists woud say that thé tourist is thé cancer of thé panet, more specificay than man himsef, as Juien Huxey affirmed it. Because enjoying or consuming is aso, even to a sma extend, to gorge onesef sensoriay, consuming is propery taking what is outside for making it part ofone's inside and, through this fact, thé word is a itte poorer. It has required time to grasp thé fu bearing of this socio-aesthetic fact, and to acknowedge thé wisdom of ancient cutures -Semitic in particuar- that said that a snapshot taken is reay not ony metaphoricay, pinching a sma morse of thé thing which is photographed, grinding a tiny part of thé andscape: andscapes are eonsumabe, and they are, indeed, consumed by thé tourists, not that much because they are physicay destroyed by thé careess foot prints ofpeope, but much more, because they get cannibaized, triviaized, they insert into thé common knowedge of ai and ose their precious originaity for thé one in particuar. This is a new aesthetica principe: " a thing ofbeauty" is not " a joy forever" (Keats), it is part of a treasure of novety, an acknowedged part of thé prior unknown, and being acknowedged it is repertoried, it enters thé common baggage of cuture. Thé gaze of thé peope do consume thé "things of beauty", it foows that they are irrevocaby, bound to disappear as such. This is thé major sources of peasurc, by their very uniqueness they sha desegregate through thé tiny cicks of Kodak and thé tinier gimpses ofpeope, for entering thé common property of humanity caed mass cuture. But, by this very step, they withdraw from thé precious ream of thé discoverer, of thé man who in thé phiosophica sensé has encountered them. Thé work of Nature, just ike thé work of Art, wears out under thé gaze of peope who ook at it. If mankind did not understand it at thé time of Kant's aesthetics, this is simpy because, at that âge, thé contempators were few and their sma dégradation remained insensibe on thé whoe. Thermodynamics of communication and thé transference of its aws (thé tepid death) from thé materia word to thé one of messages, has drawn thé attention on this fact by deineating thé diaectics of originaity and banaity and thé graduai shifting of thé origina to thé bana, through an irrévocabe (but sow) entropie process. Let us put this thing in simper words by reverting to thé probem of isands as spécifie archétypes of thé space,1 ^. -<r!s endowed with "beauty" or at east originaity, for fhe eye and for thé réaction of man. When isands are beautifù(just say "peasant"), there are, of necessity, peope to aggregate for ooking at them, for enjoying them, for iving in them. Thèse peope make an extraneous popuation which changes thé very features of thé andscape it ives in, and generay (not aways), it decreases their potentia, their attractive vaue down to zéro, or at east to some kind of "socia gatherings" (respectfu but massive céébrations ofbeauty) which are quite différent from thé origina drive. In short, thé isands being imited in space, wi necessariy be saturated at some time in thé future, depending on their degree of attractiveness, and then, they die as remarkabe happenings of thé word. It is time that nissoogia, as a technoogy for isands, appy this généra anaysis to its spécifie object, trying to disentange thé varions factors which contribute to this généra mechanism. In particuar we know that any sensoria pheno ' 'S y tta i 11

7 /. ^ enon, whether causing beauty or uginess, whether attractive or répusive, has a minima threshod of action; to put it more bunty, thé présence of a few peope, sma and scattered in a vast territory, do not change substantiay thé andscape in itsef : thé features of thé pace. Consequenty, thé concept ofandscape, as spatia, topoogica, stmcture ofbeauty, is not at once deteriorated by their présence. In other words, any pace, any andscape, vs. any isand, bas a buit in toérance which can be caiïed "capacity of absorption". If this threshod is not trespassed, thé présence of spectators does not react on its intrinsic vaue. It is up to thé owners of thé isands, thé owners of thé andscapes, thé managers of thé Nation, to examine thé practica conséquence of thèse considérations. To concude thèse randomized réfexions on thé subject of isands in généra, it appears profitabe to expicit their atent content, justified by various arguments in thé above text. Thé image émerges of what coud be caed thé "idéa isand" i.e. a geographica object that woud gather thé maxima consensus on what an isand "shoud be", for average peupe with average means, average money and average cuture. In his réfexions, Pau Vaéry refers to thèse peope among thé eading figures of (at east) our occidenta cuture. Using Max Weber's terms, this woud be thé idéa type, thé "isand type" coecting thé whoe ofits features. This atter might be, in a word invaded by consumers ethics and consumers markets, thé menta form of thé isands which are mosty seeked for by thé tourists, as basic consummg society. Thèse tounsts are requiring from thé "managers of thé socia System" (those caed "poitica eaders" in thé ancient times), such types ofisands, thé one they woud ike to buy -or at east to rent, or anyway to visit and to stay. If, as is tme in a arge number of newy deveoped societies, thé ministry oftourism is progressiveybecoming one of thé argest responsibe for thé happiness of peope, baanced by an increasing gross nationa income, then thèse mmistnes -whether in each nation, or in a congrégation of nations-, shoud be ed by an intensive research activity for "inventing", i. e. discovering, isands of such types. At thé imit they woud be ed to consider "buiding" them if they are not enough aready in thé word; a futuristic view that might, at east partiay, become tme. In any case, this description impies a "book of spécification" (cahier des charges) for discovenng, inventing or managing isands, thèse "tracts ofand sun-ounded by water in ai directions", that make an aternative to thé continenta areas. I- Isands must be of "average" size, in considération with norma capacities of man to circuate ofwander in them within norma periods oftime. II- Making thé tour of thé isand in about one day is one of thé expérience that must be provided to thé visitor of to thé inhabitant III- Isands must be inhabitated with a rather ow density <25hab/sqkm, sometimes not at ai, or rather scarcey. IV- Thé popuation must be rather irreguar, incuding one or two centers of concentrations: thé "capitas' of thé isand, and thé rest being hafwind, haf cutivated. V- Isandmustbein semi-fa-opica or Mediterranean cimates with not too fréquent winds but accidentai tomadoes. "when thé sky is grey" in thé capitas of thé word, peope must get away to encounter thé sea, thé sun and thé sand, possiby with sex which shoud be provided by some, easy, technica management. VI- Isands must hâve thé argest possibe diversity of andscapes cosey fcnitted with each other by networks of rather compicated roads or paths, not too much upgraded, that keep some amount of secret for each of thé respective sites to be considered. VII- Isand must be rather difficut of access, preferaby by sow ways of transportation, e. g. ferry-boat or motor-boat. Thèse shoud start from some appropriate pace on thé continent which is some kind of "conjugated point" of thé isand harbor estabishing in this way thé existence of'focus" provided by thé isand. VIII- Isand must be cutivated with fruits, wine, oives, oranges, or other tropica fmits. Cities and viages must hâve markets or corner shops, with extensive time ofopening to thé pubic thé modes of which are provided by Arabian souks, sma Mediterranean market paces, seepy in thé day, active in thé moming and at night. Isanders must practice thé "siesta", or thé meridian nap, providing a reguar rhythm or irreguarity, that visitors can contradict ony at thé priée ofa Persona effort. IX- Isands must hâve consequenty some way for controing their capacity of receiving peope. This is a déicate matter because it shoud not rey on éga constraints, but shoud be preferaby based on materia hindrances -carefuy controedfor coping with not too many customers- and initiating this dissuasion process aready on thé continent and quite in advance. Thé irreguarity ofboats, ofprivate ines, of means of transportation in itsef, thé rarity of absence of airpanes beong to thé ééments for insuring a correct management of thé fow ofincoming visitors. X- Thé idéa isand must hâve arge irreguarities of eve and of thé reief. Good isands must hâve some his or mountains, preferaby ofdifficut access, and ideay with a vocano or dangerous pits of boiing water. XI- Thé mountain or thé chain of his in thé center of thé isand, shoud hâve caves, or gorges. Some strange peope must ive there, taking a différent inguo. In thé ancient times there must hâve been a god in thé isand or on thé sopes of thé vocano. Ermits shoud sti ive in thé most remote paces quite distant from thé centra harbor or market (Kardiner, J. Verne) XII- Thé shores ofthe isand shoud be compicated, irreguar, and very contrasted, with a imited number of conventiona sand, beaches, but dangerous ciffs or rocky capes with coves. In past centuries there must hâve been pirates there, that hâve attacked thé coasts of thé continent or ofother isands. XIII- Theconfroofandscapes and of styes of housing must be made by a centra panning office, it shoud preferaby correspond to a rather compex and irreguar pan providing a picturesque urban andscape of imitée radius, respecting thé rue of maze structures. Thé center of thé chief city shoud appear as a confusing maze of rows, sma streets and paces, with a scarce signaetics. It is obvious from this type of spécifications that thé Mediterranean mode ofisands, thé Caribbean or thé Japanese one, fit quite we with thèse requirements. This is not a coïncidence since thé majority of thé tourism market beongs to this type of civiization. Provision shoud be made for ensuring that thé maximum absorption capacity of thé isand is never -or very accidentaytrespassed. Abraham Moes ( ) was a speciaist ofeectrica engineering and acoustics, and a doctor of physics and phiosophy. He is known as thé father of "nissoogy". This artice was written for thé confercnce "Isand2" hed in Giardini-Naxos (Siciy) in 1992 and organized by Insua. i ^ ^ I» i t» à in ^ 13

8 / / ^ y^j,. -^ ~\ Introduction: ADebiIitating Discource GrFrant McCa (1994, 1996a, 1996b, 1996c), defmednissoogy as fhe study ofisands on their own terms. Thé concuding phrase - "on their own terms" - suggests a process of empowerment, a recaiming ofone's historiés and cutures, particuary for those isands which hâve endured many décades of cooniaism. After ai, "[C]ontinentas covet isands", McCa reminds us, whie "[i]sanders themseves and their way ofseeing things is not much appreciated" (McCa, 1996a:, 2). It is, therefore, time for a change, aso in thé interests ofpoitica correctness. And yet, thé opening segment of that same définition - "thé./. By Godfrey Badacchino study of isands" - marks an uncomfortabe reationship, intimating that thé process of inquiry may sti be directed by outside forces, athough presumaby more we-meanmg ones. 'Isand studies' is expained not as a pursuit by isands, or with them, not even for them, butofthem. Isands cover some 7% of thé Earth's and surface; they are home to some 1% of thé word's popuation. And whie their contribution to endémie ife and cuture is recognized and ceebrated, it is often outsiders - rather than insiders - who discover, investigate and procaim such endemism and diversity to thé rest of thé word. Thé probématique of isand inquiry is that there wi aways be epistemoogica and methodoogica chaenges associated with studying isands, because we are grapping with thé impact, conditioning and paradigmatic effects of thé hybrid identity and 'ocation' of subjects (isanders, natives, setters, tourists, second home owners), as we as those who woud study them - who may be ocas as we as outsiders (mainanders, continenta dweers) - ooking in. - ) t s- So many isand-reated sites on thé intemet, and isandreated iterature, are run, or scripted, by non-isanders. Thé newy set-up Isands Commission of thé Internationa Geographica Union has 12members, incuding académies based in mainand France, Germany, Greece, thé Netherands, Sweden and USA. Thé 'isand studies reader' which edited in 27 has around haf of its content pemied by mainanders - Americans, Austraians, Canadians, French, Swiss, Swedes - noue of whom, as far as can te, réside on isands - in spite of a deiberate attempt by thé editor to "provide patforms to other contributors" (Badacchino, 27a: 2). Embarrassingy, there are indeed "... few indigenous isanders in thé ine-up of this book" (Heu Thaman, 27: 519). Like otherborderands-the océan depths, outer space, increasingy thé Arctic - isands are treated as fair game for mainand subjugation and organization. Thé smaer, poorer or ess popuated thé isand gets, thé more ikey is it that its web or text content is dictated and peimed by 'others'. Ai too often, we are faced with a situation where our subject matter - thé isand, thé isander, thé isanders - becomes object matter: a "ooked at" référence group; stages for thé enactment of processes dictated from esewhere; thé props of various 'deus ex machina', who woud hâve been mainy exporers, missioners and traders in thé past, and repaced by other observers in more récent times. And, est be accused of attributing isanders to some pseudo-purist stock or pedigree, thé 'ooked at' référence group woud easiy mcude others - such as members of thé diaspora, visitors, short term résidents - who wi disturb thé distinction between oca and goba, and so make research into isand ife messier. 15

9 Aready in thé 195s, when American anthropoogist Robert Manners set offto conduct fied research on thé Caribbean isand of St John, in thé Virgin Isands, he soon reaized that it was impossibe to properiy anayze thé economy of that isand by restricting thé anaysis to what was just happening on thé isand. He observed that "thé traditiona unit of research" - be it an individua, a househod or a nation - was no onger co-terminous with "thé unit of anaysis" - thé isand of St John proper (Manners, 1965: 182). Thé isand and its peope, whether they are physicay présent or absent, hâve aready been effectivey gobaized. McCa's reaization that emigration is such a centra component of isand ife eads him to suggest isands as thé origina post-modem societies, sites and peopes that defy territoriaity (McCa, 1996e: 8). Reductionism is appeaing, and thé myth of thé 'pure isand race' on which it is based is equay beguiing; but thèse représentations must be resisted because they do not match thé stark facts. Foowing his first contact with thé natives of Poynesia, anthropoogist Raymond Firth had nonchaanty described them as "turbuent human materia... [to] be induced to submit to scientific study" (Firth, 1936: ). This amounts to a remova of agency, cheating isanders of thé possibiity of defining themseves and of articuating fheir own concems and interests. Poitica correctness may hâve brought to an end those expicit, at times even contradictory, références to "savages": be they nobe, éthargie, ustfu, uncutured or virtuous. Yet, isanders continue today to suffer as thé passive and unwitting "abjects of thé gaze" ofothers, and persist as perennia targets of new 'civiizing missions': not ony of académies and socia researchers, but aso of consutants, investors, journaists, fim-makers, conservâtionists, noveists and tourists (e. g. Urry, 199: 9). Isand stuff is often either banaized and subsumed within a paradigm of stmctura deficiency (Hau'ofa, 1994); or ese romanced, rendered as coy subject matter; gimpsed feetingy through rose-tinted gasses (Smawfied, 1993: 29): "Might it not be possibe, on this forbidden isand, to avoid thé cankers, minimize thé nippings, and make thé individua booms more beautifu?" (Huxey, 1962: 128). Thé référence to isands as 'sma' reinforces this exercise in objectification. Why indeed shoud we continue to refer to sma isands, or sma isand deveoping states (SIDS)? Why shoud we hâve an Internationa Sma Isands Studies Association (ISISA)? woud much prefer using thé word "smaer" rather than "sma", resurrecting a usage preferred by Burton Benedict (1966, 1967) and Gerad Berreman (1978), in order to draw attention to a tendency in thé iterature - driven primariy by US-based poitica scientists - to equate arge jurisdictions and territories as 'norma'. This, however, coud not be further from thé truth: out of 237 jurisdictions isted in thé CIA Word Factbook (CIA, 26), ony 23 hâve popuations ofover 5 miion; whie 158 hâve popuations of ess than 1 miion (ofwhich 4 with a popuation ofup to 1,). There are aso some 21, 'isands' in thé word with a and area arger than km2; but ess than 3 with a and area arger than, km2: this atter batch of 'isands' incudes Eurasia, America, Africa and Austraia (Dah & Depraetere, 27: 67). Ceary, thé so-caed 'sma state' or 'sma isand' - whether in and area of résident popuation - is thé typica size. In contrast, thé arge is thé quirk and anomay. Thé same can be said ahout thé 'warm water' isand. Perhaps one is hère excused for assuming that thé typica isand is ocated in thé tropics or subtropic and is therefore warm, and its waters are temptmg to swim in. It is precisey thanks to thé marketing juggernaut of thé tourism industry - itsef buit on powerfù isand tropes -that such perceptions hâve become commonpace today. Moreover, ifit is in thé interest of govemments to promote tounsm to their isand or archipeago, then we shoud aso keep in mind that amost ai thé four dozen or so sovereign countries of thé word that are excusivey isand or archipeagic states are ocated in thé tropica or subtropica zones. Nevertheess, thé physica évidence is skewed in thé other direction. If one takes isands to be pièces of and permanenty surrounded by water with a and area ofat east. 1 km2, then thé distribution of isands according to atitude shows that most of them are ocated in thé temperate and sub-arctic zones of thé northem hémisphère, not in thé tropics (Badacchino, 26a, 26b; 26e). Thé highest isand density occurs between atitude 5 N and 8 N (precisey where there is thé east amount of océan), and a sharp peak within that band occurs between 58 N and 66 N (Dah & Depraetere, 27: 77, Map 5). Thé fact remains that thé metaphoric depoyment of 'isand', with thé associated attributes of sma physica size and warm water, is possiby thé centra gripping metaphor within Western discourse (Hay, 26: 26, emphasis in origina). Tuan (199: 247) daims that four natura environments hâve figured prominenty in humanity's (incuding non- a< ^ s- 17

10 Western) enduring dreams of thé idéa word. They are: thé forest, thé shore, thé vaey and thé isand. Combinations of thèse - such as thé isand shore - become even more powerfu imaginaries and référence points. A récent fu-page advert ists "Visit an Uninhabited Isand" as one of twenty-one "[TJhings to do whie you're aive". Making Sensé How do isanders 'make sensé' and dérive meaning out of they being at thé receiving end of a powerfu cutura, financia and technoogica régime (which we coud refer to as deep gobaization) that they cannot contro, and which chooses to type and cast them in very spécifie ways, ai reminiscent of smug subordination? There are vanous theoretica founts of inspiration that can provide answers to this question. A stmctura functionaist approach, as pioneered by Robert Merton (1968), woud cassify their responses to this onsaught as ikey to dea with choosing or not choosing to subscribe to thé goas of those in power, and/or to subscribe to thé methods seen as necessary to achieve those same goas. Thé confonnists woud uphod both goas and means, manifesting oyaty and pursuing simiar materia and status goods as their erstwhie imperia/continenta masters - hence thé 'bicyce societies with Cadiac tastes' of thé Caribbean; thé rebeious woud discard both, and seek an overthrow of thé status quo, or to foow an aternative conceptuaization of deveopment (as may be thé case ofcontemporary Cuba or thé Samoan way ofife); thé rituaists woud go through thé motions but meaningessy, in..'î a hoow and empty manner; thé retreatists woud hâve nothing to do with thé process of gobaization and seek to disengage, as with McCa's description of thé subsistence economy on Kiribati (1996e: 6); whie thé innovators woud seek to tweak thé process, often intra-preneuriay. Aternative socia théories grounded in Marxist thought présent individuas who arc seen to respond positivey but strategicay in their actions to both proffered goas and means, whie however questioning thé egitimacy of thé process, sensing that they operate from thé periphery, and so at thé receiving end ofa fùndamenta, stmctura, power-unequa reationship (e. g. Knights & Wimott, 1989). They woud thus exercise compiance rather than commitment, identifying that it is coercive power, and not consensua authority, which is dictating how they shoud behave. This is a fair anaysis of typica isander behaviour in reation to tourists, where a hospitabe and "wecoming society" (e. g. Husbands, 1983) is a ingering myth, but which even most isanders acknowedge as quite essentia for thé industry to exist. Adififerent, more compex, rendition ofpoweris afforded by Foucaut (198: 39): hère, power is understood as "capiary", disaggregated; this impies that there is no such thing as absoute power or absoute poweressness; that power is better understood as embedded in régimes and routines, rather than possessed by individuas; and that power is best anayzed at its extremities, presumaby where thé paradigm is weakest. Isands, margina by geography, many with a deep and ong coonia infitration, appear as idéa candidates for such an exercise. Thé céébration of ocaity in whichever shape or form, incuded thé fabrication of a sensé of nation, becomes a viabe strategy for subverting thé narratives and représentations promugated and imposed by externa dominant powers and cutures... even ifhybridity is thé outcome (Bhabha, 1995). FIeshing Out thé Théories How are thèse theoretica observations feshed out in practice in isand ife? How do isanders confront isand texts so often crafted by non-isanders, where they are Liiputians who ony exist through thé eyes, and texts, of a somewhat nonchaant Guiver, and whose interest in isand matters is feeting and superficia (e. g. Badacchino, 24: 278)? Of course, most isanders wi not even bother with thé industry of their représentation, perhaps feeing bemused and perpexed with how they continue to survive whie continenta schoarship has condemned them because of, first, 'thé death of race' (e. g. Edmond, 27), then 'non-viabiity' (e. g. Pischke, 1977), and ater sti 'chronic vunerabiity' (e. g. Brigugio, 1995). Some isanders may be just as confused by how they are seen and objectified as 'paradises' by mainanders, whie they may stmgge at home against under-empoyment, aid dependency, oss of taent, waste mountains, eutrophied coasts and agoons, sewage overfows, dmg mnning, money aundering, HIV/AIDS, soi érosion, potabe water shortage, dépopuation or oveqîopuation. Others wi accept thé obsession to daim, objectify and render into beguiing metaphor as a necessary mythoogy to be endured, even refreshed and encouraged - perpetrated by their very own oca branding organizations - since it bosters thecharm and mystique oftheir tourism industry, which may be their key foreign exchange generator. Moreover, 'iving thé ie' has its own rewards since it numbs and distances isanders from facing their own démons. Some other isanders wi protest, resist and seek distinctiveness, overty or coverty, aying daims to an exceptiona, indigenousy rooted counter-identity, positioning isands as bastions ofbioogica y, À?^-; cutura diversity in contrast to thé creeping sameness resuting from sweeping gobaization. Some others wi be confùsed by such statements about biodiversity and endemism that are meant to rcdefine thé net worth of what - to isanders - may be we-known, common, trite, oca species of fish, fowers, trees, animais, insects, as we as and and seascapes and cutura traits (e. g. Cark, 24). Yet another category of isanders woud deveop and hone those skis that aow them to engage mainanders, manipuating their resources, humouring their objectives, fanning their fantasies, managing thé very figurations ofisands and isand ife that seek to type them, often surviving comfortaby as goca citizens in a spit, schizoid word wifh (at east) two parae sets of vaues, anguages andpractices. And (perhaps finay?) there wi aways remain those who hâve no quams with bursting thé metaphor's bubbe and pointing out, by their actions, f!. as &as ^at ta t 19

11 thé sheer disjuncture between western/continenta ideas and isand ife. Hère, thé mainanders who wish to "do deveopment" are not amused. Thé exasperated actions ofdoitte, anaustraian "overseas expert", are a case in point: he is hired to "ook into thé feasibiity of making thé isanders of Tiko work on weekdays" but despairs after speaking with a VIP who fritters away thé office hours by paying cards with his secretary (Hau'ofa, 1983). One wonders whether, or to what extent, such a parody is tme and whefher it even remotey captures thé basic contradiction of 'doing' deveopment topdown... yet, even if it did, it woud be naïve to expect any isander to make a cean breast ofit, and especiay in writing. It shoud not be suqîrising that thé formai discosure of "thé sma conficts and petty rivaries of parish pump poitics in godfish bow societies" (Liis, 1993: 6) is usuay a task undertaken by non-isanders, non-participant observers who can afford to make such révéations because they are not dépendent on information management to survive, operate and fex their socia power. I, for one, am not surprised that thé most insightfu written commentaries about socia nefrwork practices in my home isand country of Mata, and their inks with poitica party activism, hâve been deveopedby foreigners, especiay European anthropoogists (e. g. Boissevain, 1974; Mitche, 22), even if in somewhat too styized a fashion. Outsiders, then, spared from being party to thé divisions and persona animosities oftheir ooked-at sub-set, coud provide vaid and insightfii commentaries on isand ife. But this is not to say that Matese isanders are obivious to thé impications of their cannishness - hardy! Isand citizens who grow up in "a straitjacket of community surveiance" (Weae, 1992: 9) know thé vaue ofnetworks, and of thé vaue of information about nefrworks. This is precisey why they do not readiy discose such information; and if/when they do, they do so oray/auray, in thé reative protection afforded by their own anguage or diaect, and with a view to score points, whie carefuy not reveaing their vita sources. Idioms from sma isands are repète with advice about how absoutey vita it is to protect one's sources of information. In such cases, isand(er) agency is demonstrated via stratégie inaction: a cuture of sience and baited breath. This may expain why thé Matese at schoo ask so few questions (Boissevain, 199 [1969]). As Prince Edward Isand historian Edward MacDonadputs it: "Thé cenched fist cannot be shaken" (quotedinweae, 22). Isanders are: "[A] very carefu peope, much given to évasion and syness. Thé fear of giving or receiving offence fosters tentativeness. Forthrightness of speech and bodness of action become ai but impossibe" (Weae, 22). Five Diemmas Thé richness of iterary and cutura isanding coud be so obtmsive and pervasive that it coud actuay threaten and dismiss thé physicaity of isands as 'rea ived-in paces'. Hay (26: 3) argues emphaticay: "So powerfii is thé metaphorica idea of thé isand that it can be depoyed in thé absence of even thé sightest référence to thé reaity of isands. Those who ive rea ives on isands are entited to resent this." One coud say that thé epitome of thé objectification ofisands woud be reached when thé isand metaphor thrives on its own, as a simuacmm, without any trace ofits physica réfèrent. That woud once again render isands as victims, this time of hyper-reaity, a form of reaity by proxy. Bi Hom (2: 59-82) tes us that his piano is an isand. And so, ironicay enough, whie thé isand figures so prominenty in thé human psyché, and urches fi-om utopia to dystopia, from précise référence to banaity, from a convenient (abeit exotic) aboratory setting to a patform for thé observation of thé dynamics of "ampification by compression" (e. g. Percy et a., 27: 193), thé isanders themseves are hard put to refect openy on their predicament. Do isanders react at ai to thé sippage in thé anaysis of their condition, where they continue to be rituay "aesthesicized, sanitized and anaesthetized" (Conne, 23a: 568)? How do they perform as conscripted actors in a pay about 'isand ife'that they do not contro? How do they behave when they are targets of an incessant regimen of construction, which woud hâve them behave this way and that, in ways that fufi thé désires and dreams of ai, for ai seasons and for aitastes? Resentment, as Hay put it, is ony one ofa variety ofways in which isanders can 'react'. There are various other ways. Isanders can and do (re)act to thé interest - incuding their own - in thé study of isands. In so doing, at east five diemmas - and there may very we be others - are discussed andprobematized: () that of thé pursuit of extended coonia reationships by various isand jurisdictions; (2) that of reveaing - and so risk offending - isand sensitivities, and thé possibe conséquences of such discosure; (3) thé choice of anguage and communication format; (4) thé expoitation of one's own isand predicament as an unfortunate victim of environmenta disaster; and (5) thé reaization that, deep down, we are probaby ai guity of imperiaism. Each of thèse issues wi be reviewed in tum beow. Thé first diemma is that thé enduring 'cutures ofoyaty' (Dodds, 27) of many isand peopes to metropoitan powers and former impéria heartands sit uneasiy with thé mantra of sovereignty as an intrinsicay audabe and amost historicay unavaiabe, evoutionary route. Thus, "postcooniaism research... sti finds it easier to pick on, and grappe with, Ageria rather than Mayotte, India rather than Bermuda, and Indonesia rather than Aruba" (Badacchino, 27b). Thé expectation that isanders show abject resentment to thé coonia expérience may often itsefbe thé outcome of an unconscious, mainander dogmatism. Post-coonia theorization and internationa reations are both sowy coming round to acknowedge that there is no obigation for ai coonized territories to secure fù independence, certainy in thé short to médium term (e. g. Edmond & Smith, 23: 5-6; Badacchino & Mine, forthcoming). Especiay for sma isands, there is quite a compeing case to be made today for autonomy without sovereignty. After ai: "In an uncertain word, a substantia degree ofautonomy, where cuture and identity are respected and protected, reasonabe access to empoyment and services exists, and security is guaranteed, has weakened thé strength of thé daim to independence. " (Conne, 23b: 141). What about those who choose nevertheess to articuate thé not-so-paradisiaca intricacies of isand ife? Where isanders script contemporary isand ife, they may sti go for reativey 'soft' thematics - ike thé power of gossip, thé resiience of famiy, thé ure of migration - which are not ikey to meet thé disapprova or wrath of feow isanders. Many commentators on sensitive isand affairs re 1 '^ & p V 21

12 /' ^ main foreigners; but - and hère émerges thé second diemma - of those isanders amongst this grouping, thé arge majority woud be commenting from a safe distance, as emigrants, as members of isand diasporas, as trans-nationas reativey disengaged fi-om thé society they are anayzing, and exposing. Or, for thé others who are brave (or fooish?) enough to attempt révéations from within, they may find that they fa victim to thé 'crab in thé barre' syndrome (Badacchino, 1997: 118): become effectivey backisted, humoured, beitted, eut down to size or somehow marginaized in their own and - in which case, physica or psychoogica exi(s)e may again kick in. To what extent can thé 'isand as prison' afford its inmates to comment about internai happenings? As Samoan noveist Sia Figue (1996: 131)wryyobserves: "I corne from a very sma isand - it's cosed in - in a sensé that everyone knows everyone... it can be very confming". Note that thé above is not written in Samoan. A third diemma that présents itsef in thé practice of Nissoogy deas with both thé anguage and form of communication. In societies where indigenous speech may never hâve existed - such"as in territories which had been uninhabitedbefore thé EuropeanAge ofdiscovery - or where indigenous speech (and its speakers) hâve been resoundingy ost or exterminated and repaced by metropoitan anguages, thé diemma is non-existent: thé anguage of résistance and thé anguage of oppression are but one and thé same. Thus, in thé imperiay manufactured societies of thé contemporary Caribbean, as Naipau (1973: 275) describes them, créoe is often ceebrated as a subatem médium, whie at thé same time it can be foowed, with differentia eves of difficuty, by speakers of thé reguar anguage (Bougie, 1998). It is perhaps therefore not surprising that thé French and Engish Caribbean are amongst thé best known producers of isand scripts; isand stories on their own terms. Where mutipe anguages exist, however, as in thé Pacifie and Indian Océans, or thé Mediterranean basin, thé diemma émerges starky. Using thé vernacuar appears more appropriate as a médium for oca commentary - historicay, such anguages were used, and seen, as natura toos and drivers of résistance - but this option woud automaticay imit readership and distribution to thé speakers or readers of that anguage. Uness transated, or somehow reported or paraphrased, into a anguage of internationa ciurency, extema readers woud remain argey obivious to such texts and their messages. Even thé very form of a text - such as a nove, a poem, or a pay - betrays an embedded and often uncritica reationship to western technoogies of représentation (e. g. Jameson, 1986: 69). Whereas, for a Faroese or Greenander to write a thesis in Danish, for a New Caedonian or Seycheois to write a poem in French, for an Aruban or a Sint Maartiner to compose thé yrics ofa song in Dutch, or for a Samoan or Ni-Vanuatu to write a nove in Engish, opens up much arger potentia markets, many more pubishing options, and possibe a much wider, even internationa, accaim. Thé choice of anguage is an issue that camiot be avoided for such isand authors; some woud seek to write thé same, or différent, texts in différent anguages, even ifjust to prove to themseves that they can articuate their ideas equay we to différent média, and hopefuy satisfy compimentary markets and audiences. There is aso some attempt by isanders to generate régiona and internationa interest in thé condition oftheir isands, especiay that of ow ying isand states at thé risk of sea eve rise. Yet, paradoxicay, where are those who woud ove isands when caed upon to take actions that mitigate goba warming? Indeed, Farbotko (25) bas shown, in her gripping anaysis of thé représentation of Tuvauans in thé Sydney Morning Herad, that thèse isanders are portrayed in thé Austraian metropoitan press as victims oftragic circumstances beyond their contro, fitting easiy into stéréotypés of vunerabiity and 'paradise in péri' which thé rest of thé word can watch - absoved of any responsibiity - as they unfod, abnost ike a sow-motion movie, and presumaby from a safe vantage point. For those who want a doser expérience, certain isand states - ike Tuvau, and thé Madives - hâve actuay started marketing their tourist industry with a dark twist: appeaing to those who wish to visit paradise "before it is too ate" (Farbotko, 25: 285). Herewith thé fourth diemma: it is quite disheartening and unsetting to discover that thé interests of thé first word in isand ife can ony continue to be hed, even if tentativey, when isands and isanders are depicted as threatened exotic cunosa in thé grand muséum of civiization. Some isanders may be sienty thankfu that even a perverse interest by thé internationa community is pos siby better than no intercst at ai. There is finay at east one other, fifth diemma. Hay (26: 3) insists that Nissoogy - thé study ofisands on their own terms - is "... for isands and for isanders in thé times that are hère and that are emerging. " McCa (1996e: 9) twice exats "We Isanders" as thé experts, owners and stewards of thé waters of thé panet. But what exacty are isanders? We must confront isand roots with isand routes (aftercifford, 1997), recognize thé amost inévitabe urge or need of isanders to escape, to deveop 'goca' identities, to search for a sufficienty distant perch from which to observe one's isand and manage thé pain, as a condition of isand ife. Are thé members of isand diasporas, or even fhose isanders who spend ong periods 'away', disquaifîed from interpreting isand ives? And conversey, by way of exampe, it is often mainanders who hâve secondary homes on isands who are often much more enthusiastic and vociferous than those who were born and raised on isands in defending thé 'isand way ofife' and resisting pressure to connect isands to mainands via such 'fixed inks' as bridges, tunnes and causeways (Badacchino, 27e). Moreover, what exacty is an isand? Without deying into thé fine détai (e. g. Roye, 27), geographers remind us of thé fracta nature of isands. Thus: "[CJhanging magnification wi... resut in typicay arge but few chunks of mainand pus smaer and more numerous isands (Dah & Depraetere, 27:64). Even Pète Hay's beoved Tass ta a> s» i & ç j.s 23

13 ^ ^ mania (as a state within thé Commonweath ofaustraia) is recognized as having hundreds of accompanying isands, some of which are inhabitée, and some of which hâve their own notorious pasts. Varions Tasmanian writers, ook beyond their 'mainand': ike Richard Fanagan - who comments about ife on thé péna coony of Sarah Isand, off thé main isand oftasmania proper, as he does m Goud's Book offish (Fanagan, 21) - or Daniee Wood, whose protagonist in Aphabet of Light and Dark (Wood, 23) retums to Bnmy Isand, another outier. Does then this stance render thèse writers usurpers? Are they a esser fonn of 'isand schoar'? Are Sarah and Bmny Isands re-coonized by being scripted by 'mainand' Tasmanians? Thé iahabitants of even sma isands are bound to hâve even smaer isands that attract their interest; and, in such a case, they are just as ikey to behave as mainanders, as rapacious Guivers snooping in, objectifying their subject matter. Ask thé Gozitans about thé Matese, askthenevisians about thé Kittitians; ask thé Tuvauans about thé (ethnicay différent) I-Kiribati. But it doesn't stop there: thé pattern of uncritica représentation can be reversed and thé proverbia tabes can be turned: thé isanders hâve their own scripted versions of their respective mainands and mainanders: chaotic, fast, impersona, dangerous, distant seats of government, hotbeds of crime and icentiousness, potentia founts ofmuch needed investment. Thé ove/hate reationship between isand(er) and mainand(er) is as rea as thé unavoidabe bond between them. Turning thé tabes on thé mainand for a change by scripting it - even as one is being scripted by it - sounds ike a fine corrective to so much historica subordination. But, surey: two wrongs don't make a right. And so it appears that, thanks to thé fracta nature of geography, most of us are destined, or best, with aways having someone to coonize. We may just hâve to ive with that humbing remorse. Concusion: Isands Fight Back? To be sure, there is some attempt at recaiming thé isand by isanders. Thus, as Konai Heu Thaman, Tongan nationa and senior académie at thé University of thé South Pacifie, has commented (27: 52, emphasis in origina): "In our région today, Pacifie schoars and researchers are committed to teing their own stories, and preferaby in their anguages. They are now working on impementing thé Décaration on Bioethics and Human Rights, adopted by thé United Nations in October 25, which respects thé dignity and protects thé integrity of researched individuas and commimities. This coud greaty impact on thé types of research peope are aowed to carry out in Pacifie isand communities, as we as on thé processes and products of suchresearch.to this end, woud encourage thé trend to dévote more time towards researching WITH and FOR communities, rather than detached académie endeavour. Thé University of thé South Pacifie is at thé forefront of advocating this approach, especiay in reation to thé types of research our staff are invoved in, as we as thé way that research is reported and disseminated." Thé nissoogica project is one meant for indigenous geographies; and yet, for ai its nobe intentions, it remains probematic to operationaize, certainy where isands are concemed. Continenta interest in isand ife - as in thé observation of endémie species - wi persévère. Thé tourist fascination with thé isand utopia romains critica to so many isand économies, even if thé enthrament is with an isand on thé verge of submersion. Thé very act of commenting 'from outside' remains pertinent; since even isanders are obigea to resort to such a positioning in order to be abe to discose. Yet, moving away from an excusive mainander 'gaze', and how it stereotypicay positions isanders in tighty predetermined modaities - as Guiver/Liiputians, Prospero/ Caiban orrobinson Crusoe/Man Friday - is commendabe. It is high time to présent Nissoogy as a "sub-atem discourse" (McCa, 1996a: 13); and for thé isand to "Write back" (Gamba, 21:65). But: who is going to write, about what, and in what way? There may be no pure isanders ready and waiting to take over thé task of (re)construction. McCa's pea is more of a désire for an aternative conceptuaization of thé word with a view to achieving a more sustainabe reationship between humankind and nature, than of a vaid fied of study in its own right with its own principes, constructs and méthodoogies. His assumption that isanders make better custodians of their environment may aso be premised on aspects ofhuman-nature interactions on isands that no onger exist in thé modem word, and - on thé basis ofarchaeoogica évidence - may not even hâve ever existed in thé pre-modern era (e. g. Fitzpatrick, 27: 86). Indeed, today we refer to a particuar exampe of non-sustainabiity as thé "Easter Isand syndrome" (e. g. Nagarajan, 26). One must therefore be vigiant as to how nissoogists / 'isand schoars' may be reinterpreting 'terms' for isands, but maintaining thé same deep structure and its coonizing disposition: whie side-ining thé narrative away from thé perspective of thé 'exporerdiscoverer-coonist', it may be taken over by thé perspective of thé 'custodian-stewardenviromnentaist'. In this shift; thé isand narrative is sti not a narrative by, or with, isanders but remains one of, and about, them. It persists doggedy as a hégémonie discourse ofconquest. It is not so surprising that daims for reading isands on their own terms are driven by passionate mainanders who often corne aong with preconceived ideas about what isands shoud be, and how isanders shoud behave. 'Isand studies' is perhaps best conceived as a patform for ooking at isand issues inductivey and ex-centricay: from thé inside out, rather than from thé outside in. This positionmg - équivaent to thé isanders' "way ofseeing things" according to McCa (1996a: 2) - is vauabe, fresh and in contrast to so much received wisdom and historica narrative. Yet, it is not necessariy différent from thé script it is vying to repace.!» ffi ^ "' j & n 25

14 Its proponents, for ai their virtuous intent - and incude mysef amongst them - cannot escape thé accusation of being, in their own way, coonia. Thèse narrators are not necessariy avoiding aromanced essentiaization oftheir research domain (in thé guise ofnegritude, Thé Pacifie Way', enticing tourist brochures, pristine ecosystems, or unaduterated isand peope). Nor are they necessariy open to exciting new insights or interprétations as may émerge from inductive research. Moreover, so many of thèse indigenous narratives wi remain unacknowedged, unarticuated, unwritten, or ese written ony in anguages, or expressed in voices, that very few of us woud understand - and perhaps strategicay and intentionay so. Indeed, were 'outsiders' not invoved in thé (probematic) task ofcommenting on and about isands, most of us woud be facing thé dire prospects of an absent script. Acknowedgeinents My sincère thanks to Béate Ratter, Stephen A. Roye and Phiip E. Steinberg for commenting on an earier draft. Thé usua discaimers appy. Dr Godfrey Badacchino is a Researcher (Isand Studies) at thé University of Prince Edward Isand, Caiiada, and aso thé Executive Editor of Isand Studies Journa and thé Editer of thé book "Extrême Tourism: Lessons from Word's Cod Water Isands" (Esevier, 26) - gbadacchino@upei.ca :^- f< - - ^ Introduction. sands are among thé paces which throughout history hâve aways exerted thé greatest fascination. At east in thé space occupied by thé civiization which peope, to make it simper, hâve agreed to ca thé West. There, fi-om time immémoria, isands hâve been associated in thé inhabitants' imaginary with extraordinary spaces, where now demoniac, now prodigious things can happen (cf. Van Duzer 26). /^.ÏN '- ^ t3i ^y> V^ft'... ^ ^ issiu^î ybifc-t fi *--."'. ^n*- By Eduardo Brito Henriques ( &s! ^ a. v Thé ocation of isands, thé fact that they appear associated with an environment aways invoving a certain amount ofmystery and danger, expains thé tendency towards thé mythicization of isands, and aso that they generate such a compex and ambiguous représentation in thé coective imaginary. That image seems to hâve been constructed, as severa authors hâve remarked (Hay 23 and 26, Badacchino 25, Béer 23, Pérou 25, inter aia), from two sets of ideas: on thé one hand, from thé concept of boundedness, excusion, and confinement, which dérives from thé objective fact that isands are encirced by water and that their boundaries may be easiy outined; and on thé other hand, from an idea of isoation and remoteness, which is a way of interprcting thé séparation introduced by thé water between isands and continents. From thèse two ideas ofexcusion and remoteness, thé West has created a séries of images of thé isands which aternâtes between thé extrêmes ofhorror and of fascination. Robinson Cmsoe's ost isand, isoated in thé vastness of thé océan, eut off from thé word, sums up this ambiguity of feeings conceming a pace either seen as a 'refuge', or as a 'prison'. Thé same excusion or confinement that sets bounds and restrictions, turning isands into paces of austerity, is aso what, somewhatparadoxicay, couverts them into -words in réduction- (Pérou 25: 424), feeding thé myth of an autonomous, independent and sovereign ife. If isoation, on thé one hand, transforms isands into amost paradigmatic paces of exie, of recu- INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL F ISLANDÂFFAIRS 27

15 ^ sion or of atonement- (Bemardie- Tahir 25: 366), it is even so simutaneousy thé origin of one of thé most attractive images of thé isand in thé coective imaginary, as a metaphor of thé unspoit pace, virgin and not yet cormpted, and which constitutes in itsef a -coroary of secusion, of isoation and ofinaccessibiity- (ibid. : 367). This type of représentations in West brought into being thé appearing and dissémination of many preconceived notions about ife on isands and about thé character of isand peope. As a matter of fact, not even thé scientific discourse has been competey unaffected by thèse thoughts. In connection with those ideas of excusion and of isoation, many of thé préjudices described by P. Hay (23) corne to ight, associating isands with sefabsorbed societies, even somewhat narrow-minded, with itte prédisposition towards creativity and innovation. Then there are those who beieve they can discem in thé scarcity of opportunities which (supposedy) characterizes isands thé root cause ofa tendency among isand peupes towards caustrophobia and dépression. Thé perception ofremoteness and isoation gives aso rise to thé not ess fi-equent iusion that isands are to s orne extent on thé edge of thé word and 'out' of time, in a kind of suspended situation hovering over thé course ofhistory. This is probaby why isands and their societies appear inked in thé coective imaginary to a certain archaism, which in some cases may appear in thé sembance of conservatism tending to perpetuate backward-ooking habits, and in others under thé more romanticized manifestation of righteous conduct and upright vaues typica of a state of 'primitive innocence', where even thé harsh iving conditions and thé ack of resources and of opportunities may appear under thé guise ofa sort ofvountary asceticism. There can be no doubt that thèse diverse images, as stéréotypés or simpifications of a much more compex and mutiform reaity, coud hardy refect what isandness is ai about. That is, if we beieve, at east party, that they are in any case images which, in their effort to simpify, sti get at thé truth. According to some authors, however, thé probem with thèse représentations is that not ony do they simpify, they do not even faithfuy refect thé expérience of isandness. McCa (1996 and 1997) has asserted that amost ai thèse preconceived notions refect erroneous perspectives about isands and isandness, generated not from 'within', from what woud b e a rea or first-hand expérience of iving on an isand, but from 'without', from thé perspective ofmainanders. Confinement and isoation, for exampe, which appear so cosey associated with thé représentations of isands in thé coective imaginary, are perceptions which that author dénies existing in thé 'rea' expérience of isandness and, therefore, in thé représentations that isanders hâve oftheir own condition. But some go even further and daim that drawing on thé isand as a metaphor for physica isoation and for excusion is in fact dangerous: by propagating thé idea that thèse paces 'naturay' encoses that type of probems, it eventuay conditions attitudes towards isands and, therefore, their chances of deveopment (see Hay 26). Thé purpose of this study consists in ascertaining whether thèse perceptions of boundeàiess and of confinement, as we as ofremoteness and of isoation, which are usuay inked with isands, shape thé actua expérience of isandness or not, or to what extenf they can be deemed vaid in order to describe thé isand ife. In other words, it is about trying to find out ifthat représentation of isands and of iving on an isand is in accordance with thé phenomenoogy of insuarity or whether, as critics daim, it refects more thé viewpoint of thé outside, generated and fashioned in and by thé mainand spaces. To fmd out then what other forms of représentation of isandness coud be those bom out of thé expérience itsef of iving on an isand, or of thé 'ifeword', as thé phenomenoogica approaches suggest (see e.g., Buttimer & Seamon 198, eds.), becomes thé fina objective ofthis shidy. Methodoogy and popuation under study Thé probem and thé type of questions aim to address in this research expain thé préférence for an existentiaphenomenoogica approach as defïned by, for instance, Seamon (2) - and for an intensive, quaitative, and indepth research methodoogy. In fact, ony through this kind of methods does it become possibe to capture thé meaning of thé expérience of isandness and to understand how thé being-on-anisandmouds thé représentations that isanders hâve of their own condition. This study was based on thé statements made by a group ofthirtyazorean undergraduates iving on mainand Portuga. Therefore, they are young peope who, having grown up and ived unti fairy recenty in an insuar context - thé Azores archipeago - are now faced with a new expérience, that of iving on thé mainand. Thé séection of this group was due not ony to practica reasons, on account of thé interviewées being easy to recmit, but mainy because it seemed interesting to ascertain to what extent that forced change of résidence had produced effects on their représentations of isandness. Thé study group was recruited among thé socia network of a more restricted origina set of young Azoreans with whom was acquainted, eventuay coming up to a tota of sixteen girs and fourteen boys whose âges ranged from 21 to 26 years od. Most of thé young peope whose statements took were studying in Lisbon but thé group aso incuded some students iving in provincia cities, namey in Coimbra, Aveiro and Portaegre, enroed in such diverse courses as Geography, Engineering, Business Administration, Poitica Sciences, Nutrition, Sports Science, and Medicine. Nî a.»1 sa & ius 29

16 Research was based on a method that bas not been used very frequenty unti now, but about which there are a few documented expériences in some iterature (see Kitchin & Tate 2), and, in this spécifie case, it has become quite effective. Instead offace-to-face meetings with thé group members, chose to estabish weeky contacts by e-mai for amost three months. Firsty, it seemed an efficient manner of overcoming part of thé obstaces invoved in scheduing interviews, as we as ofavoiding thé costs inhérent in fiedwork and thé subséquent transcription of thé tapes. Then, wanted to expore thé virtuaity of a means of communication which, besides generating thé iusion of anonymity, hence potentiay capabe of creating an atmosphère eading to more cearness and openness in thé participants, aso offers thé gréât advantage of being abe to take on thé appearance of certain types of record doser, for exampe, to testimony or to memoir. During thé research, hâve aways teied to prevent statements from being 'contaminated' by thé theoretica apriority mentioned earier. Instead of asking thé interviewées oaded questions directy pointing to thé propositions whose vaidity intended to ascertain, opted for a type of interaction doser to thé informai conversationa interview. Out of fear that framing questions overapping thé research topics coud shape or ead their answers, preferred inviting participants to share their persona expériences and to expain (a) 'how it was growing up on an isand', and then (b) 'how they had gone through thé expérience of moving to thé mainand'. Ony afterbeing given their statements woud embark on more detaied questions, faying to carify ess cear points with each member individuay, or then to expore unanticipated issues which soundedparticuary meaningfu. Without ever discosing thé research purposes entirey (thé participants had been informed that it was a study on identity and on thé représentations of isandness among yoimgazoreans iving on thé mainand), tried to conduct thé research by baancing thé script of previousy seected topics and E-3-4 thé new directions which had emerged as work progressed on thé statements themseves. Obviousy, thé concusions arrived at dérive party from spécifie iving conditions in thé Azores. admit that resuts might not hâve been exacty thé same if we were taking about another insuar reaity, for instance a ess fragmented archipeago - made up of a smaer number of isands and of greater size - or doser to thé arge continenta masses. Anyway, beieve that thé essentia experientia structures of insuarity can be effectivey captured by anayzing this particuar case. Thé Azores archipeago is one of thé frwo insuar régions which make up thé Portuguese territory. It is thé farthest from thé mainand, ocated in thé midde of thé NorthAtantic, more than 1,5 Km from thé Portuguese capita, atop thé Mid-Atantic Ridge. Thus, it corresponds to a group ofvocanic isands which, even today, are sti subjected to vocanic-associated events and to an intense seismic activity. Thé archipeago is situated at atitude 39 43' to 36 55' north and at ongitude 25 to 31 16' west, made up of nine isands, divided into three groups. Thé Eastern Group (doser to mainand Portuga) comprises two isands, with a distance of over 5 Km (about 31 mies) between them. This group incudes thé biggest isand in thé Azores - Sâo Migue - which is aso thé most densey popuated (in thé order of 13, inhabitants in 21, m an area of Km2) and boasts thé biggest urban centre (Ponta Degada, with a itte over 2, inhabitants in thé ast census, and thé seat of régiona govemment). Thé Centra Group comprehends five isands with areas between 6.7 km2 (Graciosa) and km2 (Pico). Therefore, we are taking about isands whose ength never reaches 5 Km. Terceira, with about 56, inhabitants in 21, is thé second isand in thé archipeago as far as thé popuation is concemed, and thé main urban centre is thé historié city ofangra do Heroismo (with aitte over 1, inhabitants), which is incuded on thé UNESCO Word Héritage ist Horta since Terceira and Faia, aong with Sâo Migue, are thé onyazorean isands which hâve managed to avoid démographie osses and where a younger popuation sti thrives. In thé other isands, there has been since thé 196s a tendency towards a progressive décine in popuation and towards an mcreasingy aging popuation, brought about mosty by emigration (to mainand Portuga, but even more to thé USA and to Canada). Fores and Corvo constitute thé Western Group. Fores Isand, with an approximate ength of 17 Km (around 1. 6 mies) north to "t Criffde&actosa tsia «ott Vitorte onta Dega îtiagr south and 12 Km (about 7.46 mies) east to west, did not reach a popuation of 4, inhabitants in 21. Corvo Isand, withjust km2 had 425 inhabitants according to thé ast census. Thé Azores archipeago is part of thé so-caed Utraperiphera Régions of thé European Union, a group of régions (ai insuar) associated with an image of extrême 'perificity', and which hâve beneficiated of spécifie programs for régiona deveopment and suppementary financia aid. With a fragie economy (a GDP per capita of 75% beow thé European Union average), thé e & t?' i s- 31

17 popuation remains heaviy invoved in agricuture and anima husbandry (dairy products) and fisheries, as we as thé services, which dominate empoyment, especiay thé socia and administrative services in thé pubic sector. gather from thèse statements -- is a feeing of deep affection for thé sea, comparabe to thé one we coud hâve for a ifeong companion, a friend, or a reative. Smaiïness and 'maritimity' two fundamenta components of thé sensé of pace in Azores Thé anaysis ofsevera dozens ofanswers coected during amost three months of e-mais going back and forth between me and thé young Azoreans in my study ceary showed that smahiess and maritimity are two essentia ééments in thé representation ofinsuarity among them. Taking into account thé récurrence and thé centraity of thèse two topics in their discourse, two 'core catégories' emerged right in thé 'open coding' stage of thé interviews (to shed ight on thèse methodoogica procédures, see Strauss 1987). Références to thé size of thé isands - and more specificay, to their imited area - were constanty repeated in thé statements coected, and coud be found, in one way or another, more or ess emphaticay, in thé answers ofneary ai participants in thé study. Interestingy enough, this happened no matter where thé young peope were from, whether from Sâo Migue, fi-om Terceira or from Sâo Jorge. Amost thé same thing occurred with maritimity. Thé récurrence of this topic and of reated thèmes in thé discourse of thé respondents suggests that their reationship with thé sea is another stmctura éément of thé sensé of pace. There were hardy any participants who did not mention thé sea in their accounts, or who did not ay stress on thé importance of that éément. Thé sea seems to shape (amost inevitaby) their chidhood memories and it émerges as a fundamenta éément in thé constmction of their own 'idea of home': Thé sound of thé waves generay brings me peace: it reminds me of hoidays and waks aong thé beach. Thé sme brings a bit ofeverything, memories fooding back, as smes typicay do, but mainy a feeing of 'being at home'. (Ana ). It is not easy to avoid thé temptation to ascribe to that perception of smaness, as we as of maritimity, thé origin of thé excusion and of thé perception ofboundedness and isoation frequenty associated to thé isands. Pérou (24: 3), for instance, hed that 'For isand dweers, thé omniprésence of thé sea intensifies thé feeing ofbeing eut off from thé rest of thé word', because thé author imaginée that thé maritime border woud become in their eyes a barrier 'soid, totaising and domineering' (ibid.). Thé statements coected ead me, however, to reason that in that doube expérience of maritimity and of smaness there is much more at stake. Consequenty, they make me aign mysefmore cosey with those who beieve that 'isands are more varied, diverse, and compicated paces than commony beieved' (Terre 24:11).. Thé reationship with thé sea expressed by maritimity is very différent from thé perception of being ost in thé midde of thé océan. Thé manner in which that reationship is described in thé statements coectée shows an intense intimacy with thé water éément, and an intimacy which bears more resembance to a happy and peacefù reationship than to an uneasy or anguished one. Instead ofreveaing discontent or dispeasure for what coud hâve been an isoating effect of thé océan, what we can "Thé sea is without doubt fundamenta in my ife. Igrew up with it right by my side, wherever went it was aways there. It keeps us company, us, isanders, aways and aways. (Eisabete). To ive in an isand surrounded by thé sea brings aboutavery strong connection, it is amost as ifwe beongedto thé thé truth is that when came to same famiy; sometimes miss Lisbon fet disorientated and thé Azoressea more thansomeof consequenty a itte insecure my reatives, it is not nice to say because there was no sea to this but it is true. (Migue). " guide me. (Ana ). That strong reationship with thé sea cornes at times cose to a feeing ahnost of ove. Fâvia, one of thé femae interviewées, tod me in one of her fïrst e- mais that thé sea was one of her 'gréât passions'. Another one woud confess that 'what [she] missed thé most coming to thé mainand, besides reatives and friends, was thé sea' (Catarina), an absence which another young gir recognized it made her fee 'constricted' and 'nauseated' (Sabrina). Thé sea seems to take on such essentiaity in thé beingin-the-word ofyoungazoreans to thé point ofacquiring features probaby unimaginabe for those who hâve not gone through thé expérience of growing up in a simiar pace: woud not ike to ive inand. ^voud miss thé sea. [... J In Sao Migue aways know on which side thé sea is and whether it is thé northern or thé southern shore, which guides me. [...J To most of thé young peope interviewed, that invovement with thé océan which shapes their sensé of pace in theazores does not represent anything comparâbé to a feeing of imprisonment on thé isand or of being disconnected from thé word. Perhaps, first of ai, because thé consciousness ofbeing bounded by thé sea did not constitute an aspect with which they had aways been faced throughout their ives. Many of thé respondents tod me that as chidren they were not aware of being surrounded by thé sea, and that ony happened ater - 'During chidhood aways thought that ived by thé sea, but ony in my youth did réaise that ived in thé midde of thé sea' [my itaics] (Marco). Thé sea was something which had aways defined their iving framework, which constituted a constant and famiiar présence, but one which they did not actuay ook at as a perimeter or a fence. Anyway, what aso may possiby hâve contributed to that is thé fact that thé océan is not experienced as exterior, that is, as something ocated beyond their ifeword, but as an intrinsic part of it. And this cornes about because, besides being constanty présent in thé traditionaazorean famiy stories and being deepy intertwined with their ives (there usuay are fishermen and saiors in thé famiies), thé sea opérâtes from very eary on as a kind of 'natura' extension of thé pubic space which young peope are used to exporing: "Thé présence of thé sea was a constant whie was growing up. Since was a chid / got used to swimming, diving, running on rocks strewn with sea-weeds, recognizing fish and jeyfish, catching crabs, identijying thé tides, etc. (Pedro ). Thé sea has aways been at thé centre ofmy ife since was very sma. At five coud aready swim in thé sea, and at ten fished underwater with a 4 cm gun(arustysimotababy). We, in thé summer hoidaysyou ony thought about thé sea. used to spend about ten hours at sea t sa.1 j - s- 33

18 andïstwted thé hoiday season in March/Apri unti October. In winter dived with a spécia suit tofîsh underwater. (Fâbio). beieve that yet another reason why thé océan does not take on thé attribute of boundary to most of thé young peope interviewed, and why thé invovement with it does not signify cosing off thé rest of thé word, is thé fact that thé sea view is one of thé most evocative of spaciousness. That feature, which aways appears associated with a wide panorama and scenery of gréât emptiness, reates to - as Y. Tuan (1977) has remarked - thé feeing of 'being free'. Thé primordia expérience of freedom is thé mobiity and there is no mobiity without space. In sum, thé open space is something that impies thé fiiture and thé unfufîed, and as a resut, it prompts us to go forward, to discover. This may hâve contributed to thé fact that therc were penty of statements mentioning a feeing offreedom and ofreease experienced by thé sea: "Strangey enough, ooking at thé horizon and not seeing thé bue makes me fee incarcerated and caustrophobie. To ook ahead and spot thé bue of thé water, thé horizon, to know that there is much more beyond what thé eye can see, gives me a certain feeing of freedom. (Caudia). " Athough thé sea is far from representing to thé young Azoreans a cément wa put up before their eyes, a wa which confines or oppresses them, coming across, on thé contrary, more ike an encouragement to unreservedness, as a matter of fact there are some who regard it as an obstace. A ess common topic in thé set of statements coected, but nevertheess discemibe within thé category of 'maritimity', is precisey thé one of thé sea as an éément interfering with an easier, doser or more fréquent reationship with thé outside. Some respondents referred to that by speaking of 'isoation'. Ceary that 'isoation' shoud not be seen in absoute or narrow terms, that is, as a rupture or a séparation as far as thé outside word is concemed. It is not in such tenus that thèse young peope seem to expérience that feeing of isoation. Références to insuar isoation aude more to a perception of discontinuity and of distance. Therefore, they point to probems of accessibiity. This idea of distance anses from thé awareness that thé sea is a space to be crossed in thé interaction with other paces, and in a sensé it draws them apart. Concerning thé perception of discontinuity, it arises mainy from thé fact - thé extremey reevant fact - that you cannot trave by and to thé outside and that peope are essentiay dependent on air transport, which is sti deemed expensive and not very user-friendy: "Nowadays thé restriction about being an isander is ony connectedwith thefact that whenyou want to traveyou hâve to do it by air. (Mafada) Traveing is sti expensive and every Azorean has, no matter how much they deny it, afeeing of isoation. (Fàvia). Ever since was a sma gir hâve reaized that to know what there is beyond our isand we hâve to strugge. Panes are not exacty idéa means of transport. Trips are expensive, we hâve to book them in advance and you do not board a pane asyou do a bus. To mefying has aways been stressfu and hâve been doing it since wasfive. (Eisabête) " Even reaizing that it is not precisey an expérience of isoation but more a probem of accessibiity which is at stake, thé existence of a perception of distance and discontinuity among some of thé respondents is, in any case, unarguabe. As a resut, we cannot faty deny thé présence of a certain feeing of detachment in their minds and thé fact that it aso party defines thé insuar condition. That is thé ony expanation for thé occurrence of another additiona thème, though more rarey: thé one ofoneiness and ofabandonment, with ai it may impy in tenus of anguish, of thé feeing of excusion and of vukierabiity: Since we were in thé midde of thé océan, ifsomething happened (ike a catastrophe), where woud we run to? Woud anyone hep us? Andwho woud do that? That was a gréât fear of mine when was sma. Sometimes was 'afraid' of iving on thé isand. (Migue). You start asking questions, how do materias, products, equipment get hère? If there were a catastrophe what woudhappen? / had thefeeing that we were a bit aone, eft to our own devices, athough it is not ike thaï. (Joâo). Severa fîmes found mysef -wondering what we coud do in case a catastrophe happened, something that woud turn thé fact thaï we ive on an isand into an unfortunate disadvantage... (Rui). As hâve aready mentioned, smaness is another fondamenta dimension to thé sensé of pace in thé Azorean context. Thé anaysis of thé statements shows that thé consciousness of thé narrowness of thé avaiabe space is perhaps as strong as thé expérience of maritimity for thé young peope interviewée. There were very few statements in which was unabe to fînd références to thé sma area of thé isands, and in which that fact was not cited as a 'cause' for severa aspects of their daiy ife and of thé insuar society. Thé existence of a keen and strong consciousness of that physica narrowness does not mean that it automaticay transates into - at east not just into - a perception of boundedness. Experiencing that smahiess seems to be something that acquires spécifie and more compex characteristics, pointing, not to a feeing of confinement or ofimprisonment, but to an expérience of scae différent from that on mainand spaces: just as by covering a sma distance one can go on an isand from one environment to another quite différent one, particuary due to thé reief and to thé effect of atitude, it is aso true that short distances acquire, reativey speaking and taking into account thé sma size of thèse régions, a further dimension, ai this causing thé insuar space to take on thé extraordinary appearance of a 'word in sma': "/ beieve that thé main différence between a chidfrom Sâo Migue andachidfrom thé mainand in simiar socia and économie cîrcumstances is thé range of thé reationships they estabish, of thé distances, of space and of time. Athough was born and hâve ivedin Ponta Degada, from very eary on we woud go and spend weekends andhoidays in Maia, where my mother is originay from. [...] thé 45 minutes it took to get there was something we coud not affordon a daiy basis, it -was actuay a ong and exhausting trip. (Vitôria). " Thé feeings generated by this consciousness of smabiess are contradicto.ry. There is no denying thé fact that to it we can associate a séries of négative images ofife on an isand which thé young isanders share, and which hâve mainy to do with perceptions of deprivation (in thé sphère of consumption) and of scarcity of opportunities (in thé sphère of production). Thé awareness that thé market is too sma tojustify offering services and rare businesses is wide- G t à a- j - 35

19 spread. Severa respondents mentioned thé sma diversity of shops and thé difficut access to we-known brands as négative aspects of insuar ife. If we keep in mind thé importance of consumption in thé socia constmction of identifies in thé gobaized consumer society in which we ive, we can reaize to what extent that can be perceived as a disadvantage to thé insuar condition, and even as an excusion factor. Thé other one is empoyment and career opportunities, where thé aready mentioned smaness of insuar spaces émerges again as a négative factor. To that smaness, however, one can aso associate positive représentations, which correspond to what may be described as a perception of concentration and neighbouriness, and which, in thé statements under anaysis, are much more fréquent and significant than any potentia feeing of confinement. Thé essentia éément of thé expérience of iving on thé Azorean isands is not thé feeing of 'ack of space', but thé sensé of having everything on hand, hence doser. As ifwhat is ost in space coud somehow be made up for in time - 'time there [in thé Azores] seems to hâve a wider dimension' (Fâvia) - and as if those gains in time woud aso acquire akindof 'spaciousness', contributing, thus, in their own way, to a feeing offi-eedom: 'Thefact that everything on an isand is doser is something which hâve aways vaued and now much more, because am more aware how important that can be. Hère on thé mainand we hâve to pan things very we, because everything is so far E-3-9 away and we cannot décide anything at a moment's notice. Over there is différent, in a day we e an do a miion things without worrying about distances. (Eisabete). In theazores we hâve more time andwe can dévote it to whom we ike best andto thé things we ove to do. (Marco) " This narrownes of thé avaiabe space, on account of thé intense expérience of concentration and neighbouriness it offers, apparenty aso adds to thé deveopment ofa spirit ofgreater intimacy with thé pace and with thé peope inhabiting it. Thé statements of thé young peope in my study group frequenty suggested exacty that. Références to thé fact that you know practicay 'everyone' by sight are rééurent. As a matter offact, so are thé références to a sensé ofsoidarity and ofmutua hep. That reation befrween physica narrowness and thé existence of a keener sensé of community is something which young isanders recognize as a given and which appears expicity identified in severa of thé statements anaysée: "I think that on thé isands there is, without doubt, astronger sensé ofcommunity: peope know and hep each other more often, and thé sensé of sharing aso prevais (offering vegetabes to neighbours, for instance). (Ana 2). On thé isands there is a stronger sensé of community, there is a bondbetween neighbours [... ], it is as ifwe ai beonged to thé same famiy. (Migue). Thé sensé of community that we fee on thé isands beieve is due to thefact that they are sma paces and thaï peope end up knowing each other, getting on with each other. (Débora). " Ai this famiiarity and coseness with thé surrounding word impied in thé narratives of isand ife, and which anses from thé expérience of concentration and neighbouriness mentioned, ends up ending thé isands a domestic, very friendy, amost chidish dimension. Many of thé features which characterize this essentia expérience ofwe-being that Seamon (1979) entited 'athomeness', and which has to do with 'feeing within' or 'at home', arc ceary présent in thé accounts that participants give of thé isand. am referring specificay to an intense feeing offamiiarity with thé surrounding word which tends to met away thé perception ofrisk and of uncertainty; to a sensé of gréât mastery over thé territory, founded on a ived expérience of thé space; but aso feeing at ease and without a care in thé word which promote thé 'freedom to be'; and, finay, to a widespread atmosphère of affection, of attentive caring, of thé spirit of hep, which is thé antithesis of thé indifférence that one expériences m anonymity, and which contributes substantiay to thé construction ofan idyic représentation of thé insuar paces: "/ grew up surrounded by my famiy, which is aways peasant, to be abe to be at any time cose to thé ones you ove. Iwent to schoo ony afew métrés [feetjfrom home, asma schoo, where formed gréât friendships, with high-quaity earning, because when casses are sma, thé eve of demand is higher andso is thé attention. Everything wasperfect! Paying was amost aways outside, with thé green and thé sea as backdrop, even when we stayed at home there was aways a friend with whom to pay, for in a sma pace we know thé neighbours we. (M^agda). Going back as further back as my memory aows, reaize there is no other pace where / woud rather hâve spent my chidhood. From being abe to stay outside paying unti ate without worrying about safety issues, to havîng my friends / coeagues ony a few minutes away onfoot. (Tomâs). " This image of thé isand as a 'home on a arge scae', in a nutshe, is what this is ai about, and it is precisey this 'feeing at home' which sums up thé expérience ofisandness for young isanders. Life 'away' - thé need to eave and thé expérience of exie Many of thé young peope in thé study group mentioned having started seeing thé isand with fresh eyes from a certain time in their ives. Amost ai of them associated that fact with adoescence and described thé change they underwent as thé appearance of a new feeing of dissatisfaction with ife on thé isand, but which, in any case, woud not hâve asted ong. G. & &s t &- ^ 37

20 Perhaps this can be ascribed to thé séries of emotiona changes which one goes through in adoescence. Growing up aways represents, to a greater or esser degree, beginning not to be content with thé known and an overwheming désire to go further. A new unreservedness impes thé youth to ook beyond thé domestic and famiy circe. This curiosity, aied to a newfound fi-eedom which is obtained as you get oder and as thé abiity to be independent increases, makes adoescence a stage when young peope are acquainted with an increased mobiity and when their ifeword suddeny expands. Probaby that notabe unease which adoescence seems to hâve brought many of thé young isanders in my study group has to do with an unconnectedness between, on thé one hand, thé expectations and thé yeaming for discovery, and thé opportunities offered by thé insuar space and society, on thé other hand. In this 'home on a arge scae' that is thé isand, there may be missing, to some of thèse young peope, thé outside space of discovery that they needed. Hence thé feeing of 'constriction' and boredom which appear in some statements and which matches thé perception that thé isand had suddeny become too sma or that it was not enough for them anymore: Astodyou inprevious e-mais started feeing tired of aways going to thé same paces, of aways meeting thé same peope, of everybody knowing what was going on in everyone ese 's ife. started to fee thé needto go to new paces, to meet newpeope andto abandon that monotony ofdaiy ife. (Joana). Thé expérience ofgrowing up on an isand was wonderfu unti reached adoescence. [... ] Inthe beginning aready though that thé environment was in didnot fît my sef-image. started... cannot say hating, but did not fee we [... ] To sum up, if had eft thé isand in thé eary stages of adoescence it woud hâve beenperfect. (Tomàs)." We can surmise that it is around this time that thé awareness ofsmaness, so fanfundamenta in thé Azorean sensé of pace and in thé expérience of isandness, takes an exact shape, or becomes cearer. Previousy we noticed that for some young peope this meant deveoping feeings of deprivation and scarcity. However, we aso saw that this was not true for everybody. Thé stàtements coected show, as hâve mentioned, that those feeings are of secondary importance in thé expérience of isandness. And that is probaby because they are dissoved in thé shape of a désire to escape, which is another way, a ess bitter and more positive one, ofdeaing on an isand with thé finitude of thé visibe earth: beieve that thé other essentia piar structuring thé sensé of pace in thé Azores mantimity - is a crucia factor to subimate thé discomfort of feeing deprived or encosed in a désire to escape. Thé spaciousness of thé sea, which nowadays bas ess to do with saiing than with fying, heps to essen that feeing, nourishing dreams ofti-aveing which act as an antidote for thé constrictions fet in thé confi-ontation with thé actua reaity ofisands: "/ hâve aready read in a book that dreaming offying means désire for freedom and thaï azorean girs dream thaï 5% morte often thant thé others. Thé pa in truth is thathave dreamt offying ai my ife, but do not know to what extent that bas to do with thefact thatam aways fying, paragiding, etc. can say one thingfor sure: Azoreans, especiay boys, are competey crazy about panes, there is a higher percentage (when compared to thé mainand) of boys wanting to be piots, aeronautica orspace engineers, or just simpy to work at thé airport or tojoin thé Air Force. (Ana ). Studying on thé mainand happened in thé ives ofmost of thé respondents as an actua project for thé future matching that désire to escape. Severa mentioned, using thèse or words to that effect, that as they got oder they started feeing 'a certain eagemess about going to thé mainand to study' (Rau), not just as a resut of économie need, inked to pursuing their studies and their future empoyment prospects, but aso on a psychoogica or emotiona eve, in response to a yearaing to escape, to 'go away', to ive thé expérience of eaving and exporing an 'extensive word'. This may correspond to what emigration represented in thé ife pans ofprevious générations. Coming to thé mainand was an expérience that profoundy shaped thé young Azoreans came into contact with. Amost ai mentioned thé gréât difficuties at thé beginning, thé intense suffering they endured: homesickness, sadness, disorientation, fear, feeing permanenty ike 'fish out of water', thé impossibiity of catching their own refection in thé mirror which was thé unknown space, feeing dispossessed for not having a pace of their own'. Despite thé food of overwheming feeings engendered, one coud aso detect, however, in some cases, feeting signs of wonder when faced with thé new and thé différent, and sometimes even fascination exerted by thé abundance and thé sophistication of thé expériences on offer in a big city, from eisure activities to thé speed of thé underground! Ony a few peope in thé study group faied to emphasize thé fact that coming to thé mainand had changea thé way they ooked at thé Azores. Nevertheess, thé dominant trend of that transfonnation was not aways thé same. There were some - not many, anyway - who seemed to hâve noticed, on coming to thé mainand, new drawbacks in thé isand ife, deveoping a beaker image of isandness. In those cases, what thé statements show is that what became obvious were mainy thé disadvantages associated with thé smaness, eading in some instances to thé deveopment of new feeings predicting a decrease in sefesteem: "when eft thé isand, thé yes, was faced with many other reaities. Andïhen ïstarted to ook at thé isand differenty. Not exacty as a caustrophobie or boring space, but as a pace in which there was reay a deficiency in many areas. (Barbara). Ony after coming to thé mainand was convinced of how sma we are and how isoated. Then fet sma. We are so isoated and perhaps so insignificant that many peupe on thé mainand do not even know what thé Azores are. (Raque)." Thé dominant trend of thé transformation in thé représentations of isandness after coming to thé mainand was, however, différent. Most statements point out, not a sudden awareness of thé drawbacks of isand ife (as ifthey had 'opened their eyes' or seen 'thé ight'), but rather to a discovery and appréciation of thé particuar quaifies of which they woud not hâve had a conscious awareness (rationaized) in thé daiy expérience of isandness, when they were 'immersed' in that reaity and simpy 'fet' it such as thé neamess of thé sea, thé 'time with time' (Vitôria) which arises of thé expérience of concentration I? M- w. sa s - 39

21 and neighbouriness generated by thé isand smahiess, thé security and feeing carefree on account of being in a famiiar and domestic environment - and which ony being away on thé mainand, and consequenty their absence, brought to surface. As a resut, many young peope recognize that thé désire to escape fet in thé past was quicky repaced by a deep yeaming to retum: "Iwoudbe ying iftodyou that when was in Year 12 did not think ofcoming to thé mainand, but think that is norma... ai youngpeope when they corne to a certain point wish to change their ives, tofee morefreedom, to ive with more responsibiity. [... ] From thé moment came to thé mainand, started to appreciate my isandmore. Deep down, Istartedto see it withfresh eyes and to reaize that there are veryfew (good) things which we do not hâve over there. (Pedro 2). During adoescence, confess that it [thé isand] had become a bit smafor me and that waited anxiousy for thé day coud corne andstudy on thé mainand. That is now ai gone, because coming to Lisbon has made me appreciate more my home pace and reaize how ucky was to hâve been born in such a beautifui pace, where hâve earnt so many thîngs which hâve made me grow up andwhich hère are underrated: can read, write, drive, ike any other young person, but / can aso mik a cow, gather grapes, make bread, my roots and thé traditions of my home country. (Lena). hâve aways îked to be Azorean but, without doubt, my being away has taughï me to appreciate my origins more. (Marco). " This discovery of isandness as an idéa happens at thé same time as another process in which practicay ai young peope came into contact with hâve become invoved. mean what may be described as an enhancement and a reassembing of thé Azorean identity after coming to thé mainand. To overcome thé strong feeing of being separate and dispossessed which seizes them and which hâve described, thé young Azoreans iving on thé mainand use thé strategy of meeting preferaby with students from thé archipeago in simiar situations, creating among themseves dense networks of contacts and friendships. It is a sort of itte 'community of exies' taking shape. Ai this does not hep to essen thé distance between youngazoreans andmainanders as fast as it coud do, and ends up propagating among them thé idea that they share a spécia and différent mentaity, or that there are spécifie facts about fhem - a way of speaking, for exampe - which define an identity: "At coège, thefîrst two peope met and spoke to were from Sâo Migue, and ended up staying friends with them from then on. don ' t reay knowwhy, butitfetgoodtofind someonefrom theazores, even if they were notfrom Sâo Jorge. It seemed that when we started to tak we aready h^iew each other. (Débora). When arrived in Aveiro to start coège, wasfaced with a community ofabout 5Azoreans, which was extremey cose. This group, with students from severa isands, got together every Friday to hâve dinner in thé canteen and to hang out ai night ong. (Pedro 2). // is much easier to get on with other Azoreans, since we share thé same opinions, thé same vaues and we reate to each other, because we hâve ai gone through thé expérience ofbeing in a huge city, where we don't know anyone and we hâve to adapt. Besides, thefact that we are abe to speakfreey, without having to disguise thé accent, to use idioms from back home, having thé same memories (some ofthem went to schoo with me, some know myfriends) makes thé friendship easier. (Caudia). " Thé contact with thé young Azoreans in my study group has shown me very ceary that their reationship with thé isand is estabished within a framework of permanent, and perhaps insoube, tension, between thé need to eave, on thé one hand, and a deep feeing of exie which they expérience away from thé isand, on thé other hand, and which aways transates into a deep entreaty to retum. Some of thé young peope interviewed cherished thé dream of a swifi retum to thé Azores, preferaby immediatey after graduating, especiay where there was a promise or a possibiity of a romantic attachment with other Azoreans - which is not that rare, because, even on thé mainand, they sti sociaize quite a ot with other young peope from thé archipeago. Others, ess optimisticay, assumed that probaby woud not be possibe due to thé shortage of empoyment and thé ack of career opportunities. None, however, coud imagine not going back to thé isands someday Concusion was wondering when started this research whether thé ideas which are normay associated with thé insuar condition, namey, thé idea of a certain excusion and confinement, as we as remoteness and isoation, woud be appropriate to describe thé expérience of iving on an isand. was wondering above ai whether thèse représentations ofisands and ofife within them woud be in accordance with thé phenomenoogy ofisandness or, on thé contrary, as some authors daim, that they were a misguided reading of that reaity, possiby deformed by a 'mainand gaze'. Thé data coected during thé contacts kept with thé young Azorean students in my study group support thé beiefs of those who oppose thé idea that thé expérience of isandness may be reduced to a feeing of confinement and isoation. However, they do not deny that simiar or reated feeings may be présent in thé 'insuar way of iving', or may even be a constituent part ofit. To that idea that isandness is inextricaby associated with thé bitter and restrictive perception of being isoated and confined woud oppose another one, according to thé data was abe to examine: thé expérience of iving on an isand is by nature ambiguous, payed off in a permanent tension between thé advantages andthe disadvantages f being in a sma pace encompassed by thé sea. am not saying then that thé isandness does not impy a perception of deprivation and of shortage. Obviousy thé expérience ofthat visibe narrowness wi aways arouse, to a greater or esser degree, such feeings. What am aso saying, however, is that it does not automaticay mean confinement or boundedness. In their smaness, isands find a spaciousness of their own and différent from that of other paces, which arises from thé spatia concentration and thé neighbouriness, and that is an essentia aspect of thé insuar condition which we do not usuay take notice of. Furthermore, that smaness which may bring probems as far as consumption and empoyment are concemed has a substantia benefit: a domestic and friendy dimension which heps subjects being 'setted in a pace' and thé atmosphère of a certain feeing of at-homeness. Rejecting thé idea that there is an isoation inhérent in thé isandness is maybe more probematic. There aren't obviousy doubts on this ifwe think about isoation in a strict sensé, or if we are thinking about shutting off thé outside word. Thé sea is not for thé isanders anything cose to a perimeter or a fence surrounding and isoating. In fact, it is an extension, a space opening up around them, and that represents thé possibiity of opening to thé outside and to thé future being permanenty on thé horizon. It is aso true, nevertheess, that it means a discontinuity conceming and mobiity and a distance to be covered, and that - we must acknowedge - seems to end thé insuar condition a dimension of excusion and inaccessibiity. Thé research carried out utimatey shows how that thé coming of young Azorean to thé mainand hâve changed their perception of isandness, and even their sef-awareness. Unike what we coud imagine, that coming to thé mainand did not engender a crisis in thé représentation of thé isand. On thé contrary, a new image of ai that, probaby more idyic, seems to hâve emerged aong with thé process itsef of reassembing their own identity as Azoreans, and consequenty, as isanders. E d u ard o Brito Henriques is a Geographei-, Auxiiar Professer in thé Department ofgeography of thé University of Lisbon (Portuga). He is aso a Researcher in thé Center of Geographica Studies, University of Lisbon (Portuga). eduardo@campus.li.pt.?' s-»» S3 & ï 41

22 > ^ ^ <T^,.... "^^1 r ^ ' r 4 4. ^t r ^ ^, '7 ByYuug-Jaan Lee and Ching-Ming Huang mapping thé terrain and shaping thé pace, orientation and objective. Possibe methods for use in empowering offshore isand communities under gobaization are proposed. Finay, community empowerment is re-emphasized with respect to "rc-emphasizing pace" as thé concusion. Keywords: Gobaization, ocaization, off-shore isands, community empowennent, community panning R R. CHINA wan -'traiî ^? aiwan Abstract 'V^apitaism restmcturing and technoogica iimovations hâve ed to thé deveopment of a networksociety. Thé major impact of thé network society has been to make thé gobaized économie process mutuay penetrabe and dépendent, not ony contributing to nationa aiénation of power and bur of thé poitica geographica boundaries, but aso infuencing time-space reationships. Such infuence on time-space expériences is thé most notabe feature of gobaization. Examining of spatia deveopment and community empowerment fi-om this perspective ceary differs in terms of expérience and essence from previous urbanization processes. Therefore, this study anayzes thé possibiity of community empowerment in off-shore isand communities in thé face of gobaization. Thé context of gobaization is examinée fîrst, which is used as thé bedrock ofthis study. Thé deveopment prospects and probems facing urban and rura areas in Taiwan are then anayzed. Next, thé orientation and visuaization ofcommunity empowennent are investigated from thé foowing perspectives: commumty context, community empowerment and panning, as we as thé rôe assignée to individuas invoved in community empowerment. Additionay, thé case exampe of Matzu is considered from four perspectives, i. e. régiona identity and "ess-advanced advantages", pace ofiving and andscape on commodifîcation,. Préface Conceived as an abstract concept, gobaization can be a phenomenon or a theory (Lubbers, 1999). However, to thé généra pubic, gobaization is a compex concept that incudes poitica and économie constructs, as we as environmenta changes. Furthermore, gobaization aso refers to thé outcomes resuting from thèse changes. Gobaization thus is generay not considered a 'singe process" or a diaectica motivation. Economie, poitica and technoogica aspects combine to form a concrète mode ofgobaization. Moreover, thé continuousy increasing interconnection among économies, poitics and technoogies further depicts thé characteristics of gobaization. Anayzing gobaization requires more than focusing ony on its process. Thé chaenges of gobaization and oca responses must aso be thoroughy understood. However, thé impact of gobaization wi decrease aong with thé state's traditiona poitica, socia and économie missions. This decrease occurs partiay owing to that thé state, in accordance with new ibéra consciousness, exécutes numerous activities and adapts to gobaization trends in new consciousness regarding freedom and activities conducted to assist in adapting to gobaization, which hâve aready transformed their standpoint of thé guardian of thé new Keynesian Theory of thé state's pubic goods to a goba function of thé guardian of iberaism of internationa Persona capita (Lubbers, 1999). On thé other hand, with thé advance of gobaization, states are increasingy unabe to protect commumty interests such as in thé exampes of wefare redistribution and environmenta protection. Furthermore, states are increasingy unabe to contro thé power needed to impement missions in reation to internationa fimds, such as in thé exampe of missions such as insuring property rights and ownership, insuring thé socia order, fighting crime and peacekeeping. Nevertheess, nationstates generay wish to increase their power via geographica aspects, régiona poitica organizations, and intergovernmenta organizations. However, with respect to gobaization, thé power and incination ofstate govemance is graduay dissoving. Quaity of ife and sustainabe deveopment are ceary under threat gobay, particuary given thé foowing three 'governance déficits': ecoogica déficit, socia déficit, and démocratie déficit. Thé mutuay reinforced strength among thé économie gobaization, poitica gobaization, and technoogica gobaization has created a new word order. Under this new order, athough internationa coopération and conventions may reduce miitary conficts, gobaization has aso increased oca conficts and reduced poitica, économie, and ecoogica poicy choices (United Nations Research Institute for s U 1. ai tf i j & n INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL F ISIANDÂFFAIRS 43

23 Socia Deveopment (UNRISD), 1995). Indeed, gobaization is widey considered synonymous with homogeneity and uniformity, repacing "space of pace" with "space of fow" (Castes, 1992) Even in thé midst of gobaization, there hâve aso been strains of ocaization such as in thé exampes of thé divergence of "goba casscuture" and "community cuture". Goba urban poitics invoves continuous compromise as part of thé compétition among oca and goba domains (Kei, 1996). Responding to thé above-mentioned topics, thé foowing three governance déficits are frequentyproduced: socia déficit, ecoogica déficit and démocratie déficit. Thé deveopment and oca responsiveness of thèse three types of governance déficits are aso aspects of gobaization. Regarding thé resuting govemance déficits, thé foowing responses can be observed:. Resisting gobaization (especiay "Western impressions and vaues") by emphasizing "oca rootedness" and "native identification" 2 Ressting internationa organizations or mutinationascae concentration of governance power via "oca division ofpower" and "régiona govemance". 3. Coping with thé abstract aiénation causedby gobaization via "communaism". 4. Repacing thé "Dominant Socia Paradigm" (DS) by stressing thé "New Environmenta Paradigm" (NEP). 5. Resisting "hyicism" by stressing "thé vaue of non-hyicism". Thèse oca responses hâve given thé gobaization process a possibiity of sefdiaect. Loca responses hâve, in some paces, taken thé form of estabishing internationa or transnationa organizations, whie in other paces they hâve taken thé form of estabishing régiona govemments or regiona diaogic mechanisms. Furthermore, thèse oca responses daim that thé vaue ofmateriaism bas increased its quantity in non govemmenta organizations, reigions activities, and socia pubic wefare activities. Regarding "oca rootedness" and "native identification", community empowerment is thé most important aspect of refecting thé gobaization chaenge. This work first examines how gobaization affects thé deveopment of rura and urban communities in Taiwan. Furthermore, to respond to thé chaenge of gobaization, Matzu viages are taken as an exampe for investigating how to provide "reshaping pace" regarding community empowerment, through understanding and acknowedging this "pace". This work particuary emphasizes thé foowing aspects of community empowerment: conceptua introduction, cognitive compréhension and educationa training. 2. Deveopment of Rura and UrbanAreas in Taiwan under Gobaization During thé 197s, when thé threat of goba capitaism emerged and forced capitaist countries to change from thé Fordist to a post- Fordist production mode, thé Taiwanese strategy soidifîed in terms of outward économie deveopment. Thus, outward économie deveopment assists thé state to ink with thé goba economy. Under this deveopment pattem, with regard to space deveopment, besides rapidy increasing thé différences between urban and rura areas by upgrading metropoitan areas via industria production chains, thé other key trend has been aggregate industries within big cities using thé goba économie System within thé goba city network using thèse production chains. Under goba capitaism, Taipei emerged as a significant goba city in thé 198s (Friedmann, 1986). Numerous empirica studies hâve fi-equenty appeared since thé 199s(such as, Beaverstok et a., 1999, 2; Tayor & Waker, 21). Such a trend demonstrates that thé process of urban poarization is fiirther being promoted -city with thé potentia ofbecoming a word city must first face thé pressure of compétition among transnationa cities. To attract transnationa capita and investments in internai capita fows, thèse goba cities aggomerate massive deveopment constructions, resources and investment opportunities. However, nonurban and areas acking opportunities for transnationa deveopment are even more detached from économie deveopment. This phenomenon incurs disparity among régions and phénoména poarization; in Taiwan, combinedwith thé goba economic network, thé outeome is particuary extrême. Récent studies hâve assumed that "oss of distance" or "annihiation of space by time" bas résutée fi-om this trend ofincreasing téécommunication mobiity (Cresswe, 24). However, cities wi not immediatey disappear or die because of thé signifîcant faceto-face interactions and thé city's économie coections. On thé other hand, owing to this trend of "oss of distance", thé effect of "new citypoarization effects" may be further created, which may hep strengthen urban économie aggregation more distincty in thé future (Ha, 1999). No consensus has been reached regarding thèse discussions. However, Taipei had ceary emerged as thé metropois of Taiwan by thé ate 198s. Whie Taipei cannot compare to gréât goba cities such as New York, London, and Tokyo, poitics, administration, économies, cuture, and banking and no other city in Taiwan can compare, not even thé other major cities such as Kaohsiung and Taichung. Poarization effects are ignored initiay. Instead, this study focuses on geographica inequaities in deveopment. Regarding deveopment probems faced by rura and urban areas in thé face of gobaization, thé phenomenon ofurban poarization can aready be seen in Taiwan. One aspect of urban poarization effects is to force thé primary city to face thé chaenges from goba cities, and strive to be connected to goba deveopment trend. However, urban poarization has caused greater anomy and possibe marginaization of oca towns and community deveopment. In response to gobaization, paces must be more open-minded and active. 3. OrientatioEi and Visuaization of Community Empowerment Meaning ofcommunity VisuaUzation and Reaity of a "Community " Intheeary99s, "community" dramaticay became a dominant paradigm in Taiwan, utimatey becoming a fied of research interest. Furthermore, "community" became an emergmg topic of poitica, socia, économie, and cutura interest. For over ten years, various discussions, activities, and poicies using "community" as a catchword hâve fourished in Taiwan. Importanty, this concept has not experienced too many chaenges. This concept was avaiabe for citizens and govemments to absorb rapidy, making thé interaction between citizens and govemment an r sa B a- y t» w (S» a & 45

24 inséparabe patform of society. This phenomenon is ceary visibe in thé bureau budgets of cenù-a and oca govemments, where thé use of communities as treasuries to assist others has aready become a norma poicy. However, with regard to their citizens, commumties hâve become a fied best used for assembies and intégration of différent resources, and are considered thé foundation for impementing socia movement transformation. From a historica perspective, thé émergence of Taiwan's community issues originated from thé coective actions between thé state and its citizens. However, thé outcomes of "community" in thé context of poitics must not be negected. Given thé bottom-up process of poitica décisions stressedby community empowerment, regardess whether thé bottom-up process can guarantee thé competeness of thé empowerment process, thé egitimacy and essentiaity of citizen rights hâve aready been estabished, and connects severa key concepts reated to community and democracy (incuding grass-roots democracy, empowerment, and pubicity), making commumties an aternative poitica décision, pennitting thé democratization of Taiwan to hâve another poitica option. Thé possibiity of estabishing grass-root democracy bas become a patform ofpoitica inefficiency and even un-satisfaction. Community empowerment indicates a new démocratie mode; a common consensus process that requires interaction, participation, communication and coordination. Additionay, such empowerment dépends on a concrète fîed to compète, and this fied is thé commumty. However, whenthese idéa visions form an ambiguous exica combination of "commumty empowerment" within thé community and government, and through continuous changes and consoidations, a résistant and coopérative reationship can be estabished between country and communities. Simutaneousy, a reationship of dependence and compicity is aso created. Consequenty, numerous phenomena worthy of refection hâve emerged through this process. On thé one hand, increasing quantities ofresources are ony superficiay in name of "community" and increased systematization. However, owmg to thé process ofsystematization, "community" ony becomes a noun, a naming of a fied, and a patform of connectmg resources, rather than positive motives and actions which can evoke internai introspection and extema reform. Restated, when thé définition of administrative areas has been increasingy regarded as a proper and accustomed définition of community (not conventiona catégories which are not an organic constitution of particuar meaningfu contexts), and when commumty organizations hâve become just another authority-reated operating mode resuting in thé vaues of participation and civicness more formaized, thé question then raised is that: thé conception that communities are thé coective refection (Bauman, 21) is an existence in reaity or made-up beiefs? Reationship Connections Regarding thé contexts of cities and towns, thé above question deserves doser examination. Actuay, within cities and towns, thé accustomed categonzation of "community" is a burred définition. Cities and towns are highy mobie, open, and fù of numerous différent reationship components (Bauman, 21). Moreover, citizens within thèse spatia areas constmct différent reationships with différent segments of cities and towns according to différent activities (e. g., commercia, residentia, or industria). However, thèse reationships within estranged and anonymous cities and towns are generay estranged, insignificant and negected. Nevertheess, thé définition of community can be viewed from a différent perspective. A community refers to a group of résidents with a généra sensé of beonging to a spécifie area. Furthermore, a community describes a combination of socia, psychoogica and cutura reationships. This définition impies that thé foundation of community is a defined area occupied by a group of peope. Thèse peope engage in différent activities within thé defined areas, and are interdependent. Restated, commumty is a "dynamic System", thé formation of which dépends on thé interconnection conditions "reationship." Given économie conditions and ifestye changes, thé existence of a common community consensus may overcome geographica imitations, not making thé geographica imitations thé ony communication médium. This phenomenon can appy to individuas from différent geographica areas using other médiums to estabish consensus and common characteristics, and thus estabishing thé traditiona concepts of socia Systems such as "externa autonomy" and "internai interaction and coopération". Thé pervasiveness of thé Internet via services such as: www, FTP, e-mai, Gopher, Bog, has associated particuar groups, organizations, and teams with particuar objectives, heping estabish "socia groups" with coective meanings. Simiary, communities hâve been constructed via interaction between résidents and effective interactions between résidents and thé environment and graduay evove into différent community patterns. Consequenty, community concept in urban areas does not entirey coincide with thé area covered by neighborhood. In contrast, urban community concept is ony a partia intersection of numerous mterreationships Community Empowerment and Community Panning Given thé deveopment of capitaism and thé advent of thé information society, reationships among commimities and sma societies hâve been progressivey weakened. Regarding wefare évauations, such évauations are frequenty made from thé perspective of an individua, not from that of a group. Thé satisfaction required for thé materiaistic and socia demands of individuas are frequenty obtained via marketing mechanisms or pubic services, which can increasingy be accompished without group coopération. For exampe, upon discovering a spécifie corner covered with garbage, thé viage chiefor even ordinary individuas can make a tééphone ca demanding that environmenta protection units résove this probem. If thé community wishes to hâve a park cose to their résidences, thé community wi hâve no difficuty since it has aready been designated in urban panning processes. Furthermore, previous commumty mterest in topics such as kitchen waste, resource recycing, and environmenta concerns, hâve aready been impemented by government. Furthermore, as another exampe, whenthe pubic art, which meets thé démocratie process and erects in numerous urban streets and corners, is being criticized, no one can ensure thé avoidance ofgood and bad disputes to thé arts which are created through community empowerment processes. Thus, if thé functions of cities and towns (consumer markets, pubic faciities, and pubic services) can dea with most probems caused by individua demands, thé question of why community empowerment is necessary anses. If thé personaities, aesthetics and environmenta formation of urban spaces hâve their own ogic for existence, then thé question ofwhether community empowerment becomes an ideoogica principe rather than a significant meaningfu process anses. Answering thé above two questions concems thé rôe and position ofcommunity pamiers. First, community is viewed as "a dynamic system connected via reationships", where "demand" and "scarcity" are both aspects G sa f t Nsr as in ^ 47

25 of thèse reationships. Current settement fiinctions can surey satisfy most demands, but are insufficient to satisfy thé aspect of scarcity. For instance, thé market fonctions to satisfy food, cothing, housing, transportation, and entertainment demands, but simutaneousy créâtes a déficient mindset of a consumer society in which ony demands can be satisfied via monetary exchanges. Governmenta organizations construct roads to satisfy thé growth of traffic, but simutaneousy continuous and expansion has created environmenta deficiencies. Instaation of monitors in neighborhoods canprovide safety, but simutaneousy intensifies thé scarcity found in interactive and mutua trust reationships between peope. In summary, regardess of whether community empowerment or commumty panning, much emphasis hâve focused on thé anthropocentnc aspect for over ten years in Taiwan. Even regarding thé perspective of environment, thé emphasis has been paced on anthropocentnc physica spatia environment. Consequenty thé connections of community reationships are extremey thin and weak. This aso expains why community empowerment and community panning ack progressiveness and thé abiity to reform. Given continuousy attention paid to satisfying individua needs, thé scarcity dimension of peope and other reationships can not be understood. Consequenty, thé meaning and vaue ofcommunity empowerment ies in making up for or changing déficient reationships. Moreover, thé rôe and mission of community panning is to remind individuas of reationships, providing possibe soutions and methods for community empowerment. Restated, community empowerment aims to not ony to et résidents consider how to convey opinions and express demands to poicy makers, but aso to act effectivey in thé face ofscarcity. Moreover, commumty panners shoudnotbe defined by meeting thé needs ofcommunity résidents; instead, they shoud be working on sowing thé gap between scarcity reationships, and further guiding toward thé impementation of an idéa reationship Rôe of Community Panner: Providing Context, Coective Governance Regarding thé rôe of community panners, this work assumes that training pan assignment is intended to provide training for community panners. However, exacty what community panners are must be carified. Commumty empowerment and panning are assumed hère to be distinct. Community empowerment workers and community panners aso hâve différent rôe assignments. A commumty parmer must possess not ony basic knowedge ofcommunity empowerment, but aso advanced knowedge as we. As mentioned earier, when thé vitaity and progressiveness of communities corne from thé refections and readjustment due to thé scarcity reationships, community empowerment is necessary in unifying thé meaning of coectives is not ony concerned with how to obtain civicness and sove probems invoving participation and empowerment, but must aso use internai atent power to move on toward a "good" path. This approach is precisey thé rôe assignment ofa commumty panner. Through this process, thé rôe payed by commumty panners is to provide methods and contexts for moving in this "good" path, and achieve "good" resuts through coective management with commumty empowerment. Restated, professionaism is cmcia for community panners. However, "profession" is not a generay acknowedged cose System. It is thé abiity to be créative and to sove probems. Consequenty, thé training ofcommimity panners, with respect to students of space reated majors, does not invove "rehearsa" of schoo courses. Training is aso not an intensive earning course for students with unreated educationa backgrounds. Thé goa is to provide new vision and methods, and aso to eam how to improve thé word. 4. Matzu: A "Pace" from which to See, Know, and Understand thé Word 4.1. Identity and Less-advanced Advantage in Matzu Since thé 199s, community empowerment in impementing cutura works in Taiwan has aways been considérée an important démocratie poicy. Moreover, this concept has accompanied thé poitica transformations of thé country, and encouraged waves of unrest seeking community autonomy. Community empowerment is a new outook on résidents and thé pace they inhabit, and what it cames out is thé writings on oca memories and créations ofhistory, to te thé différence between thé oca pace and thé nation as a whoe, which can further describe features that beong to thé sef. Restated, thé émergence of thé "commimity" concept not ony incudes thé discussed construction of thé new reationships between citizens and thé country, but aso impies an emphasis on "pace" under thèse new reationships. Apace not ony describes a spécifie space, but is aso a socia constmctionprocess socia construct. Hence, thé uniqueness of spatia description and thé affuence of socia process are aso part of thé unique appea of thé pace. Accordingy, thé uniqueness and affuence of Matzu indicates a "pace" where identity is présent. Matzu is ocated on thé western side of thé Taiwan Strait. Matzu comprises 36 isets scattered outside thé mouth of thé Mingjiang River, forming a bright pear on thé océan. Thé isands are formed of granité; and their andscape comprises rising and faing his, and rocky coasts. Remuants of ancient human inhabitants from six thousand years ago, during thé Neoithic Age, show that thé Fujian tribes in Han Dynasty estabished an oceanic tribe by traveing far overseas to seek sheter. During thé eary Ching dynasty, fishermen fi-om eastem Fujian and sma numbers of peope from Guangdong immigrated in arge numbers, constructed buidings from oca materias, forming settements in each bay, and thus estabishing thé unique settement seen at Matzu today. However, during thé Kuomintang Govemment retreat from China to Taiwan, Matzu became a miitary fortress heaviy scarred by tunnes, battements, sogans, artiery batteries, and various battefied reated markings. Différent contextua writings hâve been written reated to thèse historica changes that stem from thé enriched unique spatia textures of Matzu. Thé peope of Matzu sti préserve thé worship of snake and fi-og totems, showing thé isanders most basic ways of iving and dispaying thé thickness of thé Fujian custom and cuture. However, thé characteristiccatching of tempes (a design to prevent thé spread offires) show thé océan tribe's adventurous spirit and dévotion to Matsu (Goddess of thé Sea). Thé years of civi war hâve provided Ma- i» s & ai?? se à s 49

26 zu with a spécia aura of interweaved ife and existence, creating a ow-profied défense feature. Nevertheess, pace is not ony thé andscape ofspace, but is aso thé method and manner of human existence. Pace thus is inhérent, i.e. thé practice of daiy ife (Creswe, 24). Compared with Taiwan, due to spécia historica chances, Matzu has been reativey untouched by modemization. One thé one hand this bas meant that Matzu has avoided thé créative destruction associated with modernism, thus maintaining reativey rich and hoistic spatia resources; on thé other, this has meant that Matzu bas experienced différent ife expériences to Taiwan. A meaningfu pace is not a andscape which observers view fi-om thé outside. Rather thé meaning of a pace is contained in thé practice of concrète daiy ives, and thé provision of différent visions for thé future to become an organic part of thé word (Cresswe, 24). From this perspective, Matzu is not an "off-shore isand" to Taiwan, but a "pace" to see, know, and understand thé word Pace of Living vs. Landscape of Commodification Given thé poicy normaization of community empowerment and thé combination of thé dimensions of oca industries and deveopment, community empowerment bas atered from ameaningfù process to a formai too. This change is owing to hastiy seeking oca characteristics and a community anchoring whie unknowingy changing thé "pace" on which résidents dépend into "commodities" which ony concerns priée. According to this ogic, community empowerment focuses on outward marketing ofthis commodity and obtaining increased vaue by increasing thé attraction ofunknown others. This trend undoubtedy refects thé needs for économie deveopment. Some communities actuay hâve created new opportunities by foowing this route. On thé one hand, however, in most situations "paces" tend to become others- and consumer-oriented. Furthermore, via thé temporary timespace connection, thé worid is becoming increasingy homogenous. Mobiity and demotic cuture cause paces to become a poor and shaow "andscapes". However, this trend aso arouses and créâtes anxiety because when community empowerment is seen as a too in thé organizationa process used to satisfy demand, whie thé outcomes fai to meet expectations, increased anomy and fractures can occur, making socia reations more probematic and cynica. This phenomenon has occurred in numerous areas which hâve experienced community empowennent. However, this dire situation persists most of thé time, whie thé reasons causing thé dire situation are negected. Différent communities invariaby encounter différent probems, and thèse probems may hâve différent causes. However, if community empowerment increases individua anxiety and suspicions, then for thé same reasons, thé gap ofscarcity is aso inevitaby increased when paying too much attention to thé needs. Besides creating a need for oca autonomy onginatmg from thé refection of poitica situations, commumty empowerment has aso undergone refections and repairs regarding thé capitaism and industriaization which cause scarcity probems ofcreating sù-ains on interpersona reationships and aiénation between individuas and other reations. Thus, commumty empowerment may become an institutiona depetion and not a créative participation when it is viewed as a means for achieving needs, and thus against thé origina spirits. Thé reminder of thé spirit of community empowerment spirit is especiay meaningfu as far as Matzu is concerned. Thé reason is because thé spatia shaping and socia construction process of Matzu differ from those in Taiwan. From thé characteristic fishing viage before thé start of thé cross-strait confict, to becoming a battefied, even after retuming to a more peacefu state as hostiities died down in 1992, thé expériences and issues encountered by Matzu differ significanty from Taiwan. Consequenty, faiure to carefuy distinguish befrween thé two, and bindy copying Taiwan's expériences, concepts, and poicies wi ead to processes and outcomes that do not refect thé actua needs and scarcity of Matzu and further may cause ossification and increase anxiety. Furthermore, thé uniqueness and richness of Matzu wi be negected. Aso, thé fact that thé practice of daiy ives is thé source of oca vitaity and meaning wi be forgotten as we Mapping thé Terrain and Shaping thé Pace As mentioned earier, thé unique and rich space possessed by Matzu has constructed a pace with strong identity. However, a space has become a pace is because it not ony describes a set of spaces, but it is aso thé emotiona attachment between individuas and thé pace, and thé meaning and expérience of thé word. Living makes a pace aive. If there was no iving, a pace woud ony be an empty space acking vitaity. Furthermore, it is thé diversity of paces that makes thé word more meaningfu. Hence, viewing thé word fi-om a pace, a pace is merey "a way of seeing, knowing, and understanding thé word" (Cresswe, 24: 11). Aong with a decreasing gamson popuation, Matzu is graduay experiencing changes in spatia formation and socia constmction. Thé ifestye and économie activities meeting thé miitary purpose are aso facing changes. Under thé effects of numerous compétitive factors, Matzu must find a deveopmenta route, and its unique and rich cuture and natura charm create natura opportunities in tourism. Refecting on current conditions ofmatzu, thé tourist industry is unikey a one-time materiaistic way ofconsumption because Matzu is not a pace where economy can congomerate regarding its geography, transportation, environmenta canymg capacity, socia canying capacity, and ocation. Restated, owing to thé above-mentioned imits, it is impossibe for Matzu to attract transient and arge quantifies of consumers. Furthermore, community industries do not simpy invove producing materiaistic goods, but, shoud be a cutura context cosey reated to iving and thé environment. Hence, a prosperous and sustainabe ife is necessary to support industria thickness, and this is aso why community empowerment and commima industries support one another. Morcover, this is where thé potentia ofmatzu ies. Therefore, before examining thé issues of community industries, thé response of community empowerment shoud be thé adjustment of thé reationships between inhabitants and thé and. Restated, community empowerment concerns thé reationships between inhabitants and thé and, thé estabishment ofmatzu's ifestye and cutura characteristics through everyday ife, and thé estabishment of their own cutura beiefs. Thèse factors form thé foundation that makes Matzu a "pace" and further moves toward sustainabiity. Ony in this way can thé future of Matzu not be eft dépendent on unknown, foreign, and iusionary tourists. Ony in this way can Matzu invite visitors who respect, favor, and hâve good intentions on thé pace, and increasingy invite visitors to retum to Matzu, and hep Matzu create new memories worth recording Orientation and Goa According to census figures, thé Matzu bas a popuation ess than 1,. Meanwhie, thé actua number of ong-term isand résidents is probaby even smaer. Recenty, aong with thé changes in thé rôe ofmatzu, thé isand has become a focus for govemment spending.?' & n j 51

27 Thé impementation ofphysica construction projects (such as viage préservation, townscape renaissance, and off-shore isand constmctions) or non-physica projects (such as community empowerment, community industries, cutura andscape, and cutura resources) invites increasing working teams with différent styes and objectives to participate in thé future opération and transfiguration of Matzu. Simutaneousy, thèse projects aso encourage numerous communities to join together to activey engage in community activities. How to hep thé imitée popuation digest thèse massive resources to assist them in deveoping identify and vaue of oca iving and to move toward sustainabiity is thé main orientation and goa of community empowerment center. Community empowerment is a ong and sow process, and must be accumuated, introspected and emended consistenty. Regarding ourunderstanding of Matzu, introspection regarding community empowerment, knowedge of methods of "pace" construction, and thé acknowedgement of thé orientation of community empowerment center, we propose that thé goa of community empowerment be a continuous process dividing into short term (3-5 years) and ong term (5-Oyears). Based on thèse goas and through a step-by-step process, it is hoped that Matzu can become a meaningfu, charismatic and sustainabe "pace" Short-term Goas Mapping thé Appearance of thé Pace Thé meaning of "pace" exists in spatia memories, ife trajectory, and ai aspects of iving. This study aims to assist inhabitants via différent methods such as: verba, pictoria and objective descriptions to portray thé tme essence ofmatzu Constructing Internai Confidence Thé attraction of a pace dérives not ony from thé perception of unique aesthetics of spatia andscape. What reay attracts individuas is how inhabitants of a pace interact with thé environment and deveop their ownogic and vaue System, which differs from thé drive towards homogeneity associated with gobaization. Constmction of such internai confidence is thé most vaued and important structure of a pace Deveoping Living Aesthetics Thé deveopment of iving aesthetics resuts from thé estabishment of cutura customs. However, such cutura customs, simiar to iving habits, form an intégra part of daiy ife, and do not need to go through strict aesthetic training or a dispay of a form of performance. Thé cutivation of such aesthetic abiity and expérience represents thé most effective means of achieving pubicity Estabishing Partnership Reations Regarding thé division of thé administrative boundary, thé four townships on Matzu are distributed on five différent isets; and thèse townships on thé separate isets are further divided into différent communities. In fact, thé reationships among ecoogy, society, and economy are extremey high in an unique isand setting such as Matzu. Thus, forming supportive networks with neighboring communities and partnership reations among isand communities through conversations and interactions, whie sharing coectivey and undertaking tasks together, can shape a common sensé of pace, and fùrther enabe coaboration to repace compétition Long-term Goas Shaping Loca Charming, Deveoping Expérience Economy Short-term goas provide thé bedrock for ong-term goas. Thé short-term goas mentioned above provide foundations for constructing a pace's attractiveness. Thèse foundations are irrepaceabe and unforgettabe ééments for deveoping expérience economy such as tourist backpackers, ong-stay, spiritua industries, and art viages. In short, Matzu bas thé best potentia and deveopment conditions comparing to Taiwan Benevoent Environmenta Protection, Promoting Sustainabiity Given goba warming trends, thé threat of rising sea eves is rea. However, with respect to Matzu, which ies within thé Taiwan Strait, is one of thé first to face this chaenge Matzu stands to be one of thé first paces in thé word to face this chaenge. Thus, Matzu faces a major crisis. Thé best approach is to be responsibe and provide environmenta protection, whie practicing community empowerment and canying out régiona opérations to stop goba warming fi-om community eves. 5. Possibe Way-cut Facing Gobaization: Reemphasizing "Pace" Goba Economie reconstmctionduringthe 197's infuenced geographica spaces in two important ways () It promoted new spatia division effect and inter-city compétition pressure. Numerous od industria viages adopted enterpnse management methods m response to thé économie demands associated with thé impact ofde-industriaization. (2) Given thé time-space compression, capita fow become significanty transnationa and rapid changes and interocking of environmenta probems were created in cities. Cities thus must adopt a management stye based on sustainabiity. Furthermore, co-construct boomtowns were estabished foowing thé intégration of entrepreneur cities to form régénération poicies. Based on thé poitica economy of modem iberaism, combining thé two main thèmes can be viewed as occasionay resuting from capita accumuation during post-industriaization. Athough thé de-industriaization impact differs from thé expérience of capitaism in western cities, it is graduay appearing in thé management ofcities in Taiwa. i as s sa.»5??» & 53

28 Furthermore, due to its deveopmenta history and thé poitica effects caused by geopoitics of thé two-party Systems, Taiwan has deveoped entrepreneur cities based on sustainabe deveopment, Which hâve induced régiona governance facing numerous unstabe factors and potentia conficts. Based on thé perspectives ofaccumuating and controing resources, thé core-periphera gaps are expanding with respect to gobaization. This same phenomenon occurs in Taiwan D s history of city transformation. Nevertheess, societies do not submit to thé structura dominance compositions. Gobaization resuts from various processes andhas effects that are simutaneousy separated and unified. Gobaization has created new methods of stratification, and frequenty causes différent outcomes in numerous différent communities or areas. Gobaization may cause thé destruction of oca activities, but those who are affected are ikey to refect upon thèse situations and reorganize their thoughts. Gobaization thus has created an increased emphasis on pace wordwide. However, thé core concept of community empowerment in thé face of gobaization is "participation", which incudes both method and ideoogy. Regarding method, participation is a process. Participation enabes citizens to résove their uncertainty regarding thé future of society; furthermore, increased participation can ead to sef-govemance. Regarding ideoogy, participation is abeief. Participation stresses that sefdétermination is a human right that can create better cities and a better word (Ogivie, 1999). If community empowerment under thé trend of gobaization is viewed as a community movement, then its description shoud be focused on expaining constmcts rather than activity objectives. As a form of community participation, community empowerment is thé continuity of socia reationships. However, thé créative power possessed by community empowerment is visibe in its pubic acceptance, which can be verified by participation and sef-determination Références Cresswe, T. (24), Pace: A Short Introduction. London: Backwe. Friedmann, J. (1986), "Thé Word City Hypothesis", Deveopment and Change, 17(1): Ha, P. (1999), Thé Future ofcities, Computers, Environment and Urban Systems, 23: Kei, R., (1996), Word City Formation, Loca Poitics, and Sustainabiity. In Kei, R., G. R. Wekere, & D. V. J. Be (Eds. ) Loca Paces: In thé Age of thé Goba City. Montréa: Back Rosé Books. pp Lubbers, R. F. M. (1999), «Thé Dynamic of Gobaization,» gobaize.org/pubications/dynamic.htm Ogivie, R. S. (1999), Participation and Loca Autonomy, Thé Second Annua Pacifie Rim Participatory Community Design Conférence. Tayor, P. J. & D. R. F. Waker (21), Word Cities: A First Mutivariate Anaysis of their Service Compexes, Urban Studies, 38(1): United Nations Research Institute for Socia Deveopment (UNRISD) (1995), States of Disarray: Thé Socia Effects of Gobaization. An UNRISED Report for thé Word Summit for Socia Deveopment, London: Banson. Yung-Jaan Lee: Director-genera, Urban and Rura Paiming Bureau, Taoyuan County Government, Taiwan. Emai: 7657@mai. tycg. gov. tw Ching-Ming Huang: Ph. D. Candidate, Guangzhou Jinan University, Guangzhou, China Emai: hcmew@yahoo. com. tw r.. '. -^ I,. n his cassic work on thé Mediterranean, Femand Braude made some very pertinent observations on isands, to which he attributed a far greater importance 'than is generay supposée'. He highighted what he thought were thé inhérent features characterizing them - thé probems thèse stretches of and, arge or sma, surrounded on ai sides by thé sea, had had to face, thé positive rôe most ofthem payed in history, and thé advantages they enjoyed and extended to commercia trade and shipping. Indeed, their signifîcance in 'providing indispensabe andfas on thé sea routes and affording stretches of comparativey cam water to which shipping is attracted'. They constituted ' a cohérent human environment' and thé form of pressures exerted on them determined thé nature of their rôe and character- whether it was archaic or innovative, whether they were 'far behind" or 'far ahead' thé généra direction thé graduai process of historica deveopment was eading thé Mediterranean. Late médiéva Mata was poor and humbe isand, sparsey inhabited, with a few weak and inadéquate was to défend it; it had its own diaect, which it ^^ < < ^=^ préservée and eventuay deveoped into a distinct anguage; it had its own customs, an archaic economy, and its own set of Christian vaues and beiefs. In a sensé it was ' a sef-contained word', with few necessary but unsophisticated inks with nearby Siciy. By thé sixteenth century, thé whoe human gamut ofciviizing forces in thé Mediterranean, from prehistory on without exception, had visited Mata -an éoquent testimony to thé appréciation of thé isand's stratégie vaue and its geo-physica features; there were no spécia native commodities, no natura resources to hâve enticed eary setters. Some cutures sojoumed onger than others, each eaving permanent or transitory traits oftheir own way ofife in its vanous manifestations. Each trait bears 'iving witness to By Victor Maia-Mianes forgotten révoutions'. In 153, thé isand passed into thé hands of thé miitary-reigious Order of St John. Mata was about to expérience ong-term changes and to assume a new eading rôe in Mediterranean poitics. Thé Order of thé Hospita, as it came to be known, set up its conventua headquarters there, converting over thé years a barren rock in thé centra Mediterranean into a formidabe European stronghod against Isam, an impressive fortress-citade against thé spread of pague and other forms of disease, a remarkabe base of opérations for Christian corsairs, and an internationa save market. When thé British eventuay rcpaced thé Hospitaiers as thé ming body in 1816 after thé brief French interude, a strong éément of continuity was retained, both as a fortress,» a & y ffi»» ss & j 55

29 a miitary and nava base, and as a hospita. Thé Hospitaier and British expérience hâve both underscored one simpe reaity- that insuarity is not synonymous either to isoation or to remoteness. With ong-term historica deveopments, ike thé spectacuar progress in science and technoogy, thé sh-uming révoution in thé means of transport and communication, and thé powerfu process of gobaization, most of thé features which had historicay marked Mediterranean isands, hâve either disappeared atogether, or their impact on thé insuar indigenous popuation subdued, rendering thé effect competey or amost competey innocuous. But others hâve been fmstratingy exacerbated. In thé sixteenthcentury Mediterranean, piracy or thé fear of pirates had rendered everyday ife on most of thé isands 'withdrawn and insecure'. Today, in other seas, on oceanic highways, this same phenomenon bas reemerged in ai its force and it woud not be very surprising to see it reappearing aso in thé Mediterranean. On thé other hand, severa Mediterranean isands are today re-enacting one of thé traditiona rôes they had for ong experienced during their historica évoution - that ofproviding what Braude caed 'a convenient stopping pace', not, this time, for 'Christian pirate vesses' as they did in thé sixteenth century, but for boats transporting oads ofwhat is being termed 'irreguar' or 'iéga' or migrants. Masses of inhabitants, from ai quarter of thé African continent sai out, generay from différent points on thé North African coast, in search ofabetter, safer, heathier future in Europe. Numbers aone are piercingy vociferous. It has recenty been caimed that around a miion peope in Libya today are ooking forward impatienty for their first opportunity to take their i-fatedjoumey to hopefu Europe. From January to mid- August this year, thousands of irreguar migrants hâve swamped thé isands of Mata and Lampedusa in thé centra Mediterranean and thé Spanish Canary Isands in thé Atantic. Others hâve foowed other routes. To cite a few iustrative figures, 1 had and in one severa Mata's bays. About 2 boats with over 125 peope had anded on Lampedusa. At one point 'no fewer than 15 boats, with over 4 immigrants, anded on thé tiny Itaian isand in 24 hours, at thé ferocious rate ofthree minutes'. Over 22 reached Los Cristianos and other ports on Spam's Canary Isand of Tenerife. On 7 September aone, some 9 anded there. Most of thé crossings are made in od fishing boats, or sma, fimsy mbber dinghies, packed with irreguar immigrants. With sudden jerk or j oit from anyone on board, they often overturn and sink. Thèse are tragic occurrences that are becoming too catastrophicay reguar. Corpses of young Africans, recovered from thé Mediterranean, incuding those babies who die of too much exposure to thé ééments and for shortage offood and drink, are dreadfuy common sights on our TV screens and in daiy newspapers. Isands, ike Mata, Tenerife, and Lampedusa, and thé severa Greek isands in thé eastem Mediterranean, are gateways to Europe for irreguar migrants and genuine refugees, thé first stages they normay reach, offering them a breathing space, indeed a ray ofhope, if they are fortunate enough to survive thé grave péris and msensitive obstinacy of thé sea and wind 'when both contend which is thé mightier'. Rarey, however, are such isands their promised desired destinations. Instead of being forcedy repeed away fi-om our shores, as used to happen in thé past for fear of their piratica intentions, they are now for humanitarian reasons offered a temporary sojoum. Once thèse boat peope hâve reached thé safety of thé shetered shores aive, they are temporariy taken to détention centers. About 15 are currenty hed in détention centres on Mata. A centre buit for 19 peope on Lampedusa hosts an estimated 4. such centers offer irreguar immigrants a safe roof over their heads, food, and drink, cothing and reasonaby respectabe sanitary conditions - a modicum ofhuman warmth and réassurance. They aso offer thé rest of thé insuar popuation protection from thé potentia spread of contagion which thèse immigrants coud be unwittingy carrymg with them. This is thé east civiized societies can offer by way of introduction - a taste ofdecency and civiity, a feeing of Christian graciousness and considération. There hâve even been suggestions in thé oca press in Mata to couvert certain monasteries and couvents, eft haf-empty by thé décine in Cathoic vocations on thé isand, into centers ike thèse to accommodate hundreds of irreguar migrants fairy comfortaby. But thé steady, uninterrupted fow of thèse peope and thé very imited space avaiabe on tiny Mata which, unike Tenerife or Lampedusa,, Siciy or Crète, cannot resort to an own mainand, to an 'off-shore' refuge, pace thé State in a simiar predicament. With ony some 314 square kiometers of and ying at thé southemmost border of thé EU, Mata is thé smaest of ai EU member States and thé most densey popuated. Yet, as a civiized state, it is, ike ai thé others, aware that 'humaneness shoud never detained'. Thé authorities are aso conscious, and hère ies thé diemma, that either shoud thèse peope be aowed to hâve their aspirations dashed, caousy and ruthessy. Thèse righty or wrongy, had given their precious itte ai in thé hope ofreaching their promised and. Thé expérience ofmata in this fied is vast, direct, and immédiate. Thé isand enjoys domestic stabiity, poitica and économie. Within thé wider internationa context, it enjoys equa freedom from any threatening forces. But thé immédiate neighborhood can create unpeasant conditions, potentiaypromoting instabiity in ai sphères. Thé events conceming thé massive fow of irreguar migrations and thé fact that this is aowed to deveop into a consistent trend underscore a number of socia reaities - severa and diverse. As has aready been indicated, ogistics, or thé mère force of numbers, and thé ack of adéquate and décent space, is 57

30 a serions one indeed. Cutura and inguistic différences; thé method oftheir identification; and thé impact on thé economy of such heavy unexpected incursions unfaiingy fooding into thé isand, are a few others. Thé enormous scae of thé crisis sharpy highights another éément that ooks and sounds very famiiar to historians of médiéva and eary modem Mata - on vividy recaing thé isand's utter dependence in thé distant past on outside hep. And thé conséquences are growing more unpeasant than that. Thé probem is creating tensions. Inhumaney and unchristian though this may sound, sectors of thé popuation on Mata, as on other isands, are beginning to consider irreguar immigrants worse than uninvited guests, than intruders. They are not wecome; they are unwanted. Their présence tends to promote a dangerous éément of racia discrimination and hatred within sectors of society. Thé probem this phenomenon is currenty creating beongs '\ ony in part to Spain and Itay, to Mata and Greece. It is quintessentiay a European probem of gargantuan proportions, and as such it compeingy demands a coective European approach, a hoistic effort to arrive at a common ong-term soution based on 'active soidarity'. On august 11 26, to curb thé infux of irreguar migrants into Europe, thé EU aunched its first 'joint border patro mission', thé Hera-II. A budget of 3.2 miion woud go to finance thé exercise of patroing thé Canary Isands. Coordinated by thé EU border agency Frontex, thé Hera-II mission invoves two nava vesses from Itay and Portuga in a joint opération off thé Canaries, supported by miitary panes from Itay and Finand for aeria surveiance, and by Spanish miitary vesses and heicopters. Thé aunch of Hera-II has been defined as 'a historié... a very tangibe expression of EU soidarity amongst member states. A si- Océ ^m miar mission, Jason I, shoud commence shorty in thé centra Mediterranean to hep Mata and Itay address effîcienty and effectivey 'their spécifie migration pressures'. Thé phiosophy inspiring such poicy, it has been pointed out, is not thé désire to buid a 'fortress Europe'. Rather, such joint measures are prompt by genuine humanitarian and Christian motives - to save hundreds ofives at sea, to reduce irreguar immigration, and to combat thé rapidy increasing traffic in human beings. Thé success and impact of such missions canonybe gaugedover thé ong term. It cannot be expected that irreguar migration woud grind to an abrupt hait, suddeny, ovemight, simpy because Hera-II and Jason-I hâve been aunched. In fact, notwithstanding Hera-II, notwithstanding thé coopération ofmorocco and Mauritania in that exercise, thousands of irreguar immigrants are sti inundating Tenerife, to extent that Spain has decided to change its approach to thé probem. Once caught in Spanish territoria waters or on Spanish and, ai migrants woud be repatriated. One thousand Senegaese were fhe first to suffer thé conséquences of this décision. If most of thé irreguar migrants appear to proceed from various points on thé immensey vast Libyan coast (some 6 kiometers ong), then, to be effective and to save ives, thé patros shoud act in harmony with Libya. Itsef a transit country in need ofhep, Libya has now, it woud appear, agreed to coaborate with thé EU m this monitoring activity. Thé professed intention of thé overa poicy is, no doubt, to hâve such patros act as a déterrent, to scare irreguar migrants away. Thé missions wi succeed ifhis aim is reaized and ives are saved. Loss of ife resuting from human trafficking is not ony a tragedy. It is a crime. Such tragédies and such crimes wi mutipy if no immédiate practica soution is found to dismante thé crimina orgamzation. Traffic in human beings, ike traffic in drugs, invoves ruthess criminas and substantia amount of iegitimate gains and profits. Thousands of doars are paid for an i-fatedjoumey from Lybia to thé first European isand. Itay bas recenty st up (or is about to set up) two task forces to combat traffic in irreguar migrants on a pattern simiar to units investigating thé Mafia and terrorism. There is thé fear that thèse joint humanitarian opérations poicing thé Mediterranean might very we encourage armed confict at sea m response not much unike pnvacy in eary modem times. Monitoring thé seas and thé sighting of thèse we-armed and we-equipped nava forces, by sma dinghies or wooden fishing boats, hardy ten meters ong, wobby and overoaded, may aso, as has aready happened, cause thé poor peope on board to react instinctivey, to panic, to move, for exampe abrupty to one side, and thé boat to capsize and sink. Thé EU surveiance missions, however, pose a few intngmng questions. First, once thé patro ships and heicopters mtercept an immigrant boat, what method woud be empoyed to redirect it to its territoria point of origin? Woud thé use of force be aowed if thèse patros encounter résistance as they amost certainy woud? Secondy, woudnot such opérations negate some of thèse incisive, ess sévère, and ess pungent. No miitary equipment, however sophisticated, and no form of compusion, however subte, wi ever succeed in wiping out. Mata can do more in this fied, by endeavoring, to cite frwo instances, to act in a more practica way 'as a régiona hub of sociay innovative technoogy' - to expert its expertise in thé 'desaination of water', and in 'deveoping and sharing' its expertise in 'coasta management'. Thé second reason is that Brusses has taken too ong immigrants their right to seek asyum, even though thèse are very ikey in a tiny minority? Unfortunatey, thé current soution appears somewhat shortsighted and superficia. And this for two major reasons. First, it fais to reach thé roots of thé probem. What is driving huge numbers ofafiicans out oftheir country is simpy abject African poverty, misérabe inhuman conditions at home, disma prospects which do not inspire hope or aspiration. To Endeavour to eradicate poverty in ai its expressions and manifestations is thé fîrst ogica step. Ony that wi start making thé sharp and enticmg contrast with Europe ess incisive, ess sévère, and to reaize that to stop irreguar migration is one probem; to hâve irreguar immigrants deported is another; and to stem thé entire trend atogether is a third. Now, Brusses appears to hâve understood that none of thèse probems can succeed without Libya's coopération. Europe shoud encourage Libya to participate in and to contribute to its programmes. To do this, Lybia needs Europe's hep. To be abe to contro its ong Mediterranean coast and its southern frontier, to prevent potentia migrants from entering its subsaharaian fank (Nigeria 59

31 is one exampe) and firom eaving its endess shores iegay, Libya needs Europe's expertise and sophisticated equipment. Thé North African country requires 'resources, machines, technoogy, [and] vehices'. What shoud be avoided, however, is to aow Libya's participation, its contribution, to be defined simpy as a business transaction. By heping to contro its northem and southem fanks, Libya woud not be providing 'a service for others'.iega emigration and immigration are both threats to nationa sovereignty sovereignty - both Libya's and Europe's. thé quintessence of thé whoe soution is a heathy mutinationa reationship, a determined coopération to avoid thé oss ofprecious ife and stem criminaity. No state shoud be aowed to expoit thé issue for uterior motives. Within thé context of thé phenomenon of irreguar migration, certain Me diterranean isands hâve ost, they hâve indeed shed, theirproverbia historica marginaity and assumed a centraity, abeit perhaps a négative one, that has gained them thé highest priority on thé EU agenda. Victor Maia-Mianes. fbitnerv head of thé Histoiy Department and Dean of thé Facuty of Arts of thé Uni\ers]ty of Mata. is Professor of Earv Modem Histoi-y at thé same Universitv. victor. maia-mianesîaaim. edu.mt T M A few years ago, Les Gonaives was first submerged by thé fiuy ofan angry humcme. A group of Haitian poets each wrote a poem for thé injured city. f -^_-^ - By Pier Giovanni d'ayaa H ffi^ / One of them wrote- Earth, our Earth, our cities and viages under thé oad ofwaters... and this rain... not thé one that peases gardens, refi-eshing thé soi such a promise given to thé forthcoming fowers - not that one - but pure vioence that sweeps away, drowns, kis... ' ' ^ - -, Last September three hurricanes hit again, amost simutaneousy, Les Gonaives ocated on thé north-west of thé isand. One was not sufficient. Thé city was hit harder than ever; most of thé casuaties came from there. Wi there be any poet to ament thé victims, thé drowned chidren? Thé images that we hâve received from our friends in Haiti are scarcey bearabe. One coud say that thé disasterwas foreseeabe, that what happened coud happen again if thé conditions at source remain thé same. In fact, they are sti thé same - deforested his, 61

32 s ;\?'-.. III y s.i ravaged sois and degraded habitats, insufficient risk prévention services and so on. Why so? Thé time for questioning wi corne ater. Today it is time for soidarity. Thé cas for soidarity stemming from thé authorities and from other sectors and invoved parties shoud be istened to, such as thé Ebenezer Mission headed by Pastor Miche Morizet or Médecins sans frontières, fîghting presenty in Les Gonaives to bring reief to survivors having ost their few beongings, sheter, fùmitures, cothing and often their oved ones. Those cas shoud be heeded, because thé Haitian deaths, missing chidren, are part of us, of ai of us, isanders or not. Thé needed mobiization shoud not be imitée to bare gifts. Of course, money, goods and suppies are needed urgenty. But aso time shoud be dedicated and words. Ideas and actions shoud aso be inventée to fùy express soidarity. There are many ways to express soidarity. Ony indifférence and unconcern can bride inventiveness and imagination in thé création ofdynamic soidarity networks. Everybody shoud join in, incuding youth, chidren and their educators. Young peope can be made aware that everywhere disasters can strike our homes and famies, wherever we might ive. It is aso important that thé youngsters and peope of Haiti know that friends from many other countries and isands consider Les Gonaives as their own stressed home. Recaing thé od adage, a country is aso what it is abe to do in response to thé catastrophies that strike. A gréât dea, a very gréât dea, if soidarity and friends step in andjoin hands in support. ccj ish each one from thé other by their bright coors offering thé unique profie ofan architecture which fits extraordinariy with thé Mediterranean végétation and thé deep bue of thé gufof Napes. Procida is thé smaest of three isands, perhaps esser known than its sisters Capri and Ischia, but endowed with an outstanding natura and cutura héritage. A héritage that is worthy of be better known and cherished and more so to be ived as intégra part of thé citizen's socia identity. Thé Itaian NGO «Gantière Giovani» (youth workshop) has chosen to appy in Procida its innovative methodoogy and contribute to enhance thé isand's héritage orgamzing ast September an internationa workcamp, sponsored by thé Campania régiona authorities, hosting young peope from ai over thé word in thé frame ofa project aiming at thé environmenta and cutura réhabiitation ofan important héritage item of thé of thé isand. The subject matter for thèse youths coming from Germany, Ukraine, Japan, Czech Repubic, U. S., South Korea, and Sovenia, togetherwith vounteers from Itay and Morocco was to buid and organize a ibrary in thé ancient Via Scotto-Pagiaro to be put at thé disposai of ai citizens. This historica mansion is by thé way thé head quarters to Thé Association Vivara-Sma IsandFriends, of course partner in T y^- 7- By Mario Lupoi (contact cantieregiovanionus@yahoo. it) thé Cantiere-Giovani initiative. Thé Cantiere-Giovani initiative in Procida is part of its nationa and internationa socia-promotion poicy impemented with due attention to ai its environmenta and cutura components. A successfu methodoogy, indeed. A bend of oca and internationa actions based on thé principe that thé cutura and géographie origin diversity of!s~ 3 a 1ai s INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL F ISLANO AFFAIRS 63

33 young peope engagea in a common concrète project is a genuine créative process.» to confront in a common endeavor, expains Giovanni D'Errico, chairman of Gantière Giovani, cutures expériences, sensitivities ofyoungvounteers from ai parts of thé word with thé oca vounteers initiâtes an in depth transformation process. To rethink and work, within such a context,upon thé mutifaceted environment of thé isand ofprocida opens new potentiaities, opens to arger and pura opportunities». Thé young vounteers work consisted in thé refurbishing of thé premises that wi host thé ibrary and to cataogue thé pubications for an optima citizen's pemsa. Thé second not ess important task consisted in thé rearrangement of thé Via's bevédère, an enchanted garden of fmit and orange trees at thé disposai of thé ibrary visitors and ai citizen attracted by thé extraordinary view of thé guf and thé isand of Capri. Thé Library brings together books, journa and many other documents adressing environmenta matters reated to Procida and thé other isands. Thé Via is aso thought as a sociaizing space for ai parties interested in thé isand's environment and cuture. A starting point for pubic activities and coective actions concerning Procida's héritage. Thé Library is a component offhe Documentation and Study Center of thé nationa Vivara natura réserve. A Per- permanent exposition is organized at thé Via's basement offering thé appropriate resources for educationa and awareness raising activities. Thé work camp in thé words of Giovanni D'Errico, was more than impementing a project, It was an important intercutura expérience for thé whoe community, a strong opportunity for change. This is thé spirit wich animâtes thé CCIVS, thé coordinating committee for internationa vountary service, created in 1948 under UNESCO's auspices. Cantiere-Giovani beongs to CCIVS. Margherita Tramutoo and Sirio Fusco thé two camp eaders, beieve on their side that thé présence of thèse youth on thé isand has created ties and friendships with thé isanders. No doubt that that this was for them an opportunity to fee as a community proud ofits héritage and eager to show and to share it with thé young visitors. Anyhow thé citizen of Procida were reay at thé core of thé project. Ai citizen incuding fîshermen, who brought at thé Via thé fresh fished fish whie others came with traditiona mozzarea and other gastronomie items. A deed that consideraby contributed to thé success of thé inauguration of thé Via and thé présentation of thé new ibrary to thé pubic. Youth, Chaenges, iducationparticuary in Sma Isands is not aways an easy chaenge forpupis and teachers to overcome. Despite being scattered around thé worid, thé sma isands face often simiar probems of educating their youth. Thé reasons may dépend in fact on thé pattems oftraditiona ife which sti characterise many sma isands. Their socia and économie wefare or what is thé most cosest to that concept originates fi-om thé traditiona use ofand and marine By Jenny Marday resources. Chidrenhave aways participated to thé reated tasks since their eary chidhood. Girs are usuay needed to work in thé market gardens and thé boys are expected to go out to sea and catch fish with their eders. For thé parents, thé most pressing concem is not whether a chid can read or write but where thé next mea is coming from. On thé other hand thé chidren are tuned to their traditiona ife with their backs on schoo, and a gance at some h._ of thé textbooks is enough to understand why. Iustrations of chidren gathered around a birthday cake covered in candies may be in no reation to their isands reaity. Thé schoo teachers are obigea to pay a difficut rôe of mediator between two visions of ife and are unabe to give thèse young peope neither any support in theirpursuit ofknowedge and identity nor any foothods in their quest in mastering reading and writing. Thé four expériences t s- j 65

34 ^n& Chid Friendy Schoos or gud feiïa freny sku opened in Vanuatu. In thé Tafea Province on thé isand of Tanna, Vanuatu, in thé South Pacifie Océan thé formery drab, stérie schoo buidings hâve been tumed into brighty cooured, dynamic cassrooms fied'with books, activity stations and enchanting pictures. Litte Davia who ony a few months back resented thé idea ofgoing to schoonow isstmggingnot toeavethe cassroom once thé schoo day is over. Tanna, Vanuatu, 15 May 28, Davia wakes up everyday before dawn to get ready for schoo, reading over her essons as she packs her bag. For this sixth grader eaming is fim "I ove schoo especiay Engish, " she says. Davia ives with her five brothers and sisters in thé Province of Tafea in Vanuatu. Her mother stays at home and her father is a fisherman. g- s which hâve been brought forward by UNICEF certainy deserved further attention. Danette in thé Isand of Rodrigues received training from BEFAto make a fresh start in ife; Chid fi-iendy schoos opened in Vanuatu; Pink eephants and marbes energize éducation in Indonesia and in PNG, Girs are fighting for their rights to go to schoo. Danette in thé isand of Rodrigues receive training from BEFA to make a fresh start in ife. Rodrigues, an isand ocated 574 km east ofmauritius is one among many isands around thé word where thé eary years of primary schoo can be a scary affair. For one thing, thé environment is not home; we thé teacher is certainy not their mum or dad and thé ony thing thé pupis hâve in mind is to go home. Danette who is now an adoescent of 17 was a victim of thé above diemmas, faied thé end of thé primary éducation twice (CPE) despite spending six years in primary schoo. She was unabe to read or write and found hersef at home ai day with few prospects. Danette was isoated from thé rest ofher peers and had no friends in her neighbourhood. But one day Danette heard about BEFA (Basic Education for Adoescents) which was initiated by thé Rodriguan administration with thé technica and financia support ofunicef. Initiay, she attended BEFA casses for three hours a week in a sma room in a ù-ainer's house afterwards when thé BEFA centres were opened she went reguary. And not ony did she acquire knowedge but she was aso gaining vaues and skis that woud serve as a foundation for ife ong eaming. Thé second phase of thé BEFA project was a Professiona Intégration Programme aimed at encouraging young adoescents to discover their professiona mterests. Danette's dream was to become a car mechanic despite thé fact that in Rodrigues, this was excusivey a boys' domain. Her dream became tme when her request to spend three months in a garage was approved. Danette now has a cear vision of her future career in Rodrigues. 67

35 For most chidren coming fi-om poor famies quaity éducation is ai too often out of reach. Schoos do not pro vide enough cassrooms and thé teachers are not propery trained. But things are now changing with thé concept "From Drap to Dynamic" chid fiiendy schoos. This piot project is putting strong emphasis on teacher training because teachers are thé key to making thé schoo a rich pace for earning. Thé workshops heped them to examine their own ways of teaching and revisiting how chidren can eam in an mteresting environment.in addition to that thé Parents and eders are heping thé community to create chid fi-iendy schoos. Davia most ofiten stays at schoo ate with thé other kids to hep thé teachers to put up pictures to create a subject corner. And this iniative has been adopted by Soomon Isands who hâve started impementing thé Chid Friendy Schoo Project. thé and around Kaisari is fertie, thé area in thé Banyumas district remains extremey poor. Betti often goes to thé fîeds to hep her parents. According to thé schoo officiais 7 % of thé famies survive from farm abour and sma home industries. Thé broadcast is deiberatey timed to reach homes in thé mid afternoon so that parents woud be encouraged to aow their chidren to retum from thé fieds three hours before sunset to do their homework. And at Karango eementary schoo, just north of Purwokero, thé educationa théories behind active, joyfu and effective earning are put into practice, Yuia another itte gir says that" Before it was so boringjust sitting there every ony istening to thé teacher tauc, now we are much encouraged to ask our questions., our teacher guides and assists us but we do thé work. Magazines hang from thé outside was of thé cassrooms and administration buidings, which are arrangée in a horseshoe around a centra voey bai and basketba court. Thé Students and teachers, and everyone is happy". Back at thé MB S Radio, thé taie of thé pink eephant is winding up and Novii is getting ready to read thé aftemoon's homework assignments. 1 want to be ajoumaist so this is very good practice for me. My mother is very proud to hear my voice on radio. Yearning to earn in Papua New Cuinea Papua New Guinea is known to be a richy diverse country and its rapidy deveoping society. Whie in thé cities a number of educated peope ead sophisticated midde cass ifestyes whie, many rura peope survive as traditiona subsistence farmers. Poor famies ack thé money to pay for their chidren's schoo fées. As a resut schoo enroment is thé owest and thé gender gap in pnmary schoo is thé highest in thé région In thé Kundiawa District, Chiumbutu Province, Papua New Guinea, Susannah at thé âge of ten had to drop out of schoo and hep her famiy on thé famiy coffee pot. Susannah says that her parents tod her that they coud ony afford to keep her oder brother and sister at thé boarding schoo where they are now studying. Her oder sister is in grade 11 and her brother is in grade O. Their fées are a tota of 2, kina per year, incuding her unifonn it woud hâve cost an extra 2 Kinato et Susannah stay in schoo. But Susannah smies shyy when she passes her fi-iends dressed in their uniforms waking home from schoo as she retums from five hours ofhand picking tiny red coffee beans fi-om bushes, which she hods in a basket.by contrast, her friends dressed in their uniforms are carrying books. "I fee very sad that can't go to schoo", says Susannah in Mepa, thé oca anguage "I used to ike reading and writing so much " Susannah is one gir representmg many who face thé same issus in PNG.As fmancia difficuty is increasing many parents are asking whether it is worth sending their chidren to schoos' but things are changing thanks to thé Schoo Fées Akepie (Akepie means to assit) which gets thé whoe commumty to contribute to pay thé fées for ai of thé chidren of thé viage. This way forward is interesting as itte by itte things are changing for thé best in Papua New Guinea. r s» m Pink Eephants and Ma r bés Energize Education in Indonesia "Assaamu'aaikum", in thé most gracions name of god says a sweet itte voice on thé 97 FM, MES radio. Hère are today's stories about thé adventures of thé Pink eephant and his friends thé cats for thé pupis at Kaisari eementary schoo, in Indonesia. A^q, Betti, bas been seected to read out stories on air, in addition to that schoo assignments are read out cass by cass reaching ai radios within a two kiomètre radius and ai but three of thé student's homes. Athough 69

36 2. <.... st ri" Con enc < -. ( AMuItidiscipIinary debate oiîi thé foowiing thèmes Nature and Sciences - Advances ingeo-sciences, geo-engineering and vocanoogy - Popuation Safety and Risk Management - Biodiversity and Soi Fertiity, Vocanic Ecosystems - Education, Pubic Awareness -Etc..., nsua, thé Internationa Scientific Counci for Isand Deveopment, contributes to thé organization of thé First Word Conférence on "Vocanoes, Landscapes and Cutures", under thé auspices of UNESCO, thé Counci of Europe, thé Itaian government, and in partnership with UNESCO's Man and thé Biosphère Programme (MaB), thé Siciian Régiona Government, thé University ofcatania, thé Etna Régiona ParkAuthority, and other reevant organizations, such as LAVE thé European Association of Vocanoogy. Thé Conférence, thé first ofits kind, wi address from a hoistic and mutidiscipinary point ofview thé core aspects of thé ages-od reationships between humaiikind, thé vocanic andscapes, and thé obscure turbuences of thé minéra word. Participants from ai geographica and professiona horizons are invited to share traditions, knowedge and expériences, and uncover together promising areas for innovation and peacefu deveopment of vocanic territories. Thé meeting finay aims at thé création of a permanent "on ine" patform, in order to foster an intercontinenta diaogue and knowedge exchanges, provisionay caed "thé House ofvocanoes". Thé venue wi take pace in Catania (Siciy), at Mount Etna's sopes from 11 to 14 November 29 For more information, visit thé website of thé Conférence: COm To contact us, pease mai to : conf-vocano@etnacatania29. com Nature and Cuture -^Parks, ProtectedAreas, Biosphère Réserves, UNESCO's Worid Héritage, Temtoria and : )-Parks "' -----r o""""> - Memories and Footprints of thé Past, History and Archeoogy - Myths and Societies - Literature and Cinéma -Etc... Sustainabe Deveopment - New and Traditiona Resources Uses - Mining - Speciaized Agricuture - Renewabe Energies and Geothermy - Thé Spécia Case ofvocanic Isands -Etc... Vocanoes: Swprising Laadscapes - Tourism: Vocanoes, a trendy destination - Exporation - Trekking - Therma Waters and Heath - Omises among vocanoes -Etc... Thé «House ofvocanoes» - Internationa Networking Création ofa permanent «on-ine» patfonn fostering an intercontmenta diaogue and knowedge exchanges incudir virtua visit ofword's most signifi cant vocanoes 1 ' à ï3.1 g n {ua e-< & i» ai sa Bag '3 71

37 /?^ ^ Interview with Her Exceency, Mrs Laura F axas, Ambassador, Permanent Deegate of thé Dominican Repubic to Unesco. INSULA : Tourism is supposed to be a reiabe source of income in most of thé Caribbean Countries. But is this reay so? H.E. L. FAXAS: Tourism is in fact today a considérabe source ofincome in most of thé Caribbean isands. A simpe ook on thé statistics confîrms this estimation. Tourism is seen everywhere on thé first rank or in thé first three ranks in thé composition of thé PNB. As an industry, tourism is considered as an important source of jobs création, as a dynamic factor to stimuate thé economy and thé modernization of thé Caribbean industries trough thé provision of infrastmctures by thé State or by thé pnvate sector. According to thé figures of thé Dominican Centra Bank tourism brings more than Biion of US Doars each year in comparison to thé important source of revenue represented by thé remittances from thé Dominican emigrants attaining some 15 Miions US Doars per year. In addition to that, tourism créâtes more jobs than agricutiire. In 27 thé number of tourists reaching thé Dominican Repubic by air neared thé 4, 5 Miions. Notwithstanding thèse figures, as a paradox, thé type oftourism prevaiing in thé Caribbean, despite its rôe and its impact aver thé economy, is not a totay reiabe source of income, as it dépends on many ééments uncontroed by thé Countries. Thé Tourism sector can in fact be easiy afifected by extema factors such as économie or poitica crisis in thé countries at thé origin of thé traveers, or more cose by cimatic accidents such as hurricanes and tropica storms. Thé Strong compétition among destinations offering simiar NORTH AT puerto pi's(5'a--?îâqsua -. Ootnendador iaca eiuiduo Barahonao. Pedernaes -««.»"!*< «O'miio*^ touristic products, or oi priées increase can aso disturb thé tourism sector's proficiency. In addition to thé above, internai factors such as thé nationa socia andscape affecting thé security of thé citizen or thé quaity of thé services ofifered shoud not be negected, as they contribute to thé uncertainties of thé tourist industry dynamics. An acceptabe baanced progress of thé tourism sector in a sustainabe perspective can be envisagea ony taking into account thé deep socia transformations tied to thé stmctura changes of thé Caribbean économies shifting during thé eighties from an economy ofagro-export towards service industries, a process which was at thé origin ofyears of socia adjustments. Thé crisis of thé agro-exports based on thé extensive pantations of sugar, coffee or cacao bas in fact orientedmost of thé Caribbean countries towards a services grounded economy, tourism in particuar together with thé assembing industries operating within thé so caed free-trade areas or «Zonas francas and Maquias».They moved thus from an economy based on thé création of weath, where thé govemment payed a major rôe to an economy based on services, where thé private sector, mainy in thé hands of ANTIC OCEA Nagua San Franctsco d Maoort» Bonao SanPedns SANTO DOMINGO vemswam Higùey s-. ' Crietât»a... ^ (-a Ro<na»îA B B E S E A foreigners pays thé main rôe. INSULA: We understand from thé above considérations that thé tourist industry is argey in thé hands of internationa companies and investors; a situation that might be at thé origin of a doube economy opposmg expatriâtes occupymg thé most profitabe working positions, to oca workers entmsted with anciary ow paid tasks, is it thé case? Can socia confiicts be expected? H.E. L. FAXAS: In a généra way, being a socioogist woudn't ike to pay thé rôe of a prophetess. I am moreover very much aware of thé compexity of socia processes. A forecast based on an automatic ink between an objective situation of socio-economic inequaity and thé start of socia conficts has never been proved. Thé resiience trough time of severa authoritarian régimes has historicay depicted such évidence. As a généra mie you are nevertheess right in observing that thé touristic resorts in thé Caribbean are mosty in thé property of internationa companies whie thé nationa capita in thé sector is consconstanty weaker. A reaity which infuences obviousy thé abor market. For thé saké ofour anaysis, to make a step further, we may spit your question in two parts. On one side et's considerthe situation of nationa white coars and thé possibiity for them to reach higher responsibiities. On thé other side et's examine thé situation of thé abor force acceding to ess quaified empoyments. Thé atter get jobs such as maids, gardeners, drivers, security guards and maintenance. Thé nationa white coars, at east in thé Dominican Repubic, hâve few chances to reach important positions as thèse posts are reserved to foreigners, in particuar from Spain. This gives a hint about thé weight of Spanish investments in our Country. It is therefore difibcut to speak about compétition for management eve posts among nationas and foreigners. Such compétition is in fact amost inexistent. of course thé présent situation has brought forth indeed a nationa debate on thé working conditions and thé wages of thé ocas dedicated to anciary tasks. A debate eading to strong critics on thé imits ofa tourist paradise. INSULA: Tourism pattems are hovever changing word wide.traveers are more and more attracted by thé natura and cutura features of thé visited countries. Such a nature and cuture ffiendy trend wi obviousy change fhe investment and management structure of thé internationa Tourism Industry. Thé conséquences of such trends may aso affect thé pattems of thé touristic offer in thé concemed countries. How is this matter adrssed in thé Dominican Repubic? H. E. L. FAXAS: Thé Dominican Authorities,aware of this reaity hâve aready taken in considération thé deveopment ofa quaity o fer, beyond thé traditiona «Sun and Beach» and wish to face thé chaenges représentée by thé trends you are taking about.at this présent time our Minister of Cuture and that of Tourism hâve initiated thé création of a nationa inventory of thé buit cutura héritage,as we as of thé rich features of thé Country's natura Heritage.Aso immateria Héritage is carefùy recorded in order to shape a sound evoving tourism - offer aiming at high cass traveers and quaity cutura tourism. By thé way,with UNESCO's support we are preparing a digita Gateway aowing to expore thé greath weath ofnatura and cutura sites existing in thé Country faciitating thé virtua exporation of thé nationa Landscapes encouraging a forth coming direct encounter with thé Countrie's inhabitants and their cuture. INSULA : We are ai aware that whatever form it takes, tourism is and wi remain a pervasive industry. Many destinations, among them severa Caribbean Isand-States hâve adopted this industry as a monocuture repacing thé former agro-industry characterized in its time by a spéciaisation in a singe crop. No doubt that such a choice fragiizes, as in thé past Isand économies. Considering this vunérabe position,woud a cohérent diversification poicy be effective in thé Dominican Repubic and ifso what woud be its main socia and économie features? H.E. L. FAXAS: Tourism is an important source of income and our économies are not ready to bypass it.of course we hâve to face thé major chaenge ofintroducing a viabe strategy eading to sustainabe tourism pattems taking in account, in thé ong term, a socia components and environment protection needs.we hâve to take carefii mesures,focussing on diversification and competitiveness so that oca investors woud take risks in venturing in thé tourism industry as this woud bave a significant impact on thé nationa économies. Ti now each foreign Doar invested in thé tourism sector,yed very itte and eaves ony a few cents to thé hosting Country. Effective poicy formuation mechanisms need to be fostered to encourage thé active participation from ai sectors of thé nationa Community in thé achievement of shared objectives. Govemment has reaized mdeed that thé undertaking ofsustainabiity initiatives dépends on thé mobiisation of thé private and thé pubic sector together. With thé increasing compétition for thé tourism pie,especiay on Isands,a ong term strategy wich takes in account thé community needs, within a hoistic framework for deveopment is more than essentia.the Dominican Repubic is therefore activey engagea in promoting ways to reconcie thé need for overpassing thé standardized a-incusive turistic resort opérations, whie proposing mcentives to innovation and diversification. Ai sectors of our society are thus caed to participate to such a dynamic move, in particuar thé younger générations. It is amazing to observe how argey thé encounter with cutivated traveers bas contributed to their educationa and cutura progress. We sha promote this trend. After a, in our gobaizing word,the very yeast for a sustainabe future is youth. Her Exceency Mrs Laiira Faxas, Ambassador, Pei-maneiit Deeaate of thé Dominican Repubic to Unesco. d. rep-dominicaine@unesco. org sa t» I» 73

38 ook Review COORDONNÉ PAR : GttES GUERASStMOFF NADIA MAfZi ÎLES ET ÉNERGIE: un paysage de contrastes ^r Ies et énergies : un paysage de contrastes Coective pubication coordinated by Gies Guerassimof and Nadia Maïzi thé poicies impemented to face thé oca energy demand. This voume offers not ony a way to understand isand's diversity but, through thé considérabe quaity of thé documents presented, thé resuts of thé anaytic toos adopted. It represents positivey a consistent professiona référence. OSE: Research group of thé Center of Appied Mathematics of thé Paris "Ecoe des mines". Pubished by Mines-Paritech-Les Presses Paris 28 fr/press SUSTAENABÎt!: r-i <in&opto«ii'h resutofessframed poiciesthen thé outcome ofevents appearing at random outside or inside thé isands geographica space. To Uim hazards in opportunities is a quaity shared by thé isanders ai over thé word. This is thé reason why Kakazu recas thé Manx motto. This is thé reason why thé author pursues in thé présent voume his questioning of thé principes ming thé noninearprocesses which characterize isand trajectories in a word that is famiiar to him, thé East-Asia and Pacifie archipeagos. He adopts a see-saw methodoogica notion confi-onting figures and facts from his native isand Okinawa, with figures and facts from thé Pacifie. Professer Kakazu costs an attentive ganée aver that changing word and an eye on what is named Gobaization, with its positive and r s e atio Fragie and vunérabe temtories, thé isands, on thé one side, on thé other a core issue of thé debate on cimate change, thé energy and finay a question mark: how to concie both aspects? To provide an answer is thé chaenge confronted by this coective work proposed by 2 engineers and managers taking part in thé ight OSE speciaization master course on energy engineering and management of thé prestigious "Ecoe des mines" in Paris. Though this coection of texts, thé authors drive us beyond thé usuay admitted opinions offering an updated insight on thé mutifaceted reations among energy and isands. Thé readers wi discover thé isands through their energy management, tiieir energy resources and potentias, their eectricity production and distribution pattems, thé adapted technoogies and finay thé Isand Sustainabiity... Chaenges and Opportunities for Okinawa and Other Pacifie Isands in a Gobaized Word By Hiroshi Kakazu "Wherever am thrown, stand on my own wi» Surprisingy enough, this od motto of thé Ise of Man in thé British ises becomes a sort of paradigmatic key that thé author of this voume offers us in order to faciitate our saiing among thé ambiguities and contradictions hiding in between thé concepts and thé reaities of what is usuay caed Sustainabe Deveopment. Invastigating isands, Hiroshi Kakazu is congesting professiona expérience notices of course, that sustainabiity is ess thé négative connotations. Thé socio-economic issues are thé main focus of professer Kakazu's considérations pursued with what may be caed "enightened optimism", meaning essentiay that ai probems coud be soved by reason. A perspective due to thé professiona bios of a briiant economist. But there is more. There is a deep understanding of thé compexities ofisand societies together with akeen consciousness that généra reiabe modes for sustainabe isand deveopment are sti not a hand whie thé best avaiabe poicy mix for each singe isand economy cannot be found without addressing interreated issues, such as possibe changes in technoogy, demographics and décision making processes at ai eves. A honest and genuine approach which makes this book worth heading. Trafford Pubishing 28 Onine orders at www. trafford. com/8-514 ELP G UILD THE FTH 1SLA DS

39 Pubished by INSULA Thé Internationa Scientific Counci for Isand Deveopment with thé support of UNESCO