State Archives of Assyria Bulletin ISSN Volume XXI

Transcription

1 State Archives of Assyria Bulletin ISSN Volume XXI 2015

2 STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA BULLETIN VOLUME XXI, 2015 Editors Frederick Mario Fales, Simonetta Ponchia, Giovanni-Battista Lanfranchi Published by S.A.R.G.O.N. Editrice e Libreria Via Induno 18/A I Padova (Italy) Distributed by Casalini Libri S.p.A. Via Faentina 169/15 I Caldine (FI) (Italy) Arbor Sapientiae s.r.l. via Bernardo Barbiellini Amidei 80 I Roma (Italy) Eisenbrauns POB 275 Winona Lake, IN (USA) NATALIE NAOMI MAY, SAANA SVÄRD (EDITORS) CHANGE IN NEO-ASSYRIAN IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION: EVOLUTION AND REVOLUTION 1 4 ABBREVIATIONS TABLE OF CONTENTS 5 10 SAANA SVÄRD AND NATALIE NAOMI MAY, Preface: The Importance of Noticing Change RAIJA MATTILA AND JOUNI HARJUMÄKI, Change or Chance? Studying Change in Neo- Assyrian Administration MELANIE M. GROß, Food and Drink for the Palace: The Management of Foodstuffs in Neo-Assyrian Times and Beyond KRZYSZTOF HIPP, Fugitives in the State Archives of Assyria NATALIE NAOMI MAY, Administrative and Other Reforms of Sargon II and Tiglathpileser III ZOLTÁN NIEDERREITER, Cylinder Seals of Eleven Eunuchs (ša rēši Officials): A Study on Glyptics Dated to the Reign of Adad-nērārī III SAANA SVÄRD, Changes in Neo-Assyrian Queenship KAZUKO WATANABE, Innovations in Esarhaddon s Succession Oath Documents Considered from the Viewpoint of the Documents Structure Editore: S.A.R.G.O.N. Editrice e Libreria Via Induno 18/A I Padova (Italy) Stampa: Copisteria Stecchini Via Santa Sofia I Padova (Italy) Direttore responsabile: Prof. Dr. Ines Thomas Finito di stampare il

3 N. N. May and S. Svärd Workshop Organisers and Proceedings Editors Papers Presented at the Workshop Change in Neo-Assyrian Imperial Administration: Evolution and Revolution Held on July 16 th, 2013 on the Occasion of the LIX Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Law and (Dis)order in the Ancient Near East Ghent, July 15 th 19 th, 2013 with Other Papers Included

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5 ABBREVIATIONS 2 Kings Second Book of Kings. A siglum of texts in the Assur collection of the Istanbul Arkeoloji Müzeleri. AHw W. von Soden, Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, I III, Wiesbaden AO Museum siglum of Musée du Louvre. Ash. Museum siglum of Ashmolean Museum of Art and Archaeology. Ass. Siglum of texts excavated in the German excavations in Assur. BIN Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of James B. Nies, New Haven. BM Museum siglum of the British Museum. BM WA Museum siglum of the British Museum, Western Asiatic Collection. BT Siglum of texts excavated in the British excavations of Balawat (Imgur-Illil). BWL W. G. Lambert, Babylonian Wisdom Literature, London CAD The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. CT Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets in the British Museum, London. CTN 1 J. V. Kinnier Wilson, The Nimrud Wine Lists. A Study of Men and Administration at the Assyrian Capital in the Eighth Century B.C. (Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 1), London CTN 2 J. N. Postgate, The Governor s Palace Archive (Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 2), London CTN 3 S. Dalley, J. N. Postgate, The Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser (Cuneiform Texts from Nimrud 3), London Del. Siglum of cylinder seals in the Bibliothèque Nationale de France numbered according to L. Delaporte, Catalogue des cylindres orientaux et des cachets assyro-babyloniens, perses et syro-cappadociens de la Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris. EAE Series Enūma Anu Enlil. Edubba 10 A.Y. Ahmad, J. N. Postgate, Archives from the Domestic Wing of the North-West Palace at Kalhu/Nimrud, London EŞ Museum siglum of Eski Şark Eserleri Müzesi, İstanbul Arkeoloji Müzesi. IAP Interuniversity Attraction Poles. IM Museum siglum of the Iraq Museum. Isaiah The Book of Isaiah. K. Siglum of the texts in the Kouyunjik Collection of the British Museum. KAJ E. Ebeling, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur juristischen Inhalts (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 50), Leipzig 1927.

6 2 ABBREVIATIONS KAN 4 B. Faist, Neuassyrische Rechtsurkunden IV. Mit einem Beitrag von E. Klengel- Brandt (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 132 = Keilschrifttexte aus Neuassyrischer Zeit 4), Wiesbaden KAR E. Ebeling, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur religiösen Inhalts, I II (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 28, 34), Leipzig 1919, KAV O. Schroeder, Keilschrifttexte aus Assur verschiedenen Inhalts (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 35), Leipzig MARV 3 H. Freydank, Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte II (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 92), Berlin MARV 5 H. Freydank, B. Feller, Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte V (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 106), Saarbrücken MARV 6 H. Freydank, B. Feller, Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte VI (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 109), Saarwellingen MARV 7 H. Freydank, B. Feller, Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte VII (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 111), Saarwellingen MARV 10 H. Freydank, D. Prechel, Mittelassyrische Rechtsurkunden und Verwaltungstexte X (Wissenschaftliche Veröffentlichung der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 134), Wiesbaden MSL 12 M. Civil (ed.), The Series lú = ša and Related Texts (Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon 12), Rome NBC Museum siglum of Nies Babylonian Collection, Yale University Library. ND Siglum of texts excavated in the British excavations at Nimrud (Kalhu). NWL see CTN 1. O Siglum of texts in the Royal Museum of Art and History, Brussels. PNA K. Radner, H. D. Baker (eds.), The Prosopography of the Neo-Assyrian Empire 1 3, Helsinki, RIMA 1 A. K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the 3rd and 2nd Millenia BC (to 1115 BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods 1), Toronto RIMA 2 A. K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC I ( BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods 2), Toronto RIMA 3 A. K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of the Early First Millennium BC II ( ) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Assyrian Periods 3), Toronto RINAP 1 H. Tadmor, Sh. Yamada, The Royal Inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III ( BC), and Shalmaneser V (726? 722 BC), Kings of Assyria (Royal Inscriptions of the Neo- Assyrian Period 1), Winona Lake, IN RINAP 3/1 A. K. Grayson, J. Novotný, The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria ( BC), Part 1 (Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period 3/1), Winona Lake, IN 2012.

7 ABBREVIATIONS 3 RINAP 3/2 A. K. Grayson, J. Novotný, The Royal Inscriptions of Sennacherib, King of Assyria ( BC), Part 2 (Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period 3/2), Winona Lake, IN RINAP 4 E. Leichty, The Royal Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, King of Assyria ( BC) (Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period 4), Winona Lake, IN SAA 1 S. Parpola, The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part I: Letters from Assyria and the West (State Archives of Assyria 1), Helsinki SAA 10 S. Parpola, Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars (State Archives of Assyria 10), Helsinki SAA 11 F. M. Fales, J. N. Postgate, Imperial Administrative Records, Part II: Provincial and Military Administration (State Archives of Assyria 11), Helsinki SAA 12 L. Kataja, R. Whiting, Grants, Decrees and Gifts of the Neo-Assyrian Period (State Archives of Assyria 12), Helsinki SAA 13 S. W. Cole, P. Machinist, Letters from Assyrian and Babylonian Priests to Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal (State Archives of Assyria 13), Helsinki SAA 14 R. Mattila, Legal Transactions of the Royal Court of Nineveh, Part II. Assurbanipal through Sin-šarru-iškun (State Archives of Assyria 14), Helsinki SAA 15 A. Fuchs, S. Parpola, The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part III. Letters from Babylonia and the Eastern Provinces (State Archives of Assyria 15), Helsinki SAA 16 M. Luukko, G. Van Buylaere, The Political Correspondence of Esarhaddon (State Archives of Assyria 16), Helsinki SAA 17 M. Dietrich, The Babylonian Correspondence of Sargon and Sennacherib (State Archives of Assyria 17), Helsinki SAA 18 F. Reynolds, The Babylonian Correspondence of Esarhaddon and Letters to Assurbanipal and Sîn-šarru-iškun from Northern and Central Babylonia (State Archives of Assyria 18), Helsinki SAA 19 M. Luukko, The Correspondence of Tiglath-pileser III and Sargon II from Calah/ Nimrud (State Archives of Assyria 19), Helsinki SAA 20 S. Parpola, Assyrian Royal Rituals and Cultic Texts (State Archives of Assyria 20), Helsinki forthcoming. SAAS 5 R. Jas, Neo-Assyrian Judicial Procedures (State Archives of Assyria Studies V), Helsinki SH Siglum of Tall Šēḫ Ḥamad texts. SIT Series Šumma Sīn ina tāmartīšu. StAT 2 V. Donbaz, S. Parpola, Neo-Assyrian Legal Texts in Istanbul (Studien zu den Assur- Texten 2), Saarbrücken StAT 3 B. Faist, Alltagstexte aus neuassyrischen Archiven und Bibliotheken der Stadt Assur (Studien zu den Assur-Texten III), Saarbrücken STT O. R. Gurney, The Sultantepe Tablets (British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara. Occasional Publications 3), London

8 4 ABBREVIATIONS TCL 3 VA VAT Ziyaret F. Thureau-Dangin, Une relation de la huitième campagne de Sargon (Textes cunéiformes du Louvre 3), Paris Museum siglum of Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Siglum of the texts in of Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin. Tablet excavated at Ziyaret Tepe, ; S. Parpola, Cuneiform Texts from Ziyaret Tepe (Tušḫan), , State Archives of Assyria Bulletin 17 (2008), 1 113, pls. I XXIII.

9 State Archives of Assyria Bulletin Volume XXI (2015) N. N. MAY, S. SVÄRD (EDS.) CHANGE IN NEO-ASSYRIAN IMPERIAL ADMINISTRATION: EVOLUTION AND REVOLUTION FUGITIVES IN THE STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA Krzysztof Hipp This paper aims to present a social phenomenon, a form of anarchy and disorder that for thousands of years affected, on the one hand, some individuals, and, on the other hand, the organized authority of the society, namely various motivated runaways and fugitives rebelling within the Neo-Assyrian Empire. 1 The subject of fugitives often occurs in the narratives of the Assyrian military campaigns. The annals teem with biased descriptions of escaping hostile rulers or of entire communities overwhelmed by the radiant glory of the god Aššur. 2 Contrary to the royal inscriptions, which repeatedly present us with the same scheme a true cliché the texts from the state archives touch on the problem from quite a different, micro-historical perspective. In this article I will focus on a specific part of the texts from the state archives of Assyria (as published in the SAA series), namely on the letters. More than one hundred letters contain information about fugitives. This material is presented in the Appendix and analysed in this article from several perspectives. The letters relating to fugitives allow to 1. This paper is an extended version of my lecture on runaways and fugitives in the Neo-Assyrian Empire presented at the 59th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Ghent, July 15 19, There are numerous examples of enemies escaping before the advancing Assyrian army or fleeing from the battlefield. E.g., Assurnasirpal II s campaign against Ameka, ruler of the country of Māzamua, and his escape into rugged mountains (RIMA 2 A ii 60b 62a); Shalmaneser III s campaign against Arrāmu of Urarṭu in 856 BCE (RIMA 3 A : 1 5 a); Šamšī-Adad V s military operation against the people of Mēsu (RIMA 3 A ii 34b 59a); Adad-nērārī III s pitched battle against the coalition led by Attār-šumkī of Arpad (RIMA 3 A : 11 15a); escape of Ḫanūnu to Egypt before the advancing army of Tiglath-pileser III (RINAP 1 42: 8 b 10 a); Sargon II s suppression of the rebellion of Amitašši of Karalla and his escape to Šurda in 713 BCE (Fuchs 1994: 322; Fuchs 1998: 65 V.b d: K II ); Sennacherib s campaign against Manije, ruler of Ukku (RINAP 3/1 16 v 23 28); escape of Abdi-Milkūti, king of Sidon, to the open sea during the reign of Esarhaddon (RINAP 4 1 ii 65 80); Taharqa s flight from Memphis to Thebes during Assurbanipal s invasion of Egypt in 667 BCE (Borger 1996: 211 Prism E/10).

10 48 KRZYSZTOF HIPP some extent a deeper insight into numerous issues such as the geographical distribution of runaways, the causes of their fleeing, and the social background of fugitives. Above all, however, we are presented with a variety of real individuals operating in a real environment. The documents also reveal a certain modus operandi of the state when attempting to prevent this socially negative phenomenon. Unfortunately, one of the main drawbacks of such research is the scarcity of the material at our disposal. The text corpus consists of only ca.120 letters, spanning from Tiglath-pileser III to Assurbanipal, and a significant number are fragmentary or lack any contextual information. 3 Frequently there is only a small piece of information about a single event without a more detailed context. In many cases it is impossible to answer the most simple questions such as who was the fugitive, where did he come from, where he was fleeing to and where he could effectually go, as well as which basic motivations made him run away and whether he succeeded in his risky enterprise. Furthermore, the geographical distribution of the source material is largely uneven, making it difficult or even impossible to follow any changes in a given area in a certain period of time. Finally, the letters do not contain any information about the legal procedures concerning the captured fugitives and their accomplices. It is, therefore, impossible to reconstruct a coherent justice system, possibly socially universal, directly involved in prosecuting, sentencing, and finally punishing the captured. We are not able to follow all these stages, nor can we clearly define the responsibilities of individual officials of the Assyrian administration. Studying the letters, however, one is struck by the flexible approach of the Assyrian state to some runaways. So far, the role of fugitives in the Neo-Assyrian correspondence has not been subject to a thorough analysis in the broader context of the whole Empire. Few works, however, refer to this issue. Giovanni B. Lanfranchi outlined some aspects of the problem by taking notice of several dozens of letters dealing with runaways dated to the reign of Sargon II, 4 while Simo Parpola analysed the legal status of deserters and fugitives in the interstate treaties concluded between the Assyrian Empire and its vassal and allied states. 5 An important work of Daniel C. Snell deals with the flights of slaves and with the concept of freedom in the ancient Near East from the beginning of the Mesopotamian civilization to the Neo-Babylonian period. Although Snell does not deal with the Neo-Assyrian Empire, a full chapter of his work is dedicated to the Middle-Assyrian Laws and to three later texts from the first millennium BCE, which describe the brutal punishments inflicted upon the 3. For the relevant data please look at the Appendix at the end of the article. 4. Lanfranchi 1997: 85f. and n Parpola 2003: 1058 and 1063.

11 FUGITIVES IN THE STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA 49 captured fugitives. 6 We should also mention two case-studies discussing the political situation along the northern frontier of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, in which the authors address the issue of fugitives, especially in the land of Šubria. 7 The key word which denotes the verb to escape in the letters is the Akkadian verb ḫalāqu (Neo-Babylonian ḫelēqu). According to the AHw, the Grundstamm of this verb means verschwinden, zugrundegehen, fliehen ; the Doppelstamm zum Verschwinden bringen ; and the Š-stamm entkommen lassen. 8 According to the CAD, the verb ḫalāqu means to disappear, to vanish, to become missing or lost, to perish, to escape, to flee (G); to make disappear, let escape (D); to help to escape, to cause losses (Š). The verbal adjective is ḫalqu, translated in CAD escaped, missing, lost. 9 Also the verb maqātu refers to runaways. If its basic meaning is to fall down, to collapse, 10 in the Neo-Assyrian letters its verbal adjective maqtu sometimes denotes a deserter, a fugitive specifically from the army. 11 Finally, the verb ṣabātu, to capture, and its verbal adjective ṣabtu may indicate that the letter deals with fugitives, who are often called parriṣu, criminal Geography of Escapes The paucity of the texts, in many cases their fragmentary state of preservation, and a general dearth of the contextual information prevent from drawing far-reaching conclusions and generalizations about the geographical distribution of the escapes. Nevertheless, the letters reveal that the problem of fugitives affected the whole Empire. People fled from one province to another or within the same province, while others took refuge in foreign countries. The fact, however, that one of the provincial governors writes more frequently to the king about runaways than his counterpart in another region of the Empire is probably just a coincidence, since it might be the result of a disproportionate distribution of the sources. Such a situation inevitably leads to a blurred and deceptive perspective, which in turn hampers any effort of a more or less credible reconstruction of the past, let alone, of grasping the changes both synchronically and diachronically. 6. Snell 2001: and Dubovsky 2006: 32 47; Parker 2001: Von Soden 1965: 310f. 9. CAD Ḫ 36f. s.v. ḫalqu. 10. CAD M/1 240 s.v. maqātu. 11. Ibid. 255 s.v. maqtu CAD Ṣ 5 s.v. ṣabātu; CAD P 191 s.v. parriṣu.

12 50 KRZYSZTOF HIPP Along the northern frontier of the Empire the buffer state of Šubria, sandwiched between Assyria and Urarṭu, tops the list as a safe haven for fugitives. 13 Its rulers willingly granted asylum, which may have been motivated by religious reasons. 14 Its location and topography also made it an easier shelter for fugitives to run away to. 15 Another important factor contributing to a larger number of runaways is the character of the border itself. As Bradley J. Parker has pointed out, the northern frontier of Assyria did not form a stark line between the distinct political entities, but was instead a porous transitional zone that separated the northern provinces of the Assyrian Empire from the autonomous cultures of southeastern Anatolia. 16 Furthermore, two other areas stand out as places of refuge: the eastern Assyrian provinces and Babylonia. In several letters fugitives from both regions are mentioned. These letters are a product of the political expansion of the Empire, which is in turn reflected in a larger number of sources. In the eastern provinces, a new political environment, characterized by a myriad of small entities and by a difficult terrain, may have contributed to an increase in the number of runaways. 17 As for Babylonia, its multi-ethnic population and the frequently changing geopolitical situation seems to have been the main factor. 18 Looking at runaways from a micro-historical perspective, fugitives could preferably select two different areas for their inaccessibility: mountainous regions and marshlands, which were excellent hideouts where they could feel relatively safe and secure. Unfortunately, there are only a few examples. In SAA highlanders from the town of Lapsia opposed the orders of Taklāk-ana-Bēl (?), governor of Naṣībina. The whole community escaped onto a nearby mountain, so that a majordomo sent by the governor could only find the deserted town. This story resembles the narratives of the military campaigns of the Assyrian kings, where local people are told to have found shelter in inaccessible 13. SAA 1 30; SAA 5 35, 36, 53, 100; SAA , 187. On the historical contexts of these letters, see Dubovský 2006: T. Dezső suggests the existence of a pan-mesopotamian sanctuary in Šubria comparable to the old cult centres in Kumme and Muṣāṣir. He tends to locate it in Upūmu (see Dezső 2006a: 37f.). K. Radner recently presented convincing arguments that the Tigris Grotto may have served as a refuge sanctuary, a holy precinct in open nature (Radner 2012: 263). 15. Looking at the map of the Upper Tigris basin, a few features of the topography of the region deserve attention here. The area north of the Tigris valley, which was occupied by Šubria, is a well-watered, hilly, but not mountainous region. It is a piedmont of the Armenian Taurus, which can be crossed along a few relatively easy routes going the north across Šubria to Urarṭu. On the roads leading across Šubria to the north see Schachner 2009: Parker 2001: On the Assyrian expansion into the Zagros and political fragmentation of this region see Lanfranchi 2003: On the ethnic composition and the dynamic political situation of Southern Babylonia see Brinkman 1984; Frame 1992; Fales 2011:

13 FUGITIVES IN THE STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA 51 mountainous regions. 19 They abandoned their towns and villages to save their lives. Babylonian marshlands also offered a safe refuge for fugitives, as in Bīt-Amukāni during the reigns of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal. 20 According to Nabû-ušallim from Bīt- Dakkūri, that inhospitable area was a safe sanctuary for thirty families who had escaped during the time of Šamaš-ibni. They enjoyed such impunity as to refuse to work for the king, and, even worse, to conspire several times with the enemy. We do not know if they were captured and resettled. Further, the southern Babylonian marshlands served as a very good hideout for Merodach-Baladan, when he was pursued by Sennacherib. In this instance, the Assyrian king admits a failure, saying I hastened after him [Merodach- Baladan] to the land Guzummānu and ordered my warriors into the midst of swamps and marshes. For five days they sought him out, but his (hiding) place could not be found Who Were the Fugitives? Fugitives belonged to all social classes of the Empire. The relevant documents concern servants, deportees and workers, as well as soldiers and low and high ranking officials (although the runaways of the latter group are known only from Esarhaddon s Letter to the God Aššur). The letters reveal a variety of reasons underlying their decision to flee. Four broad categories of fugitives can be determined: 2.1. Criminals This category includes a broad spectrum of offenders thieves, 22 robbers and smugglers, 23 as well as more dangerous criminals accused of the most serious crimes including 19. In the royal annals there are numerous examples of whole communities fleeing to remote mountains e.g., Shalmaneser III s campaign against Urarṭu in 856 BCE (RIMA 3 A : 44 46); Šamšī- Adad V s third campaign against the Medes (RIMA 3 A iii 27b 34); Tiglath-pileser III s campaign against Ulluba (RINAP 1 37: 35 36). 20. SAA RINAP 3/1 1: 34: ur-ri-iḫ-ma EGIR-šú a-na KUR.gu-zu-um-ma-ni LÚ.mun-daḫ-ṣi-ia a-na qé-reb ÍD.agam-me ù ap-pa-ra-a-ti ú-ma-ʾe-er-ma 5 u₄-me ú-ba-ʾu-šu-ma ul in-na-mir a-šar-šu; translation and transliteration by A. K. Grayson and J. Novotny. 22. In the letter SAA 18 24: 8 11 the sender, among others, complains about his slave who was persuaded by someone to steal one mina of silver and to run away. The badly broken letter SAA (r. 1 8) informs that a group of people might have been guilty of looting several precious objects in Barḫalza. After that they may have fled to Uruk. 23. In the letter SAA Aššūr-rēṣūwa reports about six Kummean runaways who operated across the Assyrian border as smugglers. The unassigned Babylonian letter SAA portrays the evil deeds of a certain Tabalean who not only stole and then sold goods, but was probably also guilty of murder and brigandage.

14 52 KRZYSZTOF HIPP murder. 24 Within this group there are also the lowest-ranking officials. According to SAA , Nabû-šumu-iddina, an inspector of the Nabû temple in Kalḫu, sent the king a detailed list of ten village managers (rab ālāni) quoting their names and places of origin who, instead of coming for the review, had run away. 25 Unfortunately, the end of the letter, which might explain the exact reason of their escape, is broken away. Since, however, according to the letters, the primary responsibility of the village managers was to collect taxes, 26 it is reasonable to assume that the fugitives simply committed some sort of fraud. From this letter it is clear that the administration might commit negligence, fraud or even insubordination Overexploited People This category includes those who fled because of their bad living conditions and/or unbearable obligations to the state. Two letters from the reign of Sargon II (SAA and SAA 15 54) well show the burdens of life on the subjugated people of the expanding Empire. The first concerns the situation after the conquest of Carchemish, when the inhabitants of the city start to complain about too heavy ilku duties. 27 According to an official reporting to the king, they notoriously crossed the Euphrates and settled in the province of Arpad; it is not known whether the local authorities successfully tackled the problem. In SAA Nabû-rēmanni, the governor of Parsua, explains to Sargon why, after being settled in Parsua, deportees from Tabal, who had come in a caravan from Kār-Šarrukīn, ran away to Mannea. In Parsua they were to receive all necessary means of support, but a large scale embezzlement by a ša qurbūti forced them to flee to Mannea. 28 Having learnt about the whole situation, Nabû-rēmanni succeeded in capturing some of them and provided the deportees with a livelihood. Additionally, the letter deserves particular attention because the governor feels obliged to excuse himself for his negligence. He was in Media at the time and did not know about the embezzlement and the escapes. Undoubtedly, he was afraid of being blamed for indolence, which could consequently result in his dismissal by the king. This letter attests to a specific approach to the fugitives who ran away because of economic reasons. We can suppose that there was some understanding 24. The letter SAA 5 53 concerns the murder of the mayor of Mēturna. The fragmentarily preserved SAA reports on the killers on the loose who were wanted by Asalluḫi-aḫu-uṣur, priest of Bēl. The letter SAA r of Aplāia from Dilbat (a loyal official of Assurbanipal) describes the murder of Rēmanni-ilu, the recruitment officer of Zabāba-erība. After committing the crime, the murderer took the victim s clothes and departed from Babylon. 25. Among them were two from Raṣappa, two from Barḫalza and three from Tillê. 26. Parker 2011: SAA 1 183: According to the letter SAA r , they took their oxen, sheep and women.

15 FUGITIVES IN THE STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA 53 for those people and the reasons why they fled. The authorities aimed to prevent the situation occurring again, and, therefore, provided securely their basic needs instead of meting out punishments Deserters Desertions are well documented in the sources. 29 It should be noted that the underlying reasons for desertion are often similar to those of civilians, so that they may be included in the groups mentioned above. As it happens everywhere and regardless of time, soldiers of the Assyrian army committed the same criminal offences as civilians, for example, the already mentioned wellknown case of the murder of the mayor of Mēturna (SAA 5 53). The burden of military service, or shortages of food supplies may, too, have contributed to desertion, but these are only conjectures as the sources do not convey directly any such reasons for it. Two factors probably made desertion easier: first, the fact that some troops served in the provinces along the border of the Empire with enemy countries, which were well-disposed towards deserters; second, cavalry units were very mobile, and they were able to run away quickly and to cover long distances before the discovery of their desertion Fugitives to Assyria The last category includes runaways from other countries to Assyria. They were people of different social backgrounds: some were specialists in a given trade and therefore could hope to obtain relatively good living conditions. 30 A shortage of craftsmen needed for the huge building enterprises of the Assyrian kings created a favourable environment for a highly qualified labour force. 31 Several letters refer to desertions of enemy soldiers. 32 Desertions could result from the military situation, when the balance was tipping in favour of Assyria. Two letters 29. E.g., SAA 1 194; SAA 5 32, 52; SAA ; SAA ; SAA For further letters see the Appendix. 30. The letter SAA r lists twenty able scholars prepared by Marduk-šāpik-zēri to work in Esarhaddon s royal service. They were scribes, chanters, exorcists, haruspices, and physicians, mainly refugees from Elam and Assyria. 31. The author of the letter SAA informs the king that there is a Kassite runaway master builder in his presence and that he is doing the king s work with others (19 20; r. 1 15). 32. For instance, the letter SAA 15, 216 concerns a Chaldean who switched sides. The letter of Nabûrāʾim-nišēšu and Salāmānu to Esarhaddon (SAA ) contains a list of deserters sent to them by the governor of Dēr. Among those captured from different regions were two third men of the crown prince (tašlīši ša mār šarri) and a chariot fighter of the governor (mār damqi ša pāḫiti). The context is uncertain but some of them might have been runaways from or to Assyria. For more information about the chariot warrior and a third man /shield bearer see Dezső 2006b: ; 2012-II:

16 54 KRZYSZTOF HIPP (SAA and SAA 19 44) from the time of Tiglath-pileser III concern the desertions from Damascus just before the annexation of the city in 732 BCE. 33 The former pertains to a commander-of-fifty (rab ḫanšȇ), who fled to Assyria, while the latter reports on mercenaries who changed sides. 34 In all likelihood they were later incorporated into the Assyrian army, as members of the auxiliary units. 35 Some cavalry deserters also brought their mounts for the Assyrian army. 36 In a letter of Šamaš-taklāk to Sargon (SAA ) it is stated that the prefect of the recruitment officers (šaknišunu ša mušarkisāni) was not only responsible for the recruitment of soldiers and horses, but he also dealt with the matters concerning deserters. Interestingly, if the enemy soldier hesitated to desert, the Assyrians encouraged him to change side. One way to do it was to dispatch a special messenger with a token (itḫurāte), which signalled the readiness of the Assyrian Empire to accept them. 37 Thus, it seems that not only did Assyrians give shelter to fugitives, but they also actively tried to acquire them. It is obvious that an increasing number of runaways from a given country revealed that the internal political situation in that country was deteriorating. How useful such pieces of information were for the Assyrian king and how they could influence his decision for waging war is attested in SAA In this letter Bēl-ušēzib, a Babylonian astrologer from the inner circle of scholars, advises Esarhaddon on the impending Assyrian invasion of the Mannean territory. Apart from his astrological observations, Bēlušēzib notices that deserters outnumber fighting men among the enemy therein lies your advantage. At the entry of the whole army, let patrols make sorties, capture their men in the open country and question them; if the Indareans are keeping away from them, the army can invade and throw itself against the cities. 38 Both fugitive soldiers and representatives of the foreign administration were invaluable informers for Assyrians. 33. For dating these letters see Table II, Datable Nimrud Letters in Luukko 2012: xxii (SAA 19). 34. The letter SAA r reports on skilled archers who broke a treaty with the king of Damascus, who were arrested and sent to the king. 35. From Tiglath-pileser III onwards many soldiers from the conquered countries were enrolled in the Assyrian army. The best example is the campaign against Peqah, king of Israel, which resulted in enrolling Israelites in Tiglath-pileser s army. See Dezső 2012-I: In SAA Zalipaeans are told to have brought horses to Nikkur in Parsua. 37. A fragment of the letter (SAA s. 1 4) from Marduk-šarru-uṣur to Sargon deals with the acquisition of deserters from Bīt-Zerî by sending them tokens: nu-uk it-ḫu-ra-a-te ina ŠU.2 LÚ *.DUMU- KÁ. DINGIR.RA ni-iš-pu-ra-šú-nu is-su-ri DINGIR-MEŠ LUGAL be-lí-ía e-pu-šu i-ma-qa-tu-u-ni ḫa-rama-ma ina pa-an LUGAL be-lí-ía a-šap-pa-ra-šú, I (told him): Let us send them tokens through a Babylonian. Perhaps the gods of the king, my lord, will make it (happen) and they will desert. I shall then send him to the king, my lord. Translation and transliteration by A. Fuchs and S. Parpola. See also Dubovsky 2006: SAA r ): mu-uš-ta-ḫal-qú-ti ina UGU mun-daḫ-ṣu-ti ina LÚ.KÚR dan-na-tu ina ŠÀ-bi tumu-lu-ka e-mu-qa gab-bi li-ru-bu LÚ.gu-du-da-nu lu-ṣu-ú-ma LÚ.ERIM-ME-šú-nu šá EDIN lu-ṣab-bit-ú-

17 FUGITIVES IN THE STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA 55 It seems that the Assyrians followed specific procedures concerning deserters. SAA , dated to the reign of Esarhaddon and sent to the king from the Mannean frontier by Aššūr-ušallim, describes the steps taken by the Assyrians stationed in the forts along the border in regard to the fugitives coming there from Mannea, Media and Ḫubuškia. According to the king s instructions, each new fugitive should be handed over to a messenger of Aššūr-ušallim, who would bring him to the crown prince. If the fugitive had some important information, it is Aššūr-ušallim s duty to make a detailed report and to deliver the sealed letter immediately to the king by the cohort commander of the crown prince. 39 Such reports undoubtedly contained intelligence data about the movements of an enemy army or the political situation of a hostile country, and even about some economic matters. For example, SAA refers to a certain fugitive from Gubla named Bur-il, who reports to Aššūr-ilā i, a military official of Tiglath-pileser III, on the price of barley in the town of Bar-Uri. 40 The most wanted runaways were, of course, the members of the foreign elite courtiers who were in attendance of a ruler. Since the court was the centre of government, they possessed invaluable knowledge about sensitive state secrets. 41 In addition, they could be used as bargaining cards in the political game. Nevertheless, letters do not usually refer to defections of the highest-ranking officials and members of royal families. Only one letter, SAA 1 8, concerns an Urarṭian governor who fled to Assyria during the apogee of the Assyro-Urarṭian conflict; 42 it is quite exceptional, because the defector was rewarded with one of the highest positions in the Assyrian army and Sargon promptly appointed him as a turtānu. ma liš-a-lu ki-i LÚ.in-da-ru-a-a la-pa-ni-šú-nu i-ri-qu e-mu-qu li-ru-ub ina UGU URU-ME lid-du-ú (translation and transliteration by S. Parpola). 39. In a different letter (unfortunately unassigned), the official sends a deserter directly to the king for being further questioned, because he has some important information and wants to tell it in his presence (SAA ). 40. SAA 19 48: In SAA r. 1 8 Adad-issēʾa(?) informs Sargon that a eunuch of Aššūr-lēʾi (the ruler of Karalla) fled to Nabû-ḫamātūʾa (possibly a deputy-governor of Māzamua) and stayed with him for three years; the king wants him to be brought. SAA is a report of Zābāiu, the commander of the fort Appina, to Sargon about the arrival of a runaway eunuch who is an overseer of the household (ša muḫḫi bēti) of the city lord named Suitkâ (somewhere in Media). See Baker 2002: 1153 s.v. Suitkâ. 42. A letter of Sargon to the Urarṭian king. See Lanfranchi 1997: 82f.

18 56 KRZYSZTOF HIPP 3. Number of Fugitives The relevant material rarely informs us about the number of fugitives; when people decided to flee, they most often ran away individually (30 letters 43 ) or in small groups numbering few persons (ca. 34 letters 44 ). This is understandable, since the escape of one or up to five people may initially have gone unnoticed. In that way the fugitives bought time, and this maximized their chances of succeeding in fleeing and avoiding recapture. There are, of course, exceptions. In SAA 5 79 Aššūr-bēlu-daʾʾin reports to Sargon that several hundred people escaped from the province of Ḫalzi-atbāri to, inter alia, Iasūmu and Bīt-Zamāni, where 380 of them were captured. Another fragmentarily preserved letter, SAA , mentions 600(?!) fugitives, who probably escaped from an enemy country to Assyria. It seems that such high numbers represent the total number of all fugitives of more than one escape within a longer period of time rather than one mass escape, although this is not verifiable. Most individual fugitives were men. 45 However, some letters report that entire families or communities ran away, which indicates that women and children must have participated. 46 Only two letters in the whole corpus deal with flights of lonely women. SAA 8 456, dated to the reign of Esarhaddon, a report from Bēl-lēʾi, a Babylonian exorcist, astrologer and a member of the famous Egibi family, deals with an unsuccessful flight of a slave woman of the king to Babylonia. 47 SAA possibly concerns a different flight, or rather an attempt to do that by another woman SAA 1 8, 35, 235, 245, 246; SAA 5 54, 128; SAA 8 456; SAA , 203; SAA 15 74, 151, 184, 216, 244, 255; SAA 17 89, 99, 148; SAA 18 24, 61, 148, 170, 176, 180, 194, 198; SAA 19 45, 48, SAA 1 23, 30, 171, 179, 194; SAA 5 32, 34, 48, 100, 228, 245; SAA ; SAA 13 33, 171, 178; SAA 15 43, 53, 62, 101, 150, 169, 294; SAA 16 34, 148; SAA ; SAA 18 7, 72, 84, 183, 184; SAA 19 40, 44, 186, Such assumption can additionally be made by comparing the statistics from Nippur in the 14th and 13th centuries. Cf. Tenney 2011: E.g., the letter SAA concerns families settled in the marshes of Bīt-Amukāni; SAA r. iii 5 9 describes the case of Ilu-bāni who is listed in the Ḫarrān Census with a son and a woman as former runaways whom the official Nabû-aḫḫē-šallim brought back. See also Baker 2000a: 526 s.v. Ilu-bāni 1 and Baker 2001: 797 s.v. Nabû-aḫḫē-šallim One letter, SAA r. 5 7, concerns a runaway who was a woman-servant of the king (amtu ša šarri). For a detailed analysis of this letter and the role of the maid of the king see Svärd 2010: 255f. 48. SAA 15 74: 2 7 is difficult to interpret. A man sold his daughter in Karalla but later sent her a message hidden in a bag with salt encouraging her to flee. It seems to be an example of a well planned fraud.

19 FUGITIVES IN THE STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA Manhunt The pursuit and capture of runaways was not an easy task. Above all, fugitives had nothing to lose, and if cornered they may have been aggressive and dangerous. 49 Among the fugitives there were deserters and criminals, some of whom were likely to be armed. 50 Furthermore, we can assume that in many cases fleeing was a premeditated action, in which other people were likely to have been involved. 51 Any intrusion beyond the borders of the Empire was a challenge for the pursuers, who were faced with a new and alien environment. They had to consider that they themselves were intruders and as such they could be exposed to hostilities from indigenous peoples, and they did not necessarily know the terrain and the rights of way or the local customs and languages. Although several documents report on capturing fugitives, only few letters help in reconstructing the makeup and the modus operandi of the pursuing group. The relevant documents pertain exclusively to the activities along the northern frontiers of the Empire, particularly in Šubria. A fragmentarily preserved letter reports on a cavalry detachment, but from its context it is difficult to conclude whether the cavalrymen deserted or simply were missing in action somewhere near the Urarṭian border. Since the letter further mentions the land of Ḫubuškia, it seems that the search may have been conducted somewhere in the north-east or east of the Assyrian Triangle. 52 As soon as their flight was discovered, a hunt for the runaways was launched. Mobility was the key to success for the pursuers and the fugitives alike, especially in the regions along the border. As it has already been pointed out, a fugitive from the Assyrian controlled Upper Tigris region to Šubria or further north to Urarṭu could successfully reach the Šubrian capitals, Upūmu and Kulimmeri, in one day s march SAA 5 32 from Ša-Aššūr-dubbu, governor of the province of Tušḫan, informs Sargon II about an ambush made by the Šubrians on the Assyrian search team whilst on their way back home from Penzâ. See also Dubovsky 2006: For armed groups of gangs see SAA 5 227, 228; SAA and the section Criminal Gangs. 51. In SAA (an unassigned letter, dated probably to the reign of Sargon II) a village manager (rab ālāni) with a couple of king s men (ṣāb šarri) helped two servants of Nabû-kēnu-uṣur, governor of Tillê, to run away to Upūmu. Some of the helpers were later arrested but a couple of them managed to escape to Šubria, where they were protected by the local ruler. On the other hand, sometimes a helper could be a person who manipulated the runaway and eventually deceived him: in SAA r a slave, Amat-Bēl-ukīn, was persuaded and helped by someone to steal silver and flee, but in the end was sold for money to another person. 52. SAA 1 30 shows that scouts (daiālū) could be involved in tracking the whereabouts of missing people. See also Dezső 2012-I: 48. On the location of Ḫubuškia, which is a subject of controversy, see Maniori 2010: For the geographical description including the road system of the region, see Parker 2001: ; Schachner 2009: 1 7.

20 58 KRZYSZTOF HIPP The pursuing group was made up of soldiers commanded by officers whose task was to arrest the fugitives. 54 Owing to the fact that the kings of Šubria willingly granted asylum to runaways regardless of their social status and criminal record, the soldiers were accompanied by officials. It seems possible that their task was to conduct negotiations with the Šubrian authorities in order to make them hand back the fugitives. 55 Trackers (rādiu kibsu) were likely to be involved in searching for runaways, as attested in a single letter, SAA The trackers were expected to guide the Assyrian officials on their tracks of the Šubrian territory and to follow the runaways. In another case, the person involved in a large scale search for runaways a was a mule stable attendant. 57 Some letters reveal the procedures that were taken to discover the whereabouts of missing persons. First of all, the fugitive had to be identified. If the officials did not know whether he was hiding within Assyria or whether he had fled to another country, they had no other option but to search and gather additional information. In SAA 5 48 Aššūr-pātinu, a royal official active in Bīt Zamāni, 58 reports to Sargon about a certain Ilu-illika, a mule stable attendant, whose servants left him and ran away. The official diligently prepared a detailed list of the fugitives, which included their names and the towns from which they came. 59 This kind of information may have been used to compile registers, in some ways similar to modern police databases, of the fugitives from different provinces, as in the case of the list from the province of Šīmu. 60 Two other letters illustrate how those databases were likely to be applied. In SAA Taklāk-ana-Bēl, governor of Naṣībina, is involved in the search of a person whose detention is demanded by the king himself. After futile attempts to capture the hiding man in the town of Barḫalza, the authorities concentrated their efforts in his homeland, and his hometown, Mutianni, was scoured. His brother living there was captured and interrogated. The Assyrian officials hoped that the fugitive would sooner or later return there or at least would contact his relatives. Also in SAA , dated to the reign of Sargon, 54. In SAA 5 32: 7 12 the officers were cohort commanders (rab kiṣir). On the role of cohort commanders in the Neo-Assyrian Empire see Dezső 2012-I: In SAA 5 32: 7 two eunuchs (ša rēši) are mentioned. 56. SAA : SAA Radner 1998: 209 s.v. Aššūr-pātinu. 59. SAA 5 48: 13 16: an*-nu- rig ia -mu-tú MU.MEŠ-šú a- du* URU.MEŠ bé-et šú- nu-ni [a]- sa -ṭar ina UGU LUGAL EN-ia [ú]-se-bi-la, [I have] now [wr]itten down the names of each of them, including the towns w[he]re they come from, and am herewith sending (this information) to the king, my lord. Unfortunately, the part of the document where the names are listed is badly preserved. Translation and transliteration by G. B. Lanfranchi and S. Parpola. 60. In this damaged document (SAA ) 140 fugitives were originally listed, but only 18 names are currently preserved.

21 FUGITIVES IN THE STATE ARCHIVES OF ASSYRIA 59 Kīnâ, 61 a clergyman from Nēmed-Laguda, expresses his belief to a colleague that a certain Ḫazā-il, 62 a wanted Babylonian (?) ( ) will return to his family, and assures him that If he returns, I shall [arrest him and] give him to my brother. 63 What is interesting here is the fact that Kīnâ was offered a reward: If you catch him, I will give you the equivalent of a horse [or] a donkey [or a sheep]!. 64 Undoubtedly, rewards encouraged the officials to intensify search operations. We can also presume that there were rewards for those who captured fugitives, as it is known from the Code of Hammurabi. 65 The same way of gathering information about the fugitive by capturing and interrogating his family members and kinspeople is hinted at in the letter SAA , dated to the revolt of Mukīn-zēri. An unknown author reports to Tighlath-pileser on an escape of Iadīʾ-il, an emissary of Mukīn-zēri, to his superior. 66 The author sends a message to Adadaplu-iddina 67 to capture Iadīʾ-il s people, who are in his homeland, in Ḫindānu. They are to be handed over to the king presumably for further interrogation or, probably, to be kept as hostages. 5. Punishment According to Marduk from Borsippa, who in SAA reports to have arrested Nabûzēru-iddina, a citizen of Borsippa, N[o] one who sins against the lord of kings [e]scapes, 68 while Esarhaddon boasts that Neither he who made the sea his fortress nor he who made the mountain his stronghold escaped my net (or) succeeded in escaping. 69 Such statements seem not always to be rooted in evidence and reality but were more a wishful thinking of the Assyrian kings. An escape of a high ranking official or a disloyal vassal may have been regarded as a sin, an act of treason, and those who fled to a hostile country committed a grave crime against the gods. 70 Such offences against the state could 61. Vanderroost 2000: 617 s.v. Kīnâ Baker 200b: 468 s.v. Ḫazā-il SAA r. 3 6: mìn-de-e-ma a-na UGU -[ḫi xxxx] LÚ.qin-ni-šú i-ni-ḫi- su [xxxx] ki-i it-te-ḫi-su a-[xxxxx] a-na ŠEŠ-ia a-nam- din [xxxx]. Translation and transliteration by M. Dietrich. 64. SAA : 5 9: ki-i ta-ṣab- ta*-ma ki-i 1-en ANŠE.KUR.RA [ù] ki-i 1-en ANŠE ù* [ki-i 1-en UDU?] a-nam-dak-ka [xxxxx]. Translation and transliteration by M. Dietrich. 65. Richardson 2004: 48f SAA r Luppert-Barnard 1998: 22 s.v. Adad-aplu-iddina SAA r RINAP 4 1 v 17 20: ša tam-tum a-na dan-nu-ti-šú KUR-ú a-na e-mu-qi-šú iš-ku-nu ina sa-par-ri-ia a- a-um-ma ul ú-ṣi na-par-šu-du-um-ma ul ip-par-šid. Translation and transliteration by E. Leichty. 70. The fragmentarily preserved letter SAA : 7 10 explicitly states: man-nu DINGIR-MEŠ [xxxx] ša TA * [xxxx] ina KUR na-ki-ri [xxx] ḫi-ṭu ša DINGIR.[MEŠ xxx], Who [angers] the gods? He who [defects] from [his own country] to the enemy country, [commits] a crime which the go[ds ]. Translation and transliteration by M. Luukko and G. Van Buylaere. However, we can assume that not all

22 60 KRZYSZTOF HIPP not be forgiven or go unpunished, especially if one bears in mind that the Assyrian king was responsible for maintaining order within the land of Assur. 71 Some letters reveal that the captured were passed on to the king, who was likely to mete out a fit and proper punishment. 72 It seems that the king was involved only in the cases concerning the fugitives of higher social status. 73 On the other hand, the correspondence between the ruler and the provincial administration deals with such a great diversity of cases, sometimes quite trivial, that we can presume that the king may have been kept informed by his subordinates in detail about the runaways. Let us now have a closer look at the legal procedures against the captured runaways. The letters do not contain any information about the penalty system. Not a single letter reports how the captured runaways were treated. We can only speculate what types of punishments the ruler could use against them, since no Neo-Assyrian law code has been preserved. 74 Therefore, the only way is to cautiously assume that the treatment of fugitives in the Neo-Assyrian Empire did not differ much from the earlier periods in Mesopotamian history. Such an approach, however, is risky, due to some unsolved basic problems. First, the older codes reflect an incomparably different socio-political environment; second, they deal only with fugitives who were slaves and whose legal status was quite different from the members of other social strata; further, as Snell has pointed out, the previous legislators primarily concentrate on punishing those who lent a helping hand to slave fugitives. 75 The Code of Hammurabi (ca BCE) contains the severest penalties for the accomplices. He who helped a runaway slave to escape is punished by death; also he who later gave him shelter was punished with death. 76 Paragraph 19 is difficult to interpret, the escapes were perceived as an act of treason; in all likelihood, it depended on the social status of the runaway. 71. The Assyrian kings were responsible for maintaining the harmonious equilibrium between heaven and earth : see Pongratz-Leisten 2013: 288. The role of the king as a guardian of justice and order is expressed in his titulature. For example, Assurnasirpal II bears the title trampler of criminals (mudīš targīgī RIMA 2 A : 6), where the term criminals often applies to disloyal vassals, see May : 102f. and nn. 157f. Sennacherib prides himself in an extraordinarily rare title on being a guardian of truth, who loves justice (nāṣir kitti rāʾim mīšari) in RINAP 3/1 1: 2). See Tadmor E.g., SAA 1 245, 246; SAA 5 218, 228 (?). 73. A good example of an extraordinary treatment of an escapee comes from SAA r A high ranking individual from Larak, named Barīk-il, despite fleeing from prison, had the opportunity to appeal directly to the king. Another letter (SAA 1 246) in the corpus is exceptional and intriguing: a servant, presumably a slave of Adad-rēmanni, was probably captured and sent to the king. 74. Radner 2003a: Snell 2001: 85. It is interesting that in paragraph 30 of the laws of Ešnunna a man who runs away loses his rights to his wife and she can re-marry during his absence. See also Roth 1995: Richardson 2004: 46f. 15 and 16.