Vol: 1 January to June 2010 No. 1

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3 Vol: 1 January to June 2010 No. 1 The Journal of History and Social Sciences (jhss) is published biannually in June and December, from the Department of History, University of Karachi, Karachi, Pakistan. All correspondence should be addressed to the Editor- in- Chief. Postal address: Dr. Nasreen Afzal Editor in Chief Journal of History and Social Sciences Department of History University of Karachi Karachi Pakistan jhss@uok.edu.pk Subscription Rates: For Individual Rs. 200/- (Annual) For Institution Rs.600/- (Annual) Published By: Nasreen Afzal Department of History, University of Karachi Printed At: BCC&T Press, University of Karachi, Karachi-Pakistan Copyright 2010 Editor in Chief All right reserved i

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5 CONTENTS Message From Vice Chancellor Message From Dean of Arts Editorial ARTICLES Religious Trends of the Mughal age (1) Prof.Dr. Riaz ul Islam An Assessment of Francois Bernier s Travel Account: A French Commercial Informer or A Critic of the French State? (20) Dr. Sakul Kundra An Historical Account of Sindh Khilafat Movement (51) Dr. Nasreen Afzal A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trance-Atlantic Development of Birth Control Ideology (73) Dr. Patricia Walsh Coates Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan (93) Dr. Syed Jamil Hasan Kazmi Yasmeen Anis Saima Shaikh Book Review (105) iii

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8 EDITORIAL NOTE The revival of the Journal of Past and Present under the new title Journal of History and Social Sciences (JHSS)is the outcome of the untiring efforts of the editorial team of the Department of History, University of Karachi. The idea was originated in January 2010 in the meeting with the senior social scientists and historians who had the honor of working with the legend historian of the twentieth century, Professor Dr. Riaz ul Islam. Professor Islam s seminal researches on medieval India and consistent work on modern and medieval Central Asia placed him among the top social scientists and historians of the world. He left great tradition of scholastic research at Karachi University. JHSS is a humble attempt to revive that great tradition of quality research in the field of Social Science. We encourage researches cutting across the disciplines, focusing on the issues of past, present and future related to society, economy, politics and development. JHSS is not region specific and accept researches on any part of the world. It does not impose any restriction on multidisciplinary researches even includes Science which has tremendous impact on all spheres of the human activity. All researches are subject to go through peer review and double blind review by independent foreign referees before publication. We have panel of referees of national and international repute. JHSS aims to reduce the dearth of Social Science Journals in Pakistan. We do understand that people in academia, government, media, NGOs and other civil society organizations are involved in research work in their respective requirement. They find difficulty to get their researches published in journals of good repute. JHSS provides internationally accredited forum for those who intend to share their findings with other members of the society. In the year 2011, our subscription would be restricted to South Asia, but we will definitely go global by the year However, its electronic version would be available on our website. In the end, I would like to thank all those who helped to turn the idea of the Journal into reality. I would like to express my special gratitude to the Vice Chancellor, University of Karachi, Professor Pirzada Qasim Raza Siddiqi, without his patronage and encouragement this idea could never been materialized. We are thankful to the Dean, faculty of Arts, University of Karachi for his guidance and academic support that made this initiative possible. Most obviously thanks are owed to all those who contributed articles in this issue. I also want to appreciate referees who spared their precious time to review the articles, gave comments and suggestions. Dr. S. M. Taha Editor vi

9 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE (Late) Dr. Riaz ul Islam* Survey of the Preceding Age: Islam had reached the sub-continent long before the advent of Muslim political power. Even in this early pre-political phase, Islam had had important repercussion on Indian thought and life. No less an authority, Dr. Tara Chand ascribes the unityism of Sankracharya to the influence of Islam. With the establishment of Muslim political power, Muslim religious thought and activity began to assume a more elaborate, articulate and organized shape. The religious classes viz, the Ulama and the Mashaikh played a very important role in the spreading of Muslim culture and faith in Indo-Pakistan in the pre-mughal period. The Ulema, the doctors of Muslim Law, represented the orthodox aspect of the faith. They were well versed in the Islamic lore and gave an authoritative interpretation of the doctrines and percepts of Islam. They underlined the importance of tradition and discipline in religious matters. It was, however, the Mashaikh, the Mystics who played the leading role in the propagation of Islamic ideas. Humble in address, speaking the dialect of the people, they spread far and wide and by their preaching, their noble bearing and sympathetic approach they won respect for their faith. There was much that appeared to be common to Sufism and Hindu mysticism. The dhikr of the Sufis resembled the japna of the Hindu yogis, the pir and the guru occupied almost identical places in their respective systems. Even the spiritual contents of the two systems had something in common. Thus started, almost unnoticed, a slow and silent among the mystic orders was the Chishtia Silisila. From Khwaja Moinuddin Ajmeri (Died 1236) to Sheikh Nizamuddin ( ) there is an unbroken succession of great mystics, who set up a very high level of idealism in their profession and practice. They kept aloof from Kings and courts but mixed with the people, and when Sheikh Nasiruddin asked in permission of Sheikh Nizamuddin Aulia to leave Delhi and lead a secluded life, the preceptor remarked you must remain Delhi and suffer the company of men. A certain amount of strain between the Ulema and the Mashaikh was always there. Sheikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiar Kaki Qazi, Hamiduddin Nagauri and Sheikh Nizamuddin Anbia were accused of anti-shariah practices by the orthodox ecclesiastics of their times. The great mystics generally laid emphasis on the observance of the Shariat but the bolder spirits among their followers sometimes transgressed the bounds of religious propriety. A number of such mystic zealots were executed during the reign of Firoz Shah. One of these had claimed divinity. *Professor Emirates, Department of History, University of Karachi 1

10 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 BHAKTI MOVEMENT An interesting product of the interaction between Islam and Hinduism was the Bhakti cult. It was an attempt from the Hindu side to incorporate such of the elements of Islam, especially of the Islamic mysticism, into Hindu faith as were easily assimilable. The Bhakti cult taught devotion to a personal God. It helped mitigate caste distinctions. It laid emphasis on fervor and devotion as against forms and dogmas of religion, and considered the various religions as different paths to a common goal. The Bhakti hymns breathed the spirit of Persian Sufis poetry. The dsohas of Kabir ( ) and the writings of Nanak ( ) re-echo the strains of the lyrics of Hafiz and Jami. MAHDAVIST MOVEMENT The sixteenth century was an age of religious ferment. With the first millennium of Islam in sight, it was also an era of expectation and religious tension. The tension set into motion forces which worked in several directions. One product of this tension and the feeling of expectation was the Mahdavist Movement. Mulla Mohammad of Jounpur, who proclaimed himself Mahdi in 1495 at Mekkah was a man of different stamp than the many other Mahdis of history. He was a man of extraordinary intelligence and scholarship. His life was throughout marked by piety and nobility. Unlike the other Mahdis, he never aspired for political power. On two occasions, when his disciples offered him armed assistance to overcome his enemies, he spurned their offer and remarked wield the sword on your inordinate desires. The helper of Mahdi is God. His success was primarily due to his sincerity and fervor, the purity of his character and the selflessness, whose personality had a chastening and purifying influence on their lives Robbers and bandits would leave their profession and adopt dhikr and contemplation and would dedicate their lives to God. He breathed a spirit of love and amity among his contemporaries.it was the honesty and integrity, the resignation and unworldliness of Syed Mohammad which appealed to his audience, and secured converts to his way of thought. (vide Mahdari movement in India by Dr. S.N Rizvi, Medieval India Quarterly, Aligarh, 1950). The orthodox looked upon Syed Mohammad as a religious and political rebel. The Syed himself claimed for his teaching complete conformity with Islam. He laid great emphasis on the other0worldly aspect of religion. He taught renunciation of the world. Dhikr, which meant the performance of prayers in a state of utter absorption in God, was the foremost duty, and all that which interfered with the practice of dhikr, eg, the quest of knowledge or the earning of livelihood was unlawful (vide, Medieval India Quarterly, Aligarh, 1950). The Mahdi enjoined on his followers to withdraw themselves from society and to live in Daeras (worship circles). They were 2

11 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE not to depend on charity and gifts, nor were they to busy themselves with earning wealth. Accumulation of wealth was indeed proscribed. Private and public service were similarly proscribed as they entailed dependence on others. Whatever was obtained by joint effort was distributed equally among all the members of the Daera.Nobody was allowed to receive more than his share. The Mahdi s own son and daughter-in-law were not allowed anything beyond their due share. Nobody was allowed to store anything for further use. The Mahdavis went about fearing the advent of the resurrection every moment. After Syed Mohammad s death in 1505, his work was continued by his son and successor Syed Mahmud. He encouraged the establishment of various dearas, which now became the vehicle of propagation of the Mahdavi mission. The persecution and banishment of the Mahdavis led to the multiplication of the daeras and to a widespread propagation of the Mahdavi faith. The subsequent history of Mahdavism is a chequered one. The Mahdavis professed to remain aloof from politics. But they held wealth and worldly power in contempt and considered the rulers and ruled as equals. Unlike most of the orthodox ulema of the day, they refused to observe the court etiquette. This, along with their general opposition to the orthodoxy in profession and practice and their condemnation of the ulema for their worldliness and wealth, soon brought them into conflict with the legally constituted authority. The ulema represented them to the sultans as a menace to their authority. Mulla Abdullah Sultanpuri was instrumental in inducing Islam Shah Suri to persecute the Suris. Sheikh Abdullah Niazi annoyed the Suri Sultan by greeting him with a plain Assalamo Alaik. He was therefore grievously flogged at the instigation of Mulla Abdullah..Sheikh Alai of Bayana was another notable mahdavi who met a similar fate. On his conversion to Mahdavism, he had forsaken all his worldly riches and had become a powerful protagonist of the new faith. He had immense success as a preacher and won many adherents. He was summoned to the capital by Islam Shah but had shortly afterwards to be banished from the capital as many officials and nobles were falling under his spell and joining the new faith. He was exiled to Hindia but there the governor of the place himself fell under his charm, and so the Sheikh had to be exiled from there too. His case was referred to Sheikh Budh of Bihar who reported favorably but his recommendations were tempered with in transit by his own son with a view to please Mulla Abdullah. Subsequently, at the instigation of the Mulla, Islam Sheikh asked him to abjure his faith. On his refusal he was flogged and he died at the third stroke. This happened towards the middle of the sixteenth century. The last in the line of the great Mahdavi preachers was Miyan Mustafa of Gujrat. The orthodox ulema of Gujrat wanted Akbar to execute him for his heterodoxy. But when he was brought before the Emperor, he was able to 3

12 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 convince him of his sincerity. In the discussions and disputations that followed, he worsted his critics. Akbar showed him great favor. He died in 1575 while returning from the royal court to Gujrat. THE SHATTARI ORDER It was an old order which originated with Sheikh Bayazid Bustami ( ). It was brought to India by Sheikh Abdullah Shattari. Unlike other mystic saints, he lived in a princely fashion and went from place to place with his band of uniformed followers asking people to join his order. After his death at Mandu in 1485, his work was continued by his disciples, Sheikh Mohammad Ala and Sheikh Hafiz of Jaunpur. The former spread the order in Bengal, and it was the Bengal branch which produced the greatest saint of the order, Syed Mohammad Ghaus of Gawaliar. Sheikh Hasiz was also fortunate in having a line of able disciples, the most notable among them being Sheikh Buddhan who popularized the Shattari silsila in Northern India. Syed Mohammad Ghaus, the greatest figure of the movement, was deeply influenced by wujudy philosophy. For many years he lived a life of physical penances and austerities and spiritual ecstasy. Early in life he wrote a book entitled Jawahir-i-Khamsa, which invited the censure of the orthodox camp on account of its bold and unrestrained expression of pantheistic ideas. Later on the saint issued a revised version of the book, omitting or altering many of the objectionable passages. Another of his work, Bahr-ul-Hayat, the ocean of life, discusses the influence of Hindu ideas on Muslim mysticism. It was indeed a percussion of Majma-ul-Bahrain of Dara Shikoh. Syed Mohammad Ghaus s knowledge of Hindu mystic thought was intimate and deep, his approach was sympathetic and unprejudiced. He had intimate relation with the Hindus. He would stabd up to welcome every Hindu visitor. His hobby was keeping bulls and cows. (2) The attitude of the Sheikh soon brought him into conflict with the orthodoxy. During the saint s sojourn in Gujrat, he was condemned to death by Sheikh Ali Muttaqi. Sultan Mahmud referred the matter to Sheikh Wajihud-din Alavi, the leading scholar of Gujrat. He was also impressed and charmed by the personality of the saint. Not only he tore up the condemnatory fatwa of Sheikh Muttaqi but himself became an ardent admirer of the saint and lived to be one of his principal successors (khalifa). It bears an eloquent testimony to the greatness of Mohammad Ghaus that he should have made an easy conquest of a great scholar of mature ideas and long standing. The Sheikh s support of Syed Wajih-ud-din secured the saint from further attacks from the orthodox camp. The Shattari saints in India had very intimate relations with kings and Emperors and held jagirs from them. This uncommon of piety and plenty invited unfavorable comments from contemporaries and Shattarisin their defense advanced the unconvincing plea that they mixed with the rich for the sake of the poor. Sheikh Abdullah 4

13 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE Shattari and after him Sheikh Bahauddin had close personal relations with the Khilaji Sultan of Mandu and lived at his court. Syed Mohammad Ghaus of Gawaliar established a lifelong relation with the Mughals. He actively helped Babar in the reduction of the fort of Gawaliar. He and his brother, Sheikh Bahlol, had great influence with Humayun. Sheikh Bahlol was highly respected and trusted by Humayun. When Hindal rebelled at Agra during Humayun s absence in Bengal, the Sheikh was entrusted by the emperor with the task of treating with the rebel prince. The mission cost him his life for the prince got him murdered. He was known for his learning and piety as well as for his riches and political influence. After Humayun s defeat and exit from India, Syed Mohammad Ghaus very wisely left for Gujrat in order to avoid any untoward affair with Sher Shah. He lived there for about 18 years and visited Champanir, Baruch and Ahmedabad. He obtained great influence their and in Sheikh Wajihuddin he found an illustrious disciple who propagated his mission and founded a powerful branch of the silsila in Gujrat. Ghaus remained loyal to the Mughals even in their adversity and kept himself in touch with Humayun through correspondence. Sometime after the Mughal restoration, the saint set out from Gujrat and reached Agra in Humayun s death (1556) had deprived him of an old friend and patron. The saint did not feel happy in the new dispensation. Akbar showed him due respect but his Sardar-i-jahan Sheikh Gadai did not take to him kindly. Mulla Abdul Qadir thus notes these affairs in his characteristic style: the saint s arrival was unpleasing to Sheikh Gadai, who on account of pettiness, enmity and jealousy.which to the saints of India is their mutual relations are the very necessaries of life, looked on his arrival as a case of opening a shop above his own shop. He pointed out to Bairam Khan certain passages in the saint s work entitled Mirajia in which he had described his own ascension (mi raj) and claimed certain superiority over prophets. The powerful regent used his influence against the saint. A series of disputations and controversies took place which put the saint in a very awkward situation. He therefore retired to his jagir at Gawaliar where he passed the rest of his life. The saint remained loyal to Akbar and when the latter visited Gawaliar, he showed the young king great affection and even enrolled him among his disciples. Akbar however, did not attach any importance to it. Sometime later, Akbar utilized the good offices of the saint in bringing to submission the powerful Afghan noble, Fatah Khan. The saint died in 1563and is buried at Gawaliar. His mausoleum there is one of the most notable monuments in the city. He was like his brother a rich man and had a jagir of one crore dams at Gawaliar. Abul Fazl, in spite of his catholicity of outlook, does not speak well of the saint. The Shattari order did not last long after the death of the saint. The movement failed as it lacked elements of popular appeal. It had a highbrow atmosphere. Its pantheistic philosophy was incomprehensible to the common 5

14 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 people. 1 As Mr. Khaliq Nizami has pointed out the Shattaris neglected the common man. They fixed their gaze on palaces and mansions.the silsila identified itself so closely with the state and the rulers that its prestige waxed and waned with the attitude of the rulers..akbar s indifference so completely smashed the organization that it could not regain its prestige. AKBAR ( ) Akbar was endowed with a deeply religious mind and a keenly inquisitive temperament. There is ample evidence of his religiosity and conformity in the early years of his life. He would, for example, himself recite the call to prayers and even clean the mosques. During the formative period of his life, he came under certain liberal influence which gave depth as well as breadth to his religious outlook. His regent Bairam Khan was a shia. His Persian tutor Abdul Latif was so liberal in ideas that the Shias considered him a Sunni and the Sunnis dubbed him a Shia. He taught to his royal pupil the doctrine of Sulh-i-kul or universal peace based on concept of broad toleration of various peoples and faiths. Sheikh Gadai who became his Sadrus-Sadoor or minister of Ecclesiastical Affairs in 1559 was a Shia. In 1662, Akbar freed himself from the tutelage of Bairam. He now began to work out a new policy towards the non-muslims. The new policy was inaugurated by Akbar s marrying Raja Bihar Mal s daughter in The new imperial consort was allowed to retain her faith and was indeed provided with all the facilities to practice it in the royal palace. The two succeeding years witnessed the abolition of tax on Hindu pilgrims and of Jiziya. These events are a clear evidence of a change in outlook, if not of a change in religious beliefs. About a decade before the advent of Sheikh Mubarak and his son at the court, Akbar had already struck out a new direction for himself. Partly this may be ascribed to the disgust which he felt at the conduct of the leaders of orthodoxy, who should in fact be largely considered responsible for the decline of the fortunes of Islam in contemporary India. Makhdum-ul-Mulk Mulla Abdullah Sultanpuri had a distinguished career as a scholar. Humayun gave him the title of Makhdumul-Mulk; Sher Shah made him Shaikh-ul-Islam. He exercised tremendous influence under Islam Shah but he misused his powers partly to enrich himself and partly to persecute those who differed from him on religious problems. When he died, he left behind immense treasures- 3 crore rupees and several boxes full of silver bricks. He persecuted the Mahdavists and their sympathizers and the Shias. One detail of his personal life would suffice to show the pattern of his religious conformity- at the end of every year he temporarily handed over his hoard of gold and silver to his wife in order to escape zakat. Abdunnabi as the Sadar-us-Sadoor had in his hands an unlimited patronage whose distribution was shamelessly dishonest and 1. Med. India Quarterly,

15 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE corrupt. Local ecclesiastics improved upon the examples of their superiors. What is more, the orthodoxy was divided against itself. Makhdumul Mulk started a regular campaign against Abdunnabi and said that prayers could not be offered under his Imamat as he was suffering from piles. Sheikh Abdunnabi was retaliated by declaring him an ignoramus. Haji Ibrahim Sirhindi declared the wearing of yellow and red colored clothes lawful, in order to ingratiate himself with the Emperor. The chief Qazi declared the Haji s declaration heretical. These mutual recrimination and anathematization of the ecclesiastics served to discredit the whole set of them. Their understanding of Islam was unimaginative and uninspiring. With a damnable divergence between their own profession and practice, they set up ti persecute others for alleged lapses for correct behavior. Akbar s disgust with them might have remained a negative feeling but for the arrival of Sheikh Mubarak at the psychological moment. The Sheikh had been hunted from place to place like a beast of prey by the orthodox party for hid heterodox views. What is more, in point of intellect and learning, the Sheikh and his sons were superior to their opponents and could beat them on their own ground. It is rather a controversial point whether Abul Fazl and Faizi were Muslims or heretics. The general view has been that they were responsible for Akbar s religious vagaries. A modern writer* has attempted to show that while both of them passed through a phase for skepticism, they regained faith subsequently. Faizi s tafsir of Quran is advanced as an argument in his favor. Abul Fazl was intellectually more gifted of the two and it was in fact he who supplied Akbar with most of his ideas. Akbar indeed had fully shown the trend of his mind much before Abul Fazl s advent at the court, but the latter s intellect gave Akbar s vague spiritual dissatisfaction a definite direction and shape. Possibly, Islam as presented by a section of the orthodox ulema failed to satisfy the deep spiritual cravings of both Akbar and Abul Fazal, and this brought them very closer to each other. *S.M Ikram- Rud-i-Kauthar THE IBADAT KHANA Akbar s quest for truth led to the setting up of the Ibadat Khana and the debates on religion held therein. The behavior of the ulemas at these gatherings, their unseemly disputes over precedence in seating order, their mutual recrimination and their hairsplitting arguments made Akbar feel sick of them. He ordered Mulla Abdul Qadir Badayuni to turnout anyone who misbehaved, and the Mulla, who himself belonged to the orthodox school, said in an aside thaw that a host of ulema would lose their seat if the order was really enforced. The Ibadat Khana, which in the beginning admitted 7

16 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Muslims of different persuasions, was now thrown open to the representatives of all religions. The motive was obvious: Akbar was extending his quest for truth to a wider field. THE MAHDAR Akbar s disgust with the depressing disputes of the ulema was fully exploited by Sheikh Mubarak. He drew up a Mahdar to which signatures were affixed bu the Makhdum-ul-Mulk, Sadar-us-sadoor Abdunnabi and other ulemas. The Mahdar authorized Akbar, in case of difference of opinion among the ulemas, to select any one of the conflicting views as the correct one, and further to issue orders which should not, however, be incompatible with the Holy Quran. The Mahdar, which has been wrongly described as the decree of infallibility, has been a source of much controversy. Curiously enough the majority of Hindu writers have attempted to prove that it was based on the shariat. The consensus of the Muslim opinion, however, regards the Mahdar as a mischievous document. In Akbar s own time it was condemned by Qadi-ul-Quddat Mulla Yazdi of Jaunpur, Qadi-ul-Quddat Yaqub of Bengal, Shah Tayyab of Banaras, Shah Abdul Haq Muhaddith of Delhi and Mujaddid Alf-i-Ihani. In modern times it has been severely criticized by Maulana Abdul Kalam Azad. Maulana MAnazir Ahsan Gilani and Maulana Salman Nadvi. The main line of criticism is that Akbar was not fit to exercise the enumerated functionsin view of his ignorance of the Muslim law and of his heretical ideas, and that the decree was uncalled for as the powers enumerated were inherent in the functions of the Imam. It was a moment of heterodoxy and heresy and its signatories were progenitors of mischief and slaves of the world. DIN-i-ILAHI Akbar studied all religions. None gave satisfaction to his wayward and curious mind- a mind which had not passed through the discipline of systematic learning. His position as the absolute ruler of a big empire was not conducive to a critical pursuit of truth; for every whim and caprice was sure to be commended by the courtiers as the stroke of a genius. It would be unfair to Akbar to question his bonafides and to double the genuine keenness of his enquiry after truth. In 1578, four years before the promulgation of Din-i-Ilahi, Akbar had a curious religious experience. He was engaged in Kamargha hunt when suddenly he had a fit of spiritual ecstasy. Te hunt was stopped and the captured animals were released. But the final issue of his religious cravings and search is far from being commendable. The Din-i- Ilahi is an eclectic faith with pantheistic basis, but it betrays the psychology of a puerile and immature mind. It is an ill-assorted collection of such elements, called out from various religions, as appealed to Akbar s fancy. As an experiment in religion making, it was a complete failure; hardly a score 8

17 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE of men accepted it. It reflects credit on Akbar that he made no attempt to use the authority of the state to spread his religion. Only one Hindu viz; Birbal joined the Din-i-Ilahi, perhaps, because he had a sense of humor. Khan-i- Azam Mirza Aziz Koka, Akbar s foster brother felt so much disgust with his vagaries that he emigrated to Mekkah. From there he wrote a letter warning him against the ulterior motives of the clique that was trying to alienate him from the Mohammadan faith (din-i-mohammadi) and drawing his attention to the fact that no sultan had ever had the temerity of assuming the prophetic function and of abrogating the religion of Mohammad. Strangely enough Khan-i-Azam later on returned from Mekkah and accepted the Din-i-Ilahi. Another notable convert was Jani Khan, Governor of Thatta, who wrote to the Emperor that he has scornfully rejected the formal and traditional faith of Islam which had come down to him from his forefathers and that he had embraced the Din-i-Ilahi Akbar Shahi for the sake of which he was ready to sacrifice his riches, his life, his honor and his religion. The qualifying words the formal and traditional were evidently meant as a stop for public opinion and as a veneer behind which to take cover from the charge of apostasy. What were the motives behind Akbar s religious policy? Was it inspired by religious motives or political considerations? Certain early measures such as the abolition of Jaziya and the pilgrimage tax were evidently inspired by a desire to broaden the basis of his political authority. But all subsequent developments such as the Ibadat Khana, the inter-religious debates, the invitation to the Jesuits, the Jain and the Zoroastrian divines, the prohibition of hunting and of meat, and the Din-i-Ilahi were the outcome of a genuine but misguided religious quest. The consideration shown to such microscopic minorities as Jains and Parsis and to the alien Christians was not the result of nau political necessity. DIN-I-ILAHI There is substantial evidence showing Akbar s deviation from religion. Did he, then, entirely abjure Islam? Did he consider a Muslim or not? These are controversial questions to which it is difficult to give straight and categorical answers. It is interesting to note that the Hindu writers generally try to prove that Akbar was a good Muslim. Perhaps they apply to Islam the analogy of their own religion which is elastic enough to hold in its gaunt a great variety of religious beliefs. Akbar in his letter to Abdullah Khan Uzbek asserted his firm belief in Islam and claims credit for having spread Islam to infidel territories and converting temples into mosques. He speaks of his resolve to expel Christians from their strongholds on the western coast. It is difficult to accept this letter on its face value. Akbar had written this letter to a political adversary who was well known for his extreme orthodoxy. Could Akbar have done anything but assert his own conformity? It is to be remembered 9

18 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 that Akbar s religious vagaries had aroused strong resentment in certain quarters and several leading ecclesiastical had come out with open condemnation of Akbar. Some of them had put themselves in touch with Mirza Hakim and wanted him to supplant Akbar on the Mughal throne. It view of this it would have been nothing but suicidal for Akbar to write of his doubts to a foreign Muslim potentate who himself had territorial ambitions in India. As for his reference to his demolition of temples and the expulsion of Christians, it is sufficient to recall that Akbar had temples built in his own palaces and that he had himself invited Jesuit missionaries to his court and had given them permission to build churches and make converts. Badayuni s contention is that Akbar had ceased to b Muslim. He brings against him a long list of charges, for example, he had developed a positive hatred for Islam, converted mosques into stables, forbade Muslims from prayers, fasts and pilgrimage, and so on. Fortunately, there is concluding evidence in contemporary writings to disprove these wild charges. There are only too many references to the offering of pilgrimages and prayers in the record of the same period and n fact, in Badayuni s own history.* Badayuni s kkegation of Akbar s persecution of Islam falls to the ground. The truth appears to be that Badayuni as deliberately misconstructed Akbar s own discontinuation of Muslim practices as general regulations forbidding these practices. If Akbar gave up fasting, Badayuni reported that Akbar banned fasting. Badayuni was indeed the past master of insinuations. He used a highly suggestive language to implicate those he wanted to censure. Badayuni s contention that Akbar had totally rejected Islam is also incorrect. In fact, Din-i-Ilahi s central dogma is that the unity of God is taken from Islam. Even the prejudiced accounts of Jesuits bear witness to the fact that Akbar continued ot hold in high regard many Islamic institutions. The charges that Akbar persecuted Islam and that he totally rejected stand disproved. But does this lead us to conclude that AkbarS was a Muslim? Perhaps not. Islam claims the total allegiance of man. In the matter of faith and belief it is totalitarian. One cannot accept it partially. It is unlike Christianity and Hinduism in this respect.* It is incompatible with any belief which is in any way contrary to its tenets or which directly or indirectly calls into question their absolute veracity. The reverence shown to fire and the sun, the making lawful of the flesh of bore, the marriage with Hindu ladies who were allowed to retain their faith, the permission given to the Jesuits to make converts to Christianity all these display a deliberate adoption of principles and practices contrary to Islam. It is also clear that these were not errors of omission or commission for which a man may feel sorry, but were *Two examples will suffice to bring out the point. Badayuni reports the pilgrimage of Gulbadan Begum and the stopping of pilgrimage in the same year. As for prayers, Badayuni himself reports that Mir Fathullah Shirazi offered prayers in the court itself and was not interfered with. See Sri Ram Sharma: The Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors, p

19 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE undertaken as desirable practices. All the above cited things are to be viewed in context of Akbar s eclecticism and his search for truths in all religions. His doings are thus not to be looked upon as the misdeeds of an erring Muslim but as the deliberate acts of a person who did not consider himself bound by Islamic law and who looked for inspiration to sources other than Islam. This was veritable apostasy. It did not necessarily involve a total rejection of Islam on the part of Akbar, but it did involve a loss of faith. ADVENT OF THE NAQSHBANDIA ORDER The Chihtia and the Suhrwardia silsilas had so far held the field in Indo- Muslim mysticism. The Naqshbandia order was founded by Khwaja Bahauddin of Bokhara (d. 1389). From its inception, the order laid great emphasis on conformity to the Shariat. The Salik was by no means to lose sight of his moorings while voyaging in the deep waters of mysticism. The new order thus combined orthodoxy with mysticism. The sheikhs of the order (unlike the Chishti mystics) cultivated the society of the kings and the nobles in order to use their influence in reforming the people. Babar and his father were both attached to the Naqshbandia order. In India, the order was introduced and popularized by Khwaja Baqi Billa Berang ( ). He came to India late in life and died within three or four years of his arrival. He was a man of great piety and learning. Such was the power of his mind and spirit that within this brief space of a few years he was able to lay the foundation of a powerful religious movement. His circle of disciples included a large number of Mughal nobles. Nawab Muratza Khan Sheikh Farid and Abdur rahim Khan-i-Khanan were among his notable admirers. SHEIKH AHMAD SARHINDI ( ) Mujaddid Alf Sani was a disciple of Khwaja Baqibilla. He was a man of vast learning and extraordinary intellect and processed a great force of character. He gave a permanent stamp of his own to the Naqshbandia order. He gave it a new philosophy, which stood in direct contradistinction to the Wujudu philosophy which had held the field ever since the days of the Sheikh-i- Akbar, Nuhyuddin Ibn Arabi ( ). The Mujaddid rejected the theory of wahdat-ul-wujud and described it as a very low stage of mystic experience, a deception of which the Salik should disabuse his mind in his progress to higher stages of mystical experience. According to the wujudi philosophy, the material universe was just a reflection of or an emanation from God who constitutes the reality of all existence, everything besides God having an unreal appearance is the cult of hama ust, says Ibn Arabi. There is nothing but God, nothing in existence other than He; there is not even a there where the essence of all things is one. This bears close resemblance to, though it is not identical with, Ployinus theory of emanation. 11

20 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 There was a far cry from Islam s simple doctrine of monotheism to Ibn Arabi s pantheism, yet such was the power of his intellect that he left a deep stamp on Muslim thought. Many Muslims subscribed to wahdatulwujud less the affirmation of the existence of the finite and temporal world should involve polytheism or shirk. The Mujaddid rejected wahdatulwujud both on the basis of his own mystical experience and the teaching of the Holy Prophet. He developed his own philosophy of existence which is known as wahdatusshahud. He affirms the duality and not identity of God and the finite universe. The universe is not the reflection but the creation of God. These two approaches to the apprehension of Reality symbolize on the intellectual plain two different religious tendencies. The wujudi philosophy commended the annihilation of self and was conducive to questism and seclusion. The shuhudi conception affirmed the existence of human ego and called forth activity. Wujudi philosophy was condemned by the orthodox ulemas as un-islamic and the more daring spirits on the wujudi camp frequently came into clash with the Shariat. The wahdatusshuhud brought mysticism and Shariat on a common point and culminated their conflict. The former had a family resemblance with Greek, Persian and Vedantic ideas and made Islam only one of the many paths leading to Reality. The latter was fundamentally based on Islam and affirmed its truth and its suspension of the earlier systems of belief. The Mujaddid bravely pitted himself against the process of approximation and rapprochement between Islam and Hinduism which had been in going on for centuries and which had culminated in the fanciful nevertheless portentous experiment of Din-i-Ilahi. India had been absorbing foreign races and religions in her amorphous religious system and Hali, the poet of our national regeneration has rightly described her as the swallower peoples (akkalul ummam). The issue which Mujaddid had to face was a historic onewas Islam to lose its identity as a religious system, was it to be one of the many paths leading to a common truth, or was it to be a missionary faith, sharply distinguished from other faiths, the only faith which had superseded other creeds? Or to put the same thing in terms of human groups, were the Muslims to lose their individuality into a lose, non-descript cosmopolitan congregation of peoples, or were they to maintain their integrity as a socioreligious community with its own pervading cultural values? Was the principal of the historical continuity of the group to be asserted and maintained, or was it to lose ground to an eclectic mysticism and universal humanism? Mujaddid Alf Sani stood unflinching for the principle of historic continuity. Taking a long view of things, he took the first substantial step towards separatism in Indo-Muslim history, the separatism which in the fullness of time culminated in the demand for the achievement of Pakistan. This is not just a literary flourish or a political propaganda; this is a view which I maintain as a serious student of history. The Mujaddid s efforts should be seen in their proper historical perspective. The next phase of the struggle thus initiated was the War of Succession, as we will presently see. 12

21 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE The Mujaddid as the first sizeable leader of ideas to assert the separatist principles had naturally to over emphasize his point and to take up an extreme position. He thus maintained that the contemporary decline in the fortunes of Islam was due to the close association of Muslim kings with Hindus, that the Jaziya was meant to humiliate the non-muslims, that the glory of Islam was lay in degrading the and that the Hindu God Rama and Krishna were despicable creatures of God. The hindus were not, however, the only target of his wrath, the non-sunni Muslim sects too came in very bitter comments. Such of the orthodox ulema who cared more for riches and palaces than for truth and piety and who acquicised in the whims of their masters and patrons were special objects of his contempt and censure. He considered them responsible for the contemporary religious disorders. The Mujaddid himself was a man of great force of character and had the courage of his convictions. When he was summoned to the court of Jahangir, he refused to prostrate himself or bow his head before the throne after the etiquette of the court. Some of his writings such as his claim to have attained a place higher than those of the pious caliphs during his mystical flights (vide from the famous Maktub Mazadhum) or that his own services to the Muslim faith had enhanced the status of the Holy Prophet, occasioned great controversy and invited censure from the ulema. It was his failure to satisfy Jahangir on the first point and his high handed deport before the throne which landed him in prison where he remained for one year. It is the most curious incident in the history of ideas that the revivalist creed and the orthodox mysticism enunciated by the great Mujaddid degenerated after his death into one of the most fantastic cult ever conceived. And the irony of the whole matter lies in the fact that it were some of the isolated remains of the Mujaddid, later on explained away by him, on which the new cult of Qayyumia was built up. The Qayyum which is in fact one of the 99 attributes of God and means one who Maintains or the Great Preserver, was according to the subscribers of the cult, a sort of vicegerent of God on the earth to whom He had delegated many of his powers. Thus, it was the Qayyum who kept the world going, from whom the solar bodies and all organic and inorganic things seek their orders and without whose support the world would crash into ruin. The change of seasons and the harvest was due to him. The Mujaddid was, according to the Qayyums, the first Qayyum. He was followed by his son Khwaja Mohammad Masum, the second Qayyum. Three generations after the Mujaddid, three or four of his successors were contending for the Qayyun s office, each one claiming that the universe was revolving around his person. The sublime thus passed into the ridiculous. The successors of the Mujaddid and other such of the Naqshbandia order maintained the Mujaddid sattitude towards non-muslims and non-sunnis and were responsible for a number of Shia-Sunni riots in Kashmir. 13

22 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 ABDUL HAQQ MUHADDITH Another great figure of the age was Sheikh Abdul Haqq of Delhi known as Muhaddith on account of the great contribution he made to the science of Traditions of Holy Prophet (ilm-ul-haddith). He was not entirely untouched by mysticism but he based his religious ideas exclusively on the Shariat and was a great bulwark of orthodoxy. He thus represented another wing of reaction this teacher at Mekkah, Sheikh Abdul Wahab Muttaqi, who was himself the disciple of Sheikh Ali Muttaqi. Both the Muttaqis were Indian Muslims who had successively migrated to Mekkah and had their established their reputations scholars and teachers of outstanding merit. It reflects great credit on Indo-Muslim scholarship that teachers from India earned a noble place for themselves in the land of the origin of faith. Both the aforesaid teachers were in the spiritual line Imam Ibn Taimiyya and looked askance on all deviations from the straight path of orthodoxy. To them all mystical ideas that did not fit in the framework of the shariat were heretical. They condemned the mystic system of Ibn Arabi. Sheikh Abdul Haqq was a prolific writer and left behind him a large number of books on a variety of subjects. JAHANGIR AND SHAH JAHAN Jahangir maintained the liberal policy of his father. He nixed with equal freedom with Muslim mystics, with Hindu Yogis and with Christian Fathers. The observance of Hindu festivals at the court was continued. He wisely avoided, however, the vagaries of his father. Though religion does not seem to be the inspiring motive of his life, he avoided anything in the affairs of the state that went explicitly against the letter of the law (shar). Shah Jahan was even more orthodox and religious minded. He was, however, wise enough to maintain a balance between the claims of orthodoxy and the liberal traditions of his dynasty. He continued to constitute the Hindus in army as well as administration. As a modern Hindu historian has pointed out, the Hindus held a large number of high ranks in the Mughal army than the Indians did in the British army. 2 An interesting strain of thought in Shah Jahan s reign is represented by Sheikh Muhibullah of Allahabad. He was a great admirer of Ibn Arabi and was himself highly respected as an exponent of wujudi mysticism. In certain directions he anticipated modern ideas. This is, for instance, his explanation of prophetic revelations through Gabriel. 2. Sri Ram Sharma, Religious Policy of the Mughal Emperors 14

23 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE The Gabriel of Mohammad was a part of his person. Similarly the Gabriel of each prophet was in himself and through him (Gabriel) revelation was transmitted to the prophet. Hence, (it was that) the Gabriel of each prophet spoke to him in his own language. THE QADIRIS- MIAN MIR Mujaddid Alf Sani had launched a furious attack on the wujudi mysticism, but the latter was far from succumbing to that attack. Its association with Sufism was too deep rooted to be severed at one stroke. Moreover the wujudi pantheism had such an inherent charm for the mystic mind that neither insistence on conformity with the shariat nor even the neo-mysticism of the Mujaddid could substantially weaken it. It is indeed attribute to the genius of Ibn Arabi as well as to the inherent spiritual and intellectual vitality of the wujudi idea that in every age it could claim to its fold great minds and great spirits. The period following the Mujaddid saw a resurgence of the wujudi mysticism under the auspices of Qadiri silsila. The credit for it goes to Sheikh Mina Mir of Lahore, who originally belonged to Sehwan in Sind. He was a great admirer of Ibn Arabi. He was very pious but his piety was of a mystic and not of the orthodox pattern. He was a recluse and remained engrossed in his meditations and penances. He would send his disciples to jungle for solitary meditation, which as an orthodox critic pointed out, prevented them from participating in congregational prayers. He came to see Jahangir at Agra. The latter was greatly impressed by him and speaks of him very highly in his memoirs. Shah Jahan also met him and was similarly impressed by him. Dara Shikoh was simply overwhelmed by his spiritual powers. The Sheikh won great fame and popularity during his lifetime and ranks among the great saints of the Mughal Age. MULLA SHAH- DARA SHIKOH Mian Mir s most notable disciple and his successor was Sheikh Mulla Shah Badakhshi Qadiri. He excelled even his preceptor in privations and penances. His ideas too were bolder than those of his master. Mulla Shah had among his admirers men of all faiths and persuasions. A Mughal Hindu noble, Wali Ram by name, gave up his wealth and rank and joined his circle. Wali s Persian verses-echo the themes of mystic love sung by Rumi and Jami. Shah Jahan held the Mulla in great esteem. Two of Shah Jahan s children, Dara Shikoh and Jahan Ara, became his disciples. Prince Dara Shikoh occupies a notable position in the history of Indo-Muslim mysticism. He was a profound student of comparative religion. Professor Habib describes him as the only Indo-Muslim scholar to whom one can refer in the same breath as to Al Beruni. He in fact improved upon Al Beruni in as much as he made a diligent study of the Upnashads which had been inaccessible to Al Beruni. His strong pantheistic learning made him a great 15

24 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 admirer of Vedantic philosophy and of Hindu Monists (muwahhidin). The prince, being the eldest son of the Emperor, occupied a position of preeminence in the country. Soon there recollected round him a number kindled spirits from among the Muslims as well as Hindus. The task of affecting a rapproactment between Islam and Hinduism was resumed in right earnest. Dara himself wrote a book entitled Majma-ul-Bahrain, The Confluence of the Two Oceans, in which he attempted a juxtaposition of sufic and yogic ideas. Both had to him the same spiritual and intellectual contents. Under Dara s inspirationand guidance a large number of Sanskrit works on religion and mysticism were translated into Persian. Dara s own work Majma-ul- Bahrain was translated into Sanskrit. Many high minded Hindus were thus inspired to a better appreciation of Muslim mysticism. Indeed it would be difficult to distinguish between the mystical writings of Chandra Bhan Brahman, Bhupat Rai Begham and Narain Bairagi on the one hand and those of Muslim sufis and other. THE WAR OF SUCCESSION Dara s wujudi mysticism was nothing short of heresy in the eyes of the orthodoxy. Some of his remarks, example, that the Holy Quran is derived from the Upnashids, or Thanks God that the conventional Islam vanished from my heart and (in its place) there appeared real paganism, caused an uproar and set the big guns of heterodoxy up against him. That the heir to the Mughal throne should have held such ideas was portentous. Dara s claim to the throne was, however, contested by his younger brother Aurangzeb. The war fought out between the two was not just a contest between ambitious rivals. It was something much more. The two princes represented two ideological camps, two distinctly marked out historical processes. The spiritual antecedents of the one were, Ibn Arabi, the wujudi mystics, the Bhakti saints, Akbar and Abul Fazl, and lastly Mian Mir and Mulla Shah; those of the other were Imam Ibn Taimiyya, the orthodox ulema of all ages Mujaddid Alf Sani, and Khwaja Mohammad (Aurangzeb is said to have been a disciple of Khwaja and in any case held him in great reverence). The orthodox camp was in fact fce to face with the situation as had confronted the Mujaddid. The question at issue was: should Islam stand as a missionary faith, sharply distinguished from other faiths, or should it be just one of the different paths to truth, all standing on a basis of equality and all equally justifiable? Were the bridges that were being built by the kindleled spirits from both sides to annihilate the distance and the difference between Islam and Hinduism to be continued and completed, or were they to be blown up? Was Islam to live on a basis of mutual recognition of equality, identity with other religious systems, or was it to stand in challenging antagonism to them. The issue of the contest was full of grave import for the future of 16

25 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE Islam in Indo-Pakistan. Aurangzeb won the contest. This was the second historic step in the development of Muslim separatism. AURANGZEB S RELIGIOUS POLICY The objective student of history must clearly distinguish between two things- the motives and objectives of Aurangzeb s policy on the one hand and on the other hand the factual results of his policy. Aurangzeb was actuated by a worthy motive: he aimed at shaping his policy in accordance with the shariat. It was immaterial to him if this caused inconvenience to anybody, to himself or to his Muslim subjects or to his Hindu subjects. Thus he lived a life of any privations and denied himself the comfort and luxury to which his imperial status entitled him. He lived a life of utter simplicity and rigorous piety. By his puritanical measures he tried, though rather vainly, to improve the moral tone of his Muslim and Hindu subjects. If he banned the celebration of Holi for reasons of social morality, he also banned the public observance of Muharram for similar reasons. If he abolished the celebration of Hindu festivals at the court, he also stopped the observance of the Persian Nauroz. If he re-imposed the jaziya as it was in accordance with the shariat. He abolished the other taxes as they were not sanctioned by the shariat. State protection was extended to hold temples as laid down by the shariat. Aurangzeb s motives are obvious. It stands to reason that if he was motivated by any hostility towards the Hindus, he would not have afforded financial relief to them by abolishing four scores of cesses, nor would have he encouraged the public observance of their religious ceremonies by removing taxes on them. So much for his motives. But what were the practical results of his measures? Objectively speaking, he started with the best of motives but ended by antagonizing the Hindus. Let us take up one specific point, the reimposition of Jaziya and explore it thoroughly. Jiziya or the Zar-i-Dhimma was unquestionably a just and equitable tax as originally conceived. The Muslim government undertook the obligation (Dhimma) to protect the life, honor, property and religious liberty of non-muslim subjects. Jiziya was thus the fees of the Muslim state for the service of protection. There have been cases when the Muslim government returned the money collected as jiziya if they felt unable to provide adequate protection to them. Be it remembered that the non-muslims were exempted from the obligation of military service. It was the Muslims who had to bear the brunt of fighting. The entire adult male Muslim population was a body of potential fighters, any of whom could be at any time called upon to join active service. The jiziya was thus a boon to the non-muslims. In the Ottoman Empire, the the non-muslims preferred jiziya to the liability to serve in the army. However, in India by the sixteenth century jiziya had changed its import and significance. It had become associated with a sense of subjection and humiliation. Imam Ghazali 17

26 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 (d c.) in his own day had complained that jiziya was being realized by such cruel means that it ceased to be permissible or lawful. Qazi Mughithuddin of Ala-ud-din Khilji s reign ( ) thus described the position of the Hindu tax prayer, If the tax collector wants to spit into his mouth, he should open his mouth to receive the saliva. He observed that jiziya was meant to humiliate the Hindus and Ala-ud-din heartily agreed with his view. A body of ulema of Firuz Shah s reign ( ) opined when consulted that the Brahmans should be made to pay the jiziya in a manner humiliating to them (vide, Afif, Tarikh-i-Firuz Shahi), Mujaddid Alf Sani, than whom it would be difficult to imagine a more authoritative exponent of the shariat, described that the jiziya was meant to humiliate and degrade the non-muslims. It is immaterial wether the above cited persons interoperated the law correctly or incorrectly on this point. The important point is the meaning which the general body of Muslim theologians did actually attach to the term jiziya. The Hindu was thus made to feel that the poll tax was a hallmark of inferiority, subordination and degradation. On the question of jiziya thereof it would be unhistorical to take away the term from its contemporary associations and to appeal to its original meaning. In regards to temples, Aurangzeb followed the principle, to quote his own words from the famous Benaras Farman: It is laid down by the shar that the old temples are not to be pulled down but new temples are not to be set up. The same farman instructed the local officer to see that nobody tempered with the sanctity of the old temple at Benaras and that its Brahman keepers performed their duties undisturbed. As for the new temples, repeated orders were issued to demolish them. Repair of old temples was also forbidden. Aurangzeb continued to employ the Hindus in fairly large number and in all ranks including the highest. The proportion of the Hindu employees however decreased in his reign. He also tried to break the Hindu monopoly of the Revenue Department for sound administrative reasons. A farman was thereof issued forbidding the employment of Hindus in the Revenue Department. The order was later on withdrawn and modified again for administrative reasons. There would have been many Hindus, however, who would have failed to see the administrative reasons behind these orders and whose sentiments would have been gravely injured. Here again, it is necessary to distinguish between motives and results. A statesman should not take into consideration merely the inner soundness of his measures but should also give equal or even more consideration to the psychology, subjection and susceptibilities of his people. It is curious to conjure up if Aurangzeb ever pondered over the fact of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq. Most of the projects of the Sultan were sound in principle but failed because of lack of adjustment with the sentiments of the people. There is a far cry from Mohammad bin Tughlaq to Aurangzeb in point of personality as well as policy. Yet there is this much common that both processed an inordinate confidence in the inner consistency and abstract 18

27 RELIGIOUS TRENDS OF THE MUGHAL AGE justice of their measures and showed a woeful lack of appreciation of the sentiments of the people who were likely to be affected by them. 19

28 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT: A FRENCH COMMERCIAL INFORMER OR A CRITIC OF THE FRENCH STATE? Dr. Sakul Kundra* Abstract French commercial and, later, political expansion in South Asia from 1600 to 1800 has attracted the attention of many historians. French travellers played a significant part in exploring overseas markets and establishing commercial links between Europe and South Asia. However, there has been a lack of historical research, on assessment of commercial information regarding India and its converse impact on the French state, provided by Francois Bernier in his travellers accounts. Therefore this article made an attempt to make an assessment of Francois Bernier s Travel account in relation to its commercial relevance. An attempt shall be made to present a true picture of Bernier s contribution in analyzing Indian commercial prospects and his hidden warning to Louis XIV against politicizing his ambitious goals to expand his political control over the need for improvement of French commercial structures Keywords: French traveler s accounts, Commercial expansion, Comparing French and Indian commercial interlinks and Travelers interpretation. *Assistant Professor, Lakshmibai College, Delhi Univers, India 20

29 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT French commercial and, later, political expansion in South Asia from 1600 to 1800 has attracted the attention of many historians. French travellers played a significant part in exploring overseas markets and establishing commercial links between Europe and South Asia. However, there has been a lack of historical research, on assessment of commercial information regarding India and its converse impact on the French state, provided by Francois Bernier in his travellers accounts. Therefore this article made an attempt to make an assessment of Francois Bernier s Travel account in relation to its commercial relevance. This article highlights two basic arguments simultaneously related to the information provided by Bernier s accounts. Firstly, Bernier s accounts had conveyed a significant amount of commercially significant information to French state. His contribution stands foremost in familiarizing the French with the available commercial opportunities in India and mercantilist mechanism of India, notwithstanding the French failure to extract commercial benefits from India, as compared to the other European powers. He gave substantial guidelines to the French commercial overseas explorers for dealing adroitly with the Indian authorities at central and provincial level. He facilitated the Frenchmen to scrutinize the sites for their factories and created awareness among the French embassies about the Indian customs and practices. His travel records discussed important issues that were mandatory for the French explorers to know in order to achieve commercial success in India. The information regarding Indian geography, metallic content of the currency, economic conditions of various sections existing in Indian society, Indian imports and exports, Indian revenues statistics, diplomatic tactics and measures adopted by the French rival European companies to extract benefits from the Indian trade and lots more. His travel records present him like a commercial informer for French State, who explored the Indian economic structure and suggested essential measures to Louis XIV and Colbert for establishing French trade with India. Secondly, Bernier constantly compared the commercial structure of India with that of France. He gave a veiled message accusing the French Monarchy for its weak commercial policies. As Louis XIV s priorities to establish political hold over commercial expansion hampered the financial reforms taken by Colbert. This finally led to the decline of French trade in Indian Oceans. Direct accusation against French Monarch was not accepted under Louis XIV s absolute rule. Therefore, Bernier took India as an example to show the negative consequences of despotic policies of the Mughals in regards to their policies over their economic structure. It gave a suggestion to Louis XIV for checking his absolutist policies otherwise it may have to face the negative consequences as happening in India. After taking this overall picture into consideration, an attempt shall be made to present a true picture of Bernier s contribution in analyzing Indian commercial prospects and his hidden warning to Louis XIV against 21

30 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 politicizing his ambitious goals to expand his political control over the need for improvement of French commercial structures. French Travellers in Mid-17th Century The French travellers throw a valuable light on the trade and economy of India in mid 17 th century by leaving valuable accounts of their observations and experiences in the form of memoirs, diaries, journals, travelogues, personal letters, communications addressed to their friends and relatives in Europe, and official papers and reports of their missions. Some French travellers gave vivid description regarding the economy of India and provided invaluable information on subjects like Indian coinage, weights and measures, mineral wealth of Mughal India, price of mineral articles, popular trade routes principle Indian and foreign ports in Indian seas, important trading centers, customs and tariffs of period. On the whole, these travellers drew an almost complete picture of the economy of the period. 1 Firstly, Jean Baptiste Tavernier, 2 a merchant by profession, who traveled to India six times, provided considerable authoritative record of the Mughal economy. Tavernier s description of the trade and economy of Mughal Empire forms a vital source of economic history of that period and his treatment of the subjects was logical and almost free from inherent biases and prejudices. Secondly, Jean de Thevenot 3 and Jean Chardin 4 also left behind valuable accounts of India in the 17 th century. Thirdly, records of two French travellers, Francois Martin 5 and Abbe Carre 6, who were associated with the French East India Company, gave important insights about the commercial avenues and opportunities available in India. These travellers also tried to sketch a picture of the relationship shared among the Indian merchants in pre-colonial India, and assumed that the Mughal state was, by and large, oppressive, adopted antithetical attitude towards commerce, made large extortions, imposed arbitrary cases on merchants and mercantile property and gave concessions to the Europeans in terms of preferential custom rates. In spite of these miscalculations in understanding the relations of the Indian merchants and the Mughal state by French travelers, Francois Bernier s travel accounts provided a more analytical and comparative account of the Indian and French commercial structures. His account had fewer shortcomings as compared to rest of the French travellers in mid-17 th century, and his uniqueness was his constant comparison of the commercial potential of French and Indian state. Bernier tried to satisfy the French urge of commercial expansion by providing valuable accounts like describing the customs and practices prevailing in India; demonstrating graphic picture of Indian revenues and explaining reasons for accumulation of gold and silver metals in India, and lastly, he indicated the means, which should be adopted by the French state to be a successful commercial power in India after defeating their European rivals. 22

31 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT Impact of Louis XIV s French Commercial Expansion in Indian Subcontinent The rise of centralized states in the 15 th century Europe with strong monarchs gave encouragement to geographical discoveries and explorations, overseas expansion and colonization. There was political instability under the Bourbon dynasty during Louis XIII, and Louis XIV, the new King had assumed personal rule in 1661 and was determined to reduce the nobility and all other sources of potential opposition to obedience under the absolutist crown. Louis XIV, in the quest for territorial gains and his dynastic ambitious ignored the potential of Colbert s Asian campaign and retarded French ambitions in the Indian Ocean trade and reduced France to an inferior position in the capitalist world economy. Colbert s effort to achieve national economic stability and self-sufficiency 7 could not withstand the insatiable demands of Louis XIV s increasingly expensive war. 8 The French mercantile activities were controlled by the government to such an extent that they diminished the drive, skill and initiative of the company. The French East India Company was compelled by the state direction to govern its colonies in accordance with the laws of Paris. The link between the merchants and the government was the key for commercial progress, as the merchants depended on their governments to provide a navy to protect and defend their overseas investments, and governments depended equally on entrepreneurship, not only to generate money to build ships, but also to sustain trade upon which national power had come to rely on heavily. 9 Thus, the French East India Company was not based on a solid support from the rising capitalist class, but it was dependent on the controller-general s power and his ability to arrange investment and support from a Crown and aristocracy, despite his best efforts, continued to view the campaign as merely as an extension of dynastic struggles in Europe. 10 Internal fighting among the Directors of French East India Company immensely harmed the commercial interests of the company in India; these were, Caron and Marcara Avacinz. 11 Thus it can be summed up that the political formulation under Louis XIV was one of the prime causes for the failure of French in the Indian Ocean. Francois Bernier s Association with Jean-Baptiste Colbert Francois Bernier wrote his account Travel in the Mogul Empire AD in French language and probably for the French state, the commercial merchant class and French masses. Notwithstanding this, the account was not altogether based according to the whims and fancies of the French East India Company. Albeit, he was in constant touch with the finance minister of Louis XIV, named Jean-Baptiste Colbert ( ). Bernier wrote to him in a sycophantic language to please him. He said It was in Hindoustan, My 23

32 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Lord, whither your fame extends and from which country I am lately returned after an absence of twelve years, that I first became acquainted with the happiness of France and with the share which you have had in promoting it, by your unwearied attention and brilliant abilities. 12 Tavernier after his arrival in France, had an interview with Louis XIV and he sold the king a large number of diamonds and other precious stones, and, on February 1669, in consideration of his eminent services to France, he was granted letters which conferred upon him a title of nobility. 13 Bernier in his travel accounts, addressed one letter directly to Colbert, explaining the possibility of trade between France and India, concerning the extent of Hindoustan, the currency towards, and final absorption of gold and silver in that country; its resources, armies, the administration of justice and the principal cause for the decline of the states of Asia. 14 In 1668, Francois Bernier, was on his way back to Europe after a stay for eight years at the court of the Great Mughal. At Surat, he met M.Carron, who had been given the responsibility to lay the foundation of trade between France and India on behalf of the French East India Company (La Compagnie des indes Orientales). It was on Carron s request that Bernier wrote the memoir. 15 Bernier probably wrote to Colbert because he wanted employment and to get his travel records published. When he returned to France, he tried to approach Colbert via Chapelain with a view to gain an audience with the King. Finally, Bernier succeeded in getting a license with the favour of the King, dated on 25 th April 1670, at Paris. 16 Therefore, Bernier was writing for the French readers, and he needed the help of Louis XIV for getting his record published. So, a direct accusation of the French monarchy s weak commercial policies was not possible. Bernier dedicated Travels in the Mogul Empire to King Louis XIV, in 1670, Paris edition. 17 Bernier conveyed directly to Colbert the avenues available for the French Company in the Indian seas; demonstrating the immense the wealth and riches of the Mughal empire and depicted the causes for the weakness of French commercial policies. Grandeur and Glorification of French and Indian Emperors The wealth and grandeur of the Mughal Empire is elaborately described by Bernier. Bernier compared Shah Jahan amassing huge wealth without engaging in warfare in comparison to Louis XIV s ambitious military expansions creating financial bankruptcy in France. He said, Chah- Jehan,(Shahjahan) who was a great economist and reigned for more than forty years without being involved in any great war. 18 Bernier s description of Mughal wealth was exaggerated. According to M.Athar Ali, there was no increase in the income of the Mughal state after 1605 A.D. It was due to this reason that Shah Jahan introduced monthly scale in the mansabdari system. The memorandum of Bernier provided statistical data of the revenues received by the Great Mughals. He estimated that the combined revenue from the Mughal subahs, parganas and sarkars was twenty two Kouroures 24

33 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT (22,59,35,500 exact) 19 and pointed out huge discrepancies between the estimated and collected Mughal revenue. 20 He probably correlated this to the problem of discrepancy between the amount of tax collected and actually deposited to the royal treasury in France, as the major portion was absorbed by the French tax-farmers and tax-collectors. No uniform system of taxation operated in France; each province was taxed separately, with the varying incidence of both direct and indirect taxation, levied by different methods and with varying degrees of favouritism or hardships. 21 Mughal king s appearance was describe by Bernier, King appeared seated upon his throne, at the end of the great hall, in the most magnificent attire, his vest was of white and delicately followed satin, with silk and gold embroidery of the finest texture. 22 In describing the Mughal throne, he wrote the throne was supported by six massy feet, said to be of solid gold, sprinkled over with rubies, emeralds and diamonds and the throne valued at four kourours of roupies. 23 These references to the Mughal king s appearance and throne probably echoed Bernier s concern about the ongoing trend of the glorification of French monarchy under Louis XIV s rule since his coronation in This exaltation of royalty became conspicuous in 1682 with the building of Versailles palace by Louis XIV. 24 The palace was designed to appear to his subjects as a temple dedicated to the worship of demigod and this elevated the King above the rest of mankind. 25 Bernier certainly wanted to draw the attention of the French state towards the huge financial expenditure and monetary losses incurred by the French economy in Louis XIV s ostentatious celebration of monarchy. Bernier also described the way through which Mughal emperor collected huge amounts of wealth. He said, all these precious stones, and valuable articles, are the spoils of ancient princes, patans and rajas, collected during a long course of years, and increasing regularly under every reign, by presents which the omrahs are compelled to make on certain annual festivals. 26 This enormous amount of precious material belonged to the King. He said, the whole of this treasure is considered the property of the crown, which it is criminal to touch, upon the security of which the King, in a time of pressing necessity. 27 This forcible collection of treasure created displeasure and dissatisfaction among some Indian nobles. This situation was comparable with the French nobles whose financial privileges were taken away after the enthronement of Louis XIV in The real state of the great Mughal was described by Bernier. He gave an indirect hint to the French state on the way of governance. He said, although the Great Mogol is in receipt of immense revenue, his expenditure being much in the same proportion, he cannot possess the vast surplus of wealth that the most people seem to imagine I should call that King effectively rich who, without oppressing or impoverishing his people, possessed revenues sufficient to support the expenses of a numerous and magnificent court, to erect grand and useful edifices, to indulge a liberal and kind disposition, to maintain a military force for the defense of his 25

34 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 dominions and besides all this, to reserve an accumulating fund that would provide against any unforeseen rupture with his neighbors, although it should prove of some years durations. 28 These words of Bernier about the Indian structure and the state of Great Mughals seen to give an indirect advice to the absolute French monarch, Louis XIV, as to how an effective monarch should govern without oppressing the people, and one should always reserve resources for unforeseen emergencies, military operations and political expansions. Colbert s efforts to achieve national economic stability and self-sufficiency could not withstand the insatiable demands of Louis XIV s increasingly expensive wars. Nor did his overseas trading companies ever achieve the stature of those of the England and the Holland. Therefore, Bernier was using the Indian structures as instances to indicate the systemic loopholes and defects prevailing under Louis XIV s policies. Question of Precious Metal in India Numerous stories about the fabulous riches of the east were recounted by Bernier. He explained the position of Indian metallic balance. He stated: gold and silver come from every quarter of the globe to Hinduostan, to be swallowed up and in large measure to remain permanently in India. From Europe and America, gold goes to Turkey in payment for goods imported from it; from Turkey by further trade with Persia and Yemen, it passes to Hindustan in exchange for the three celebrated ports of trade, Moka on the Red Sea, Bassora on the Persian Gulf and Gomeron near Ormuz. On the South-East Asian side, Indian vessels, whether they belonged to Indians or the Dutch, English or the Portuguese, carried merchandise from Hindoustan to Pegu, Tenasserim, Siam, Ceylon or Acheen from which countries it received a quantity of precious materials. Moreover a part of the gold and silver which Dutch drew from Japan also finds its way to Hindoustan. Although Hindoustan imported goods from all over the world. She obtained copper, cloves and nutmegs from the Moluccas and Ceylon, broad cloths from France, lead from England more than 25,000 horses from Usbec, Arabic and Persia; musk and porcelain from China; pearls from El Bahrein and Ceylon; rhinoceros horns and slaves from Ethiopia and immense quantity of dry fruits and fresh fruits from Samarkand, Bali, Bokhara and Persia. 29 Then, he explained, the real mechanism of the balance of trade, the importation of all these articles into Hindoustan does not however occasion the export of gold and silver because the merchants who bring them find it advantageous, to take back, in exchange the production of the country. 30 Further, he stated, supplying itself with articles of foreign growth or manufacture, does not therefore, prevent Hindoustan from absorbing a large portion of the gold and silver of the world, admitted through a variety of channels, while there are scarcely an opening for its returns. 31 Bernier also suggested that a country absorbing large amounts of precious metals like 26

35 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT gold and silver should produce enough agricultural and manufactured goods to maintain their balance of trade. The availability of the precious metals was not enough to make a country rich in the long duration of time because gold and silver in them cannot provide more goods and services to the people, unless they are used for expansion of production. Otherwise that country is likely to become critically dependent on imports and its own potential will not be brought into use. Bernier stated that, the precious metals must abound in Hindoustan, although the country is destitute of mines; and the Great Mogol, lord and master of the greater part, must necessarily be in the receipt of immense revenue, and possess incalculable wealth. 32 Thus, Bernier tried to give an indirect lesson to Colbert to the effect that if France could produce manufactured goods as much in demand as in the land of Aurengzeb, then that could certainly ensure him of a positive flow of precious metals. France was facing the problem of shortage of money within its economy despite a great increase in coinage from 1640 to 1680 and large inflow of bullion from Spain. Much of this circulated media, especially in the 1660 s and 1670 s, comprised of silver and copper coins, and there were many complaints of good gold and silver leaving the country. 33 The problem for French state was money. The shortage of money could hinder the payment of taxes or lead to deflation and depression in the economic life. 34 And with the increasing economic activity in Europe as a whole, the certainly growing need for precious metals grew. But due to increasing French military expenditure and grandeur the government was forced to increase taxation over masses. Thus, it became almost imperative for French state to take necessary measures to increase the manufactured goods and achieve a favourable balance of trade. Bernier gave an appropriate solution to the problem to the shortage of money in France. Indian Blockade of Precious Metals The paradox of the Indian economy that Mughal empire was an abyss for gold and silver was brought into forefront by Bernier as on the contrary, the inhabitants have less appearance of a moneyed people than those of many other parts of the world. 35 Bernier explained that northern India received large quantities of gold and silver which were melted, re-melted and wasted, in the fabrication of women s bracelets and huge quantity 36 was consumed in the manufacturing of embroideries. 37 These precious metals thus got transformed into jewellery and other articles of personal adornment. This blocked the circulation and economic use of precious metals as an investible capital in the manufacturing processes in India. This was one of the reasons for the decline of Mughal empire given by Bernier to the European state. Another reason was given by Bernier for the blockage of circulation of money. He said that the King was the proprietor of the land and, in lieu of regular cash payments, gave rights over the land to his nobles, provincial 27

36 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 governors and military officers. The latter exercised these rights with absolute authority over the peasants, artisans and merchants and, in a cruel and oppressive manner. 38 This tyranny deprived the common men of the fruits of their industry, which in turn obstructed the progress of agriculture and trade. Attention of Bernier s reader was also drawn towards the superstitious beliefs prevailing in India and leading to the blockade of gold and silver. He stated, when a person acquired wealth, the possessor, so far from living with increased comfort and assuming an air of independence, studies the means by which he may appear indigent his gold and silver remain buried at a great depth in the ground; agreeable to the general practice among the peasantry, artisan and merchants, whether Mahometans or Gentiles 39, but especially among the later, who possess almost exclusively the trade and wealth of a country, and who believe that the money concealed during life will prove beneficial to them after death. 40 This information is also corroborated by Tavernier, who stated there are some among them who are foolish enough to bury their treasures during their lifetime, as, for instance, nearly all the rich men of the kingdom of Assam, so that if they enter, after death, the body of any poor and miserable mendicant, they can have recourse to the money which they have buried in order to draw from it at necessity. This is the reason why so much gold and silver and many precious stones are buried in India, and an idolater must be poor indeed if he has not money buried in the earth. 41 Bernier concluded I have no doubt that this habit of secretly burying the precious metal and thus withdrawing them from circulation, is the principal cause of their apparent scarcity in Hindoustan. 42 Bernier discusses the three aforesaid problems blocking the circulation and productive use of precious metals and in turn, commercial expansion in India in relation to the French problem of the lack of investment by the French bourgeoisie. As road of great wealth for French bourgeoisie lay not in trade and industry but rather in royal finances, the capital acquired in trade and industry was channeled into the purchase of rentes, of official posts and titles. Thus, there was a lack of private investment and private capital accumulation and the available surplus was almost entirely absorbed by expenditure on the maintenance of a large army and funding of continuous warfare. 43 Therefore, France lagged behind the other maritime countries in commerce. In France, selling of official posts and titles had opened up an enormous avenue of uneconomical investment for the more prosperous members of middle classes and merchants, who were more interested in the social advancement of themselves and their descendants than in the productive investment of their capital in new enterprises. 44 In the reign of Louis XIV, purchase of nobility by wealthy rotouriers increased, and this gave them possession of fiefs, exemption from the taille and extravagant lifestyle. Thus, provincial noblesse revived in the early 17 th century ancient and dormant custom of derogation and declared the status of nobility as incompatible with trade. But, this did not discourage the 28

37 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT ambitious merchants to acquire both the forms and substance of hereditary nobility by service to the crown, by marriage and by purchase of noble fiefs or legal offices. This prejudice against trade immobilized the capital and energies, not only of ancienne noblesse but also of the newly ennobled merchants, who in order to preserve their status, invested their commercial profits in office, land and government bonds and lived as rentiers. 45 Social attitudes did create an important obstacle in the French commercial expansion, as this prejudice against trade alienated both the noblesse and the merchant interest from commerce. Thus, the sale of offices acted as a sponge that absorbed the energies of the French business world. The distinction between social status and trade was maintained by the prejudices of the noblesse and the merchants. This was in the personal interest of territorial expansion or military glory of Louis XIV. 46 It may be concluded that there was lack of private initiative and capital investment in commercial expansion because the French state provided opportunities for investment which carried no risk with them and led to the social advancement of the bourgeoisie. Bernier tried to relate the Indian problem of blockade circulation of precious metals with ongoing lack of commercial investment by the French bourgeoisie. Thus, he gave a veiled warning against Louis XIV s policies, which created opportunities for bourgeoisie to invest in offices instead of commercial activities. Counteraction on European Commercial Competitors It was stated by Bernier that the existing competition, jealously and rivalry among the European East India Companies to establish commercial links with India. He pointed out that, I suspect that our rivals have spread the impression at court (Mughal Court) that French belong to a King who is very powerful and that we are a warlike, domineering and turbulent nation it seems to me that it would, at the beginning, be a good thing to try to remove from the mind of Aurangzeb and the ministers every ground for fearing that we should one day become too powerful in these regions. 47 These companies always attempted to outdo each other for furthering their own personal commercial motives in India. Bernier suggested that the French should be conscious enough not to let their enemy spread rumors, stating Dutch might not make it an excuse for making French hated seeing us(french) supporting a man who passes for a pirate all the Muhamadans being very regardful of these vessels, seeing that they carry their Hajis or Pilgrims to Mecca. 48 Bernier advised the Frenchmen to highlight the decline of the Portuguese and the Dutch, whose excessive profiteering and the use of force had ruined the pilgrimages to Mecca. He gave clear instructions to the Frenchmen that they should not over praise the French monarchy by portraying Louis XIV as greater than the king of England, Portugal, Denmark or Holland. 29

38 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Several instructions were given by Bernier that not to reveal, and perhaps, even deny that the Louis XIV had subscribed one-fifth of the capital share in the French East India Company. 49 He suggested for making a moderate show in the embassy to Delhi and that for this reason it would be enough if either Monsieur Carron or Monsieur de Faye went there alone. He said one should send only embassies of Frenchmen to India and Persia simultaneously, which might remove the cause of jealousy of the king of Persia. 50 This kind of information was very significant for the Frenchmen to demonstrate their right image in the Indian courts, extract commercial benefits from the Indian monarch, and counteract the diplomatic measures of the European rivals. Role of Gifts and Bribes in India Vital information was provided by Bernier to the Frenchmen about the prevailing customs and traditions in India that one should know before establishing commercial contact with the Indians. Bernier said My lord(colbert), the greats were never approached empty-handed, 51 as he described his personal experience that when I had the honour to kiss the garment of the great Mogol Aureng-Zebe(Aurangzeb), I presented him with eight roupies, as a mark of respect; and I offered a knife-case, a fork and a pen-knife mounted in amber to the illustrious Fazel-kan (The Accomplished Knight), a minister charged with the weightiest concerns of the empire, on whose decision depended the amount of my salary as physician. 52 Bernier suggested that offering presents to the emperor was mandatory, but the extent of reciprocal favours from the royal recipient depended on, how cleverly and intelligently the Frenchmen presented them. He gave the example of Dirk van Adrichem, who was the chief or director of the Dutch factory at Surat from 1662 to With an astute mind, he succeeded in obtaining a concession from Aurangzeb on 29 th, October 1662 by presenting gifts, getting accustomed to the Indian customs before-hand and conducting himself accordingly. This helped him in securing valuable privileges for the Dutch in Bengal and Orissa. 53 In another example, Bernier demonstrated that presents were also given by the Indian nobles to the Indian king for getting favours. He stated, Jemla 54, who had by his address contrived to obtain frequent invitations to the court of Chah-Jehan,...carried the most magnificent presents, in the hope of inducing the Mogul to declare war against the King of Golkonda and Bijapur and against the Portuguese he presented Chah-Jehan with that celebrated diamond which has been generally deemed unparalleled in size and beauty 55 which was most probably Koh-i-nur. 56 It was explained by Bernier that it was not just the ambassadors who were bound to present gifts to the monarch, but omrahs or Indian nobles were also compelled by custom to present magnificent gifts to the king during the festivals and on anniversaries. Bernier informed an ancient custom attends 30

39 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT these anniversary days of rejoicing, not at all agreeable to the omrahs. They are expected to make a handsome present to the king, more or less valuable according to the amount of their pay. 57 Some of omrahs used this occasion to bribe the king and get personal favours fulfilled. They used the opportunity of presenting gifts of extraordinary magnificence, sometimes for the sake of an ostentatious display, sometimes to divert the king from instituting an inquiry into the exactions committed in their official situations or governments and sometimes to gain the favour of the king and by that means obtain an increase of salary. 58 Bernier also revealed that extraordinary amounts of presents were given to the influential royal Mughal princesses to get their favours. Begum-Saheb 59 accumulated great riches by means of her large allowances and of the costly presents which flowed in from all quarters. 60 Some foreign ambassadors 61 were even more cunning as they obtained money in return for their presents and gained still more considerable sums by means of the numerous horses, and different articles of merchandise, which they introduced into the kingdom free of all duty, as property belonging to ambassadors. With these horses and merchandise, they purchased the manufactures of Hindoustan, which they also claimed the privilege of taking out of the kingdom without the payment of the impost charged on all commodities exported. 62 Ambassadors were honest spies under the guise to lie for their King and their country. They were believed to be the official intelligence gatherers who tried to collect information about roads, mountain passes, provisions, the size and equipments of the king s army etc. After the revolution 63 in India, numerous foreign kings sent their ambassadors with magnificent gifts to acknowledge Aurangzeb s supremacy over India. 64 They were searching for opportunities to establish alliances with the Indian kings against their common enemies. Presents and gifts played an essential role at the national and provincial levels. Bernier provided this highly essential information to Frenchmen about Indian customs and traditions. He also gave suggestions for the intelligent use of presents or bribes for extracting commercial benefits. Salam or Indian Act of Obeisance It was discussed by Bernier that the manner in which the ambassadors entered the court of Aurengzeb. Present in the audience, he witnessed the ambassadors, when at a distance made a Salam, or Indian act of obeisance, placing the hand thrice upon the head and as often dropping it down to the ground. They then approached so near that Aureng-Zebe might easily have taken the letters from their own hands; the letters were presented to the king, who after having perused the contents with a grave countenance, commanded that, 65 the ambassadors should be given a Ser-apah or vesture from head to foot: namely, a vest of brocade, a turban, and a sash or girdle, 31

40 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 of embroidered silk. 66 Bernier described the height of the submissiveness of the ambassadors. He said, they came away from the audience delighted with their reception, without any feeling of mortification on account of the salam à l Indien, which certainly savors of servility, and not at all displeased that the king had refused to receive the letters from their own hands. If they had been required to kiss the ground, or to perform any act of still deeper humiliation, I verily believe they would have complained without a murmur. 67 Bernier stated that court officials will not prevent the Frenchmen during entering or leaving the court in king presence, without making salam, as it was not the French fashion; nevertheless, if after having received the serapahs 68 or dresses, I see no harm in doing it; all the more because I have never seen any ambassador who did not do it, unless it were the ambassador from Persia, 69 who came to India for the display of their wealth and honour. Bernier advised the Frenchmen about the prevalent Indian customs which should not be neglected such as, before entering the court one should know how to propitiate the doorkeepers adequately because if they were not given something then they very badly ill-treated on entering the castle. 70 Therefore, Bernier advised the Frenchmen to give tips or presents to the guards and subordinates, for getting proper respect and avoiding undue interruption in their commercial operations. Significant Frenchmen for Embassies It was suggested by Bernier that the French embassies should give handsome and costly presents to the centre and not to forget to give a part of it to Jafar Khan, the Vizir. Pointing out the latter s importance, he stated, the success of our business depends principally upon him and on him depends the weightiness, the tenor and the dispatch of those different firmans which are necessary for the establishment of factories and those letters of recommendation which, he may write to the governors of the provinces. 71 Hence according to Bernier, these firmans were necessary for successful business and, the favours of chief officers should be won with the help of presents and promises. Importance to the letter of recommendation was given Bernier, which every mercantile group should not fail to take it from Jafar Khan before leaving Delhi, which is addressed to the ambassador of the Mogul who will be in Golkonda. This is a very needful thing for he is a devil and an avaricious knave, who for his own interests wishes that all business should pass through his hands. 72 This letter of recommendation from the Governor if they offered any of their own accord, which they would be sure to do in order to show their importance and in the hope that we should remember them, but always remember to place reliance on no one but Jafar Khan. 73 Bernier stated that it was almost mandatory to contact Jafar Khan in advance to make residential arrangements before the arrival of French ambassador at Agra. 32

41 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT This French traveller suggested to give some presents to his son Namdar Khan 74 and wife. This man was much serviceable and did not hate the French, and, his wife was one of the most powerful, imperial and intriguing ladies of the court. 75 Bernier further recommended discretion and secrecy in handling the political links, as there existed a great degree of jealously and enmity among these omrahs. Bernier advised his countrymen that I think that it would almost be best not to go further than Jafar Khan and his households. 76 Some persons were refer by Bernier who could be of use to the Frenchmen in establishing commercial links with India. He gave an elaborate description of the relations shared by them among each other. This kind of information must have proved crucial to the French East India Company that had strong desires to establish links with India. Bernier stated that the recourse to Danechmend 77 and Dianatkan 78 should be taken only in the case of extreme urgency, and, only when Jafar khan wanted to delay the affairs intentionally. He suggested that close links with both the parties be maintained and they be kept happy. Importance of the Interpreter Bernier stressed the importance of a good interpreter for making the French business in India successful, facilitating their correspondence with Indians, and, extricating Frenchmen from various difficult and disagreeable situations. He stated that they (i.e. French) need a good and faithful interpreter, thoroughly experienced and familiar with the customs and practices in the country and protocol at the court of Babar. 79 He advised that every means should be adopted to hire good interpreters because they were really necessary for the embassies sent to Delhi, Golkonda and neighbouring areas where the Frenchmen intended to establish their factories. 80 Bernier stated the interpreter should be competent enough to read and write in various languages. He suggested the names of interpreters for different regions such as Jean-Baptiste Chomber for Aurangabad, born of French parents, and competent in different languages; Signor Iakimo, son of a Frenchman competent in Indian, Persian and Portuguese languages for Agra, and Monsieur saint Jacques, a Frenchman for the Delhi durbar. These interpreters should be employed carefully, enticed with presents and handled cleverly and tactfully so that they must not attempt to be the master of there own, but work according to the directions of superior authorities. It was suggested by Bernier that for benefit of the French business in India, every French embassy should have a man at court with whom we are in correspondence to keep a hand on our business so as not to be obliged to send special messengers whom they will always want to devour there as soon as they see them. 81 He also pointed out that the royal firmans from the centre played a significant role in establishing commercial bases in the 33

42 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 provinces. These firmans prevented the corrupt governors and the officers from exacting money from the commercial merchants. Dutch commercial explorers mention that the great difficulty of doing business in India is not in the sale or purchase of goods, men of moderate intelligence soon master that, but rather in knowing how to protect oneself from the exactions of the governors of provinces and the self-possessed and greedy scoundrels, their officials. 82 This information is also corroborated by the later traveller who as an alien merchant, was forced to fend for himself alone against a formidable array of rascals. 83 Frenchmen on their part found dealing with local merchants who were well entrenched in the trade of the Indian Ocean a difficult affair. Bernier probably mentioned this problem to create awareness about the complicated system of the French internal custom barriers such as tolls on roads, bridges and rivers with high cost of transportation, and custom duties levied by tax-farmers on all goods passing from one province to another. This was a major obstacle in the French commercial progress. Patience and Self-Control in Indian System Bernier informed about yet another practice of the Mughal Emperors, a habit of detaining all ambassadors as long as can reasonably done, from an idea that it is becoming his grandeur and power, to receive the homage of foreigners and to number them among the attendants of his court. 84 He suggested that the French temper and pride should be controlled and, the ambassadors should not insist that the Indian emperor take the letter personally from them. Bernier demonstrated the differences in religion of the Frenchmen who believed in Christianity and the Indian Muhamadans who believed in Islam. He suggested that these religious differences should be considered before undertaking any commercial activity. Bernier told Frenchmen to get it clearly into your head that they are Muhamadans and we Christians and that in consequence they hate us at least as much as we hate them. 85 Every French embassy and merchants should need to have extra-patience, self-control, prudence and mastery over the French temper in dealing with Indians. He said that the people of India were cold and slow by nature there is no place in the world where business goes so slowly, they think their honour and dignity are concerned in keeping the ambassadors waiting at court as if the king and noblemen were always occupied in more important business; they think that with time they will always be able better to discover the temper and the designs of the visitors and then finally, one would say that they pretended to despise strangers so as to impress upon the minds of their subjects an idea of their own greatness. 86 He advised the Frenchmen to have self-control in the oriental world for their successful commercial operations. 34

43 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT Identification of Commercially Significant Persons Bernier identified individuals, who could be used for the French commercial expansion in Golkonda. These people were, firstly, Haknatsar, a Persian, by caste an Armenian, who himself a Muhamadan, but none the less always love and supports Armenians. He has great opportunities of access to the secretary and even to the king and is a great intriguer, but one should take care in his own interest not to be on good terms with the Dutch. If one wishes to use Haknatsar, which would not be amiss, because he is as it of the household of the secretary, we should none the less be on our guard not to surrender the whole business into his hands we ought only to beg him as our friend to give a satisfactory particularly and to promote and speed our business. 87 Second, person was an ambassador of the Mogol, who, as they say, plays the little king there; but he is very much governed by selfinterest If one wishes to use ambassador of the Mogol we should take good care not to place the matter entirely in his hands, not only because there is always some jealousy on the side of the secretary if he sees that he has any hand in it, but because he is a man who from self-interest may do anything. We ought then to have the wisdom to have him as our friend, was it only so that he might do no harm and for the rest direct our business towards the secretary. 88 Bernier highlighted the mutual relationship shared by these persons which was vital to get further benefits from the secretary of Golkonda. Lastly, he also proposed solution to the problem arising out of the dishonest conduct of the secretary, stating that if the secretary was not acting honestly and that our business was being delayed, there is one great remedy, and that to go straight to Neikam Khan, the army general of the army, to make him understand thoroughly in writing our motives and to beg him to lend us his favour against the man oeuvre of ours rivals. About Neikam Khan, Bernier opined, he was a man of great influence and was much devoted to the good of the state, who does not care a rap for the secretary or for anyone, and who goes to speak to the king when he thinks it right. 89 This French traveller also commented on the profits amassed by the Dutch factory in Golkonda by virtue of its commercially strategic location. He stated that the factory of the Dutch at Golkonda is one of the best in the whole of Indostan, partly because of the great quantity of cloth and big chintzes which can be bought cheap thereabouts and taken to Masulipatam and partly because that is the meeting place of all the diamonds. 90 The Dutch factory was set up by intrigue and intelligence of Narson du Couratier, who was an opponent of the France. 91 Bernier showed different means which should be adopted to establish a factory in Masulipatam, where Dutch were hated. French needed to give some decent gifts to the governor and, further, tempt him with more such presents. In Masulipatam, Bernier made mention about a Francophile 35

44 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 person called Monsieur Junet, a French merchant trades there by the favour of the English, he is extremely well versed in trade of the country and as his heart is thoroughly French and because he hopes much from French support, he can be of great service. 92 It was suggested by Bernier that Patna was another place where the French could establish their factory. He stated that from there great quantity of saltpeter was extracted, as both the Dutch and the English had their factories, at seven to eight leagues away from the city, their the saltpeter is prepared in order to send it down from there on the Ganges to Bengal of Hugli, where load vessels with it for Europe. 93 In spite of this advantage, Bernier opined that I do not think it advisable to establish a factory there so early, all the more because one can find means, easily enough, to have saltpeter brought from there to Hugli or Qasimbazar One should send some presents to the Governor of Patna, named Laskar Khan, and assure him that as soon as our ships should have come into Bengal we should come beneath his favour and to build there a factory. 94 According to Bernier, in Patna, one person, who could be of some use, was Consabel, a Portuguese, who would be willingly given all possible information. Bernier stated that in order to establish a factory in Bengal, one needed to send certain gifts to the governor named Shaista Khan 95, because the Governors of Kasimbazar and Hugli are subordinate to him. 96 Bernier suggested we need to give him good presents because he is self-interested and his goodwill is absolutely necessary, so much so that being the uncle of the King. 97 Shaista Khan should also be made to understand the motives of French to come to India. Bernier pointed out the importance of Bengal in his answer to the enquiry of Jean de Thevenot ( ). He wrote that Bengal produces rice in such abundance exported (it) to Ceylon and Maldives; it provide sugar to Kingdoms of Golkonda, Karnatic, Arabia, Mesopotamia and Persia;. sugar, sweetmeat, fruits article of considerable trade. 98 Bengal possessed large amounts of valuable commodities which attracted foreign merchants; these commodities were sugar, cotton and silk. Bernier mentioned that large quantities of cotton cloths, of different types and colours were exported by the Hollanders to many countries, especially to Japan and Europe. For the silk stuff, he mentioned that large quantities were drawn from Bengal for supplying to the entire Mughal Empire and many foreign countries. Another commodity of importance was saltpeter, which was imported from Patna 99 to Bengal, from here Dutch and English sent large cargos to many parts of India and to Europe. Bernier advised that it was in this fruitful kingdom, that the best lac, opium, wax, civet, long pepper, and various drugs were obtained and butter was exported to a number of places. According to Bernier, Bengal was the store house of merchandise for the India, Europe and other countries. Finally, Bernier suggested that it will nevertheless be expedient for us to build our first factory at Kasimbazar, because that is the spot where all the silks (Dutch and English, silk factory had eight hundred native employees at 36

45 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT Kasimbazar) and other merchandise come together, and that from Hugly, where the big ships come, there is a canal which goes from Kasimbazar, on which little boats can go, and that by land one can go there comfortably in three days. 100 A small warning given by Bernier, to the persons going to Kasimbazar must make up their minds from the first to be badly lodged. 101 These suggestions must have helped Colbert to establish French factories at Surat (1668), Maulipatam (1669) and at Pondicherry (1673). This piece of information was probably highlighted to draw attention of Louis XIV s government towards the deteriorating condition of French factories. The French factories demanded adequate support, proper direction and appropriate intervention from the state, but it lacked the financial support as bourgeoisie invested in land, rents and offices rather than in trade and industry. And whatever surplus was collected by the industrial reforms of Colbert, it was used to support Louis XIV financially for his ambitious foreign policies which stressed on political glorification rather than commercial expansion. It showed how the political and commercial interests varied but the combination of the two could play a positive role in the progress and development of the society. Indian Workshops and Karkhanas Actual conditions of the Indian workshops and Karkhanas were conveyed by Bernier to Colbert. He stated that the Indian workshops were occupied by the skilful artisans and praised their workmanship. He wrote that numerous are the instances of handsome pieces of workmanship made by persons destitute of tools, and who can scarcely be said to have received instruction form a master. Sometimes they imitate so perfectly the articles of European manufacture that the difference between the original and the copy can hardly be discerned Indians make excellent muskets, and fowling-pieces and such beautiful gold ornaments. 102 Bernier admired the beauty, softness and delicacy of their paintings and miniatures and, was particularly struck with the exploits of Akbar, painted on a shield by a celebrated artist, who was said to have taken seven years in completing the picture. Bernier also highlighted the pathetic conditions of the Indian artisans. He said that if the artists and manufactures were encouraged, the useful and fine arts would flourish; but these unhappy men are condemned, treated with harshness and inadequately remunerated for their labour. 103 Bernier also gave information about the Karkhanas, stating that, large halls are seen in many parts called Karkanas or workshops for the artisans. 104 There were separate halls for different kinds of work. Bernier came from the country where the slavery was practiced and social differences pronounced, he puzzled over India s fabled and complex caste system which divided people by birth and traditional occupation. 105 Bernier showed the evidence of caste system prevalent in India. He stated the 37

46 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 embroiderer brings up his son as an embroiderer, the son of a goldsmith becomes a goldsmith and a physician of the city educates his son for a physician. No one marries but in his own trade or profession; and this custom is observed almost as rigidly by Mahametans as by the Gentiles, to whom it is expressly enjoined by their law. 106 This information of caste based division in the Indian society would have certainly helped the French merchants and the French factory owners in hiring the artisans and workers at the minimum salaries. Bernier also drew attention of the French state towards the poor conditions of the French workers and artisans who were overburdened by taxes due to wars resulting from the Louis XIV s ambitious expansionist policies. Warning Against Indian Pirates An Advice was given by Bernier to the Frenchmen to be cautious from the pirates in India. Bernier wrote in his travel accounts that the kingdom of Arakan, has harboured during many years by several Portuguese settlers, christian slaves or half-caste Portuguese and other Franks collected from various parts of the world. This was a place of retreat for fugitives from Goa, Ceylon, Cochin, Malacca and other settlements in the Indies. 107 The king of Arakan kept these foreign pirates as guards for the protection of his frontiers from Mogols, and permitted them to occupy a seaport called Chatigon and made them grants of land. They were left unrestrained by the government of Arakan, so that they pursued the trade of rapine and piracy with their galleasses, supported by numerous arms, entered into branches of Ganges and ravaged the islands of Lower Bengal. 108 These pirates once made a formal offer to the viceroy of Goa, a Portuguese, to deliver the whole kingdom of Arakan into his hands. Bastian Consalve was the chief pirate, who was so famous that he married the daughter of the king of Arakan. 109 Bernier described the violent practices of pirates in Arakan, which forced the Mogols to guard the opening of Bengal, by keeping large bodies of troops and a fleet of galleasses. All these precautions did not prevent the ravaging of the Mogol territories. These pirates became more bold and skilful. They attacked with four or five galleasses, and captured or destroyed large number of galleys of Mughals. Mughals under Shaista Khan 110 decided to capture kingdom of Arakan, and, thus, they collected large number of galleasses and other vessels of considerable tonnage and threatened to overthrow the pirates, if they did not summit to the authority of Mughals. Aurangzeb gave warning to these pirates to leave the service of king of Arakan and join the Mughal army. 111 These pirates revealed their eagerness to act in concert with the Mughal troops, joined in the attack and capture of Sondiva, an island that had fallen into the hands of the king of Arakan, and accompanied the Indian army from Sondiva to Chatigon. Shaista Khan drew these Portuguese pirates to Chatigon, where he kept them and their families 38

47 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT in his power, an occasion for their services no longer existed; so he considered it quite unnecessary to fulfill a single promise, he had made. He refused to pay them and declared them as traitors, in whom it was a folly to confide; wretches who had basely betrayed the prince whose salt they had eaten for many years. These pirates proved to be greatly harmful to the Indian trade and the French were advised by Bernier to be alert to these difficulties. Robbers in area of the Ajmer and Ahmadabad were referred by Bernier, who were called Koullys. He wrote, these Koullys are the peasantry of this part of the country, and are the greatest robbers and altogether the most unprincipled people in the Indies. 112 Bernier also commented on the methods adopted by omrahs to protect themselves from robbers. He described how the omrahs protected their goods by providing watchmen, who continually perambulate his particular quarters during the night, crying out Kaber-dar! Or Have a care! And there are guards posted rounds the whole army at every five hundred paces, which kindle fires, and also cry out Kaber-dar! Besides these precautions, the Cotoual, or Grand provost, sends soldiers in every direction, who especially pervade the bazaars, crying out and sounding a trumpet. 113 In spite of these measures, the robberies were often committed. So, Bernier suggested that the Frenchmen be on constant alert and not rely too much on the vigilance of servants. Defensive Mechanism for Commercial Expansion A very significant advice was given by Bernier to the Frenchmen to form strong defense mechanisms to protect their Indian factories and dwellings. Bernier cited an example that the English and Dutch protected their dwelling from plunder of Shivaji in Surat because these people displayed a great deal of resolution and defended themselves well against their enemies. English were assisted by the crews of their vessels, and they performed wonders and saved not only their own houses but also those of their neighbours. 114 Bernier gave significant details about the Indian defense system, starting from importance of ragipous 115, omrahs 116, mansebdars, rouzindars, common troopers, infantry, artillery and private soldiers. Bernier gave detailed narratives of decisive battles fought during the Shah Jahan s succession like Battle of Dharmatput, Battle of Samugarh and Battle of Khajwa. 117 He gave substantial details of the deployment of troops on each side, the weapons employed, and, their commanders and their qualifications. This detailed account was no doubt intended for the European military leaders and for Colbert, who had the interest in the military strength, strategy employed and armaments used by indigenous powers as French East India Company might have to encounter it in near future. 118 Bernier tried to show the weaknesses of the Indian defense system in comparison to French. He wrote, paying the whole of this army every two 39

48 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 months, from the omrah to the private soldier; for the king s pay is their only means of subsistence. In France, when the exigencies of the times prevented the government from immediately discharging an arrear of debt, an officer, or even a private soldier, may contrive to live for some time by means of his own private income; but in the Indies, any unusual delay in the payment of the troops is sure to be attended with fatal consequences; after selling what ever trifling articles they may possess, the soldiers disband and die of hunger. 119 These direct references to the tactics needed to correct the deficiencies of the Indian military system was in some way connected to the general and vague ambition of the French East India Company in establishing their colonies in India. 120 Bernier probably tried to criticize Louis XIV s massive military operations and continuous warfare which were directed towards absorption of large amount of surplus and heavy burden of taxes on the whole society. Drawbacks of Significance of Bernier s Commercial Information Travel account s of Bernier contain exhaustive information about the trade and economy of the Mughal Empire, but at times it makes statements without proper verification of the facts. Similarly, they offer little direct help in investigating the causes of the fluctuations in the prices of gold, silver, copper and sometimes they confuse price with old dam. They often fail to draw a fair picture of the price data of the necessary commodities. 121 According to Stanley J. Tambiah, albeit Bernier was immensely impressed with the incalculable wealth of the Great Mughals, the gold and silver, varied goods that were imported and the equally varied goods that were exported in return, he says little about the institutions, arrangements and specialists, both indigenous and foreign, which must have made possible Hindoustan s arrears of manufactures and complex trade flows. 122 All these European travellers directly or indirectly were involved in exploring trading possibilities within India. Some of these accounts could be termed as merchant guide books. 123 On the whole, Bernier has sometimes given exaggerated accounts of the state of gold and silver deposits in India and also of the Mughal revenue collection. In his travellers accounts, he had constantly used sycophantic language to appease the Frenchmen like Colbert and his friends. Conclusion It can be concluded that Bernier made an epoch-making contribution in describing the commercial possibilities of South-Asia to the French state. He gave significant details like commercial strongholds of other European companies in India and, gave vital information for scrutinizing the site for the French factory. He informed the Frenchmen about the court customs and superstitious ideas prevailing in India and, presented the geographical 40

49 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT boundaries and marked important Indian ports; depicted the large amounts of gold and silver absorbed in India, and almost no outflow of these precious metals. He listed the amounts of Indian imports and exports to different countries and lastly, explained the condition of workers, artisans and Karkhanas. His travel literature might have helped Colbert and the French East India Company to establish links with the Indian commercial avenues in 17 th and 18 th century. On other hand, he gave a veiled warning to Louis XIV for giving more importance to establishing political hold than expanding commercial links. This finally led to the decline of the French trade in Indian seas as compared to the English in 18 th century. Colbert s mercantilist policies proved beneficial to establish economic stability and self-sufficiency in the France, but it could not withstand against the insatiable demands of Louis XIV s increasingly expensive wars. One should acknowledge the limitation of the travel accounts, but Bernier s pathbreaking travel accounts are a monumental work by any occidental traveller describing the oriental commercial avenues and suggesting ingenious solutions to the commercial problems of his native country. After making an assessment of Francois Bernier s travel account, it can termed that his account was simultaneously acting as a critic of French state and also a commercial informer for French state. References PRIMARY SOURCES Ball, V (trans.), Jean-Baptiste Tavernier, Travels in India, , 2 nd ed. Revised by William Crooke, 2 vols., (London, 1925; rpt., Delhi: Low Price Edition, 2000). Beveridge, H., (trans.) The Maathir-ul-umara: being biographies in 2 vols., by Shah Nawaz Khan, (Delhi: Low price edition, 1999). Constable, Archibald (ed.), Francois Bernier, Travels in the Mogul Empire AD , transl. on the basis of Irving Brock s version, 2 nd edition revised by V.A.Smith, (London: Oxford University Press, 1891; rpt. Delhi: Low Price Publication, 1994). Fawcett, Sir Charles (ed.), The Travels of the Abbe Carre in India and the Near East: 1672 to 1674, 3 vols. (trans.) by Lady Fawcett.(London: Hakluyt Society, 1947; rpt. New Delhi: Asian Education Service, 1990). Foster, William (ed.), The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to the court of the Great Mogoul , vol. I-II (London: Hakluyt Society, 1899) Early Travels in India (London: Oxford University Press, 1921; rpt. Delhi: Low Price Publication, 1999). Grey, Edward (ed.), The Travels of Pietro della Valle in India: From the English Translation of 1664 of G.Havers: In Two Vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1892). 41

50 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Irvine, William (trans.), Storia do Mogor or Mogul India by Niccolao Manucci, vols.4, (London, 1907; Delhi: Low Price Publications, 1990). Ray, Aniruddha (ed.), Francois Martin Memoires: Travels to Africa, Persia and India (Calcutta: Subarnarekha, 1990). Sarkar, Jadu Nath (trans. and ed.) Maasir-i-Alamgiri: A History of the Emperor Aurangzeb by Saqi Mustaidd Khan (Calcutta: Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1947). Sen, S.N. (ed.), The Indian Travels of Thevenot and Careri, (New Delhi: National Archives of India, 1949) Syed, Anees Jahan (trans.), Aurangzeb in Muntakhab-ul Lubab by Muhammad Hashim Khafi Khan (Bombay: Somaiya, 1977). Temple, Sir R.C. (ed.), The Travels of Peter Mundy in Europe and Asia, , 2 vols. (Cambridge and London: Hakluyt Society, ). SECONDARY SOURCES Ali, M. Athar, Mughal Nobility under Aurangzeb, (Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1966; rpt. Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2001). Ames, Glenn.J and Love, Ronald.S. (eds.), Distant Lands and Diverse Cultures: The French Experience in Asia (Westport: Praeger, 2003). Ames, Glenn J. Colbert Indian Ocean Strategy of : A Reappraisal French Historical Studies, vol. 16, no.3 (Spring 1990) Anderson, Perry, Lineages of the Absolutist State (London: Verso, 1974). Ansari, Mohammad Azar, European Travellers under the Mughals ( ) (Delhi: IAD Oriental Series, 1975). Beik, William, Absolutism and Society in Seventeenth Century France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985). Bendyhe, T., (trans.) Journal des Scavans, April 24, The new division of the earth, into the different species or races of men who inhabit it, send by the famous traveller to Mons. ***** Memoirs read before the Anthropological society of London Vol 1, ( ) Bernasconi, Robert, (intro and ed. note) in Bernier, Linnaeus and Maupertuis by Francois Bernier, in concepts of race in the eighteenth century, vol-1, (Bristol: Thoemmes Press, 2001) Bernard, Lean, French Society and Popular uprising under and Louis XIV, French Historical Studies, Vol.3, No 4 (autumn, 1964). Boulle, Pierre H., François Bernier and the Origins of the Modern Concept of Race, in Sue Peabody and Tyler Stovall (ed.) The colour of Liberty histories of Race in France, (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003), Burke, Peter, The Philosopher as Traveller: Bernier Orient, in Jas Elsner and Joan-Pau Rubies (eds.), Voyages and Visions: Towards a Cultural History of Travel (London: Reaktion Books, 1999). 42

51 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT Burns, Edward MacNall Burns, Philip Lee Ralph, Robert E.lerner, and Standish Meacham. World Civilizations: Their history and their Culture, Vol B. (New York: 1986; W.W. Norton and Company, Inc; 1 st Indian ed Delhi, 1991). Carsten, F.L., (ed.), In The New Cambridge Modern History: The Ascendancy of France , vol. V, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961; rpt., 1975). Chandra, Satish, Medieval India: From Sultanat To The Mughals, Part two Mughal Empire. ( ), (Delhi: Har-Anand Publications, 1999), Chaudhuri, Tapan Ray and Irfan Habib, (eds.), The Cambridge Economic History of India c (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982). Chaudhury, Sushil, A Note on Sati in Medieval India Proceedings of IHC, (1964). Cipolla, Carlo. M. (ed.), Fontana Economic History of Europe: Sixteenth and Seventeenth centuries, Vol 2, (London: Collins/Fontana, 1974). Collins, James B, The State in Early Modern France, (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995). Coveney, P.J. (ed. & trans.), France in Crisis (London: Macmillan and Co., 1977). Dasgupta, Ashin, Indian Merchants and the Decline of Surat (Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1979). Dufrenoy, M. L., A Precursor of a Modern Anthropology: Francois Bernier ( ). Isis, Vol. 41, No. 1 (Mar, 1950). Fisher, Michael H., (ed.), Beyond the Three seas: Travellers Tales of Mughal India (New Delhi: Random House, 2007). Grassy, R.B, Social Status and commercial enterprise under Louis XIV. The Economic History Review, New Series, vol. 13, No 1 (1960). pp Goubert, Pierre, (ed.) The French peasantry in the Seventeenth century. trans. by Ian Patterson. (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987). Habib, Irfan, The Agrarian System of Mughal India , (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1963; rpt.1999) Essay in Indian History, Towards a Marxist perception (New Delhi: Tulika Books, 1995). Hazard, Paul, The European Mind ( ). (England: Pelican Books, 1964; rpt. London: Penguin Univ. Books, 1973). Husain, Ruquisya K. Danechmend Khan- A Scholarly Noble at the Mughal Court Proceedings of IHC (1997). Jackson, J. Hampden, A short history of France from early times to 1972, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974). Kaur, Jaspinder, European perception of the Indian Health Sytem: Italian Niccolao Manucci s observation, Indian Horizons, Vol. 52 Winter issue p Kaul, H.K. (ed.) Travellers India: An Anthology (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1979). 43

52 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Lafont, Jean-Marie, Indika, Essays in Indo- French Relations, , (Delhi: Monahar Publishers. 2000) The Quest for Indian Manuscripts by the French in the Eighteenth century Seminar proceedings. Indo-French Relations: History and Prespectives, New Delhi, April, (1990). Lal, Ruby, Domesticity and Power in the Early Mughal World. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005). Misra, Rekha, Women in Mughal India: , (Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Oriental Publishers and Booksellers, 1967). Morison, Theodore. (trans.) Minute By M.Bernier upon the Establishment of Trade in the Indies, Dated 10 th March, 1668 Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society,1933. Moreland, W.H, From Akbar to Aurangzeb: A study in Indian Economic History. (London: Macmillan, 1923; rpt. New Delhi: Oriental, 1972). Mustafa, Khursheed, Travel in Mughal India. Medieval India Quarterly, Vol III, (Aligarh, 1958). Nanda, Meera, European Travels Accounts During the Reign of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, (Kurukshetra: Nirmal Book Agency, 1994). Oaten, Edwary Farley, European Travellors in India, During the Fifteenth, Sixteenth and Seventeenth Century (London, 1909; rpt. Lucknow, Pustak Kendra, 1973). O Leary, Berndon, The Asiatic mode of production, (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1989). Paranjape, Marakarand, Pilgrims and other Travellers India International Centre Quarterly Spring (1999). Parker, David, Absolutism, Feudalism and Property Rights in the France of Louis XIV. Past and Present a Journal of Historical Studies No , (2003), pp Pearson, M.N., The Thin end of the Wedge, Medical relativities as a Paradigm of Early Modern Indian-European relations Modern Asian Studies 29,(1995), pp The Portuguesse in India (New York:Cambridge University Press, 1987) Phukan, Meenaxi, Rise of the Modern West: Social and Economic History of Early Modern Europe (Delhi: Macmillan India Limited, 1998). Prasad, R.C, Early English Travellers in India. (Delhi, 1965). Price, Roger, A Concise History of France. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). Ray, Aniruddha Ray, Last Memoir of Francois Bernier from Surat March 10,1668 Proceeding of IHC (1981) French View of Slavery in Medieval India Proceedings of IHC (1998) The French Presence At Calicut from Mid Seventeenth to the early decades of the Eighteenth Century Proceeding of IHC (1999). 44

53 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT Ray, Indrani, The French Company and the Merchants of Bengal ( ) IESHR Vol VIII 1971 pp D.V. Subba Reddy, An account of Indian Medicine by François Bernier, Bulletin of the Department of History of Medicine, Osmania Medical college (Hyderabad) India. vol. II, No. 1, (Jan,1964), pp Ryazanskaya S.W. (ed.), Marx and Engel: Selected Correspondence (Moscow, 1955). Said, Edward W, Orientalism (England: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd, 1978; rpt. England: Penguin Books, 1991). Sarkar, J.N. History of Aurangzeb, 5 vols, (Bombay: Orient Longman, ). Sharma, D.C. (eds.), Aurangzeb in Kashmir: Bernier Francois (New Delhi: Rima Publishing House, 1998). Sinha, Arvind, French Trade in India in XIII century in Seminar proceedings. Indo-French Relations: History and Prespectives, April, (New Delhi, 1990). Subramaniam, Lakshmi, The French East India Company and the Trade of the Indian Ocean, A collection of Essay by Indrani Ray. (Delhi: Munshiram Publishers, 1999). Subrahmanyam, Sanjay, Explorations in Connected History, From to Tagus to the Ganges. (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005) Explorations in Connected History, Mughals and Franks (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005). Tambiah, Stanley J., What did Bernier actually say? Profiling the Mughal Empire, in Veena Das et al. (eds.), Tradition, Pluralism, and Identity: Essays in Honour of T.N. Madan (New Delhi: Sage, 1999). Teltscher, Kate, India Inscribed, European and British Writing on India , (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1995). Vincent, Rose, (ed.) The French in India: From Diamond Traders to Sanskrit Scholars. trans., Latika Padgaonkar. (Bombay: Popular Prakashan, 1990). Wahi, Tripta, The European Background to Bernier Travels. Proceedings of IHC (Patila, 1967). Wheeler, J.Talboys, Early Travels in India 16 th and 17 th centuries, (Delhi: Deep and Deep Pub., 1975). Zaidi, S.Inayat A., French Mercenaries in the Armies of South Asian states, A.D. Seminar proceedings. Indo-French Relations: History and Prespectives, April, (New Delhi, 1990). Zaidi, Sunita, Women through ages in Diplomatist Magazine, Zaidi, Sunita, Women: A symbol of Cultural Subordination Paper presented to International Seminar on Culture, Economy and Social Change in Medieval India. 12 th to 17 th century. Centre for Advanced Studies in History, AMU, Aligarh, 5-7 January,

54 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June Nanda, European Travels Accounts during the reign of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, p J.B. Tavernier. Travels in India, English tr. V. Ball, 2 nd ed. Revised by William Crooke, 2 vols., (London: 1925; rpt., Delhi: Low Price Edition, 2000): hereafter cited as Tavernier, Travels in India. 3 Surendranath Sen (ed.) Indian travels of Thevenot and Careri, (New Delhi: National Archives of India, 1949). 4 Sir Jean Chardin, the celebrated French traveller, was born in Paris in 1643, and died in London His Journey was to Persia and India in 1665 and while there he received the patronage (his business was that of a jeweller) of Shah Abbas. Chardin was in Surat in 1667 and in1677, and it must have been in 1667 that Bernier met him there; as we know from the date of this letter to Monsieur Chapelain that Bernier was in Shiraz in October Francois Martin, India on the 17 th century(social, Economic and Political): Memoirs of Francois Martin ( ); English tr. and Annotated, Lotika Varadarajan., (Delhi: Manohar, 1983) 6 Sir Charles Fawcett and Richard Burn (eds.), tr. Lady Fawcett, The Travels of the Abbe Carre in India and the Near East:1672 to 1674, 3 vols. (London: Hakluyt Society, 1947; rpt., New Delhi, 1990). Note: Abbe Carre was sent by Louis XIV and his able minister, Colbert, to support the recently started French trade in India. Carre was evidently a kind of spy to watch the activities of the French East India Company and submitted reports to Colbert on its affairs. 7 Jean Baptiste Colbert was the Finance minister of France during Colbert took different mercantilist measure in France like establishing interest rate no higher than 5% and removed middlemen; he tightened the process of centralized system for tax collection (taille), he also made measures to blockade the exemption for nobles and clergy from taille and the corrupt officials were removed which helped in reaching of tax collection into royal treasury. He discouraged importation of foreign goods by imposing tariffs into France and improving means of commerce for transport. Colbert boosted the domestic industries by improving the quality of French manufactured goods by minute regulations. He awarded royal privileges, monopolies, subsidies, interest free loans and tariff concession to state supported industries to increase the range and output of French industries. (Burns, World Civilization. pp ). 8 Edward Burns, MacNall Burns, Philip Lee Ralph, Robert E.lerner, and Standish Meacham, (eds.) World Civilizations: Their history and their Culture, vol B., (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 1986; rpt. Delhi: Goyl Saab, 1991), p. 827: hereafter cited as Burns, World Civilization. 9 Burns, World Civilization, p In other words, we can say that there was continuing primacy of the aristocrats over the bourgeois priorities in the French government and society. 11 Sir Theodore Morison, Minute by M. Bernier upon the Establishment of Trade in the Indies, dated 10 th March, 1668 in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society., Part I, January (1933) p Bernier, Travels, p Tavernier, Travels in India, pp. xxiii-xxiv; Tavernier also used flattering language for the Louis XIV (Tavernier, Travels in India, p. lxix). 14 Bernier, Travels, p Morison, M.Bernier, p Note: Carron had founded the first French factory in India in 1668, after twenty years of leaving the Dutch service. 46

55 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT 16 Bernier, Travels. p.461. Note: Licence to Tavernier s accounts was also given by Louis XIV. Printed for the first time on 1 st October (Tavernier, Travels in India, p. 327). 17 Bernier, Travels, pp. xlv-xlvi. Note: Translation of Bernier s Dedication to King Louis XIV of France, from the 1670 Paris edition. He directly dedicated his travel accounts to Louis XIV, and requested for pardon from His majesty for his language. (Bernier, Travels, pp. xlv-xlvi.) 18 Bernier, Travels, p Bernier, Travels, pp Irfan Habib, Agrarian system of Mughal India (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1963; revised 2 nd ed., OUP: Delhi, 1999). 21 J. Lough, France Under Louis XIV, in F.L. Carsten (ed.), The New Cambridge Modern History, The Ascendancy of France , vol-v, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1961; rpt. 1975), pp hereafter cited as Lough, France Under Louis XIV. 22 Bernier, Travels, p Ibid, p Versailles was hailed as the abode of the Sun King with his proud motto Nec pluribus impar (greatest of all); its very doors bore in gold, the emblem of his greatness. (Carsten, The Ascendancy of France, pp ). 25 Lough, France Under Louis XIV, pp Note from J. Hampden Jackson, A short history of France from early times to 1972, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1974), p Benier, Travels, pp. 213, Ibid., p Ibid., p Bernier, Travels, pp Ibid., p Bernier, Travels, p Bernier, Travels, p Carsten, The Ascendancy of France, p D.C. Coleman, Economic problems and policies, in F.L.Carsten (ed.), The New Cambridge Modern History, The Ascendancy of France , vol.v, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 1961; rpt. 1975), pp Hereafter cited as Coleman, Ascendancy. 35 Bernier, Travels, p Bernier mention enormous expenses of the Mughal seraglio, where there was huge consumption of fine cloths of gold and brocades, silks, embroideries, pearls, musk, amber and sweet essences. 37 Bernier, Travels, pp Bernier, Travels, pp Note: Gentiles referred to Hindus. 40 Bernier, Travels, pp Tavernier, Travels in India, p Bernier, Travels, p Carsten, The Ascendancy of France, pp Lough, France Under Louis XIV, pp R.B.Grassy, Social Status and commercial enterprise under Louis XIV. The Economic History Review, New Series, vol. 13, No 1 (1960), pp Phukan, Meenaxi, Rise of the Modern West. Social and Economic History of Early Modern Europe, (Delhi: Macmillan India Limited, 1998). 47

56 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June Morison, M.Bernier, p Ibid., p Ibid., ft. 1, p.3, 50 Ibid., p Bernier, Travels, p Ibid., p Ibid., p Mir Muhammad Said Ardistani, surnamed Mir Jumla and afterwards entitled Muazzam Khan, Khan Khanan Sipah Salar, was born in Ardistan near Ispahan, and came to India as the personal attendant of a Persian merchant. It was in 1656 that he managed to gain favour, protection and patronage of Shah Jahan. After the accession of Aurangzeb he was appointed as the governor of Bengal and died at Khizarpur in Kuch Behar in 1663 after his return from an expedition against the kingdom of Assam. (Bernier, Travels, ft. 3, pp.16-17). 55 Bernier, Travels, p Tavernier, Travels in India, pp Note: Detailed description of Koh-i-nur diamond has been given by Tavernier. 57 Bernier, Travels, p Ibid., p Begum-Saheb was the eldest daughter of Shah Jahan. She was very beautiful and very close to Shah Jahan. Bernier, expressing the views of some Mullahs or doctors of law about the relations between Shah-Jahan and Begum Saheb, stated, it would have been unjust to deny the King the privilege of gathering fruit from the tree he had himself planted. (Bernier, Travels, p. 11). 60 Bernier, Travels, p Note: These embassies came from Mecca, Bassora, Yemen, and Abyssinia. 62 Ibid, p Revolution was the coup d'état of Aurangzeb to the Mughal throne. 64 Bernier, Travels, p Note: These ambassadors were send to perform the ceremony of the Mobarek, to express in a solemn manner their wishes that his reign might be long and auspicious. 65 Ibid., pp Ibid., p Ibid., p They are referred to usbec ambassadors. 68 Serapah means the gift like brocade, a turban, and a silk sash, embroidered with gold and silver. 69 Morison, M.Bernier, p Ibid., p. 9. Bernier calls these doorkeepers as rascals, who showed their insolence to the strangers. 71 Ibid., pp Jafar Khan, entitled Umdat-ul-Mulk, was appointed Prime minister by Aurangzeb in 1662 and died in 1670 at Delhi. He was the son of Sadiq Khan, a cousin of Nur Jahan, he had married one of her sisters and hence was related to Aurangzeb. (Bernier, Travels. ft. 4. p. 271); Shah Nawaz Khan, The Maathir-ul-umar, tr. By H. Beveridge, vol. 1 (Delhi: Low price edition, 1999), pp hereafter cited as Beveridge tr., The Maathir-ul-umara. 72 Bernier, Travels, p Morison, M.Bernier, p Beveridge, The Maathir-ul-umara, vol. 2, pp Ibid., p Ibid., p

57 AN ASSESSMENT OF FRANCOIS BERNIER S TRAVEL ACCOUNT 77 Danechmend Khan was another influential person with the King from being able to speak with him when he thinks good and being his master and teacher and counselor; but Jafar Khan and he are not very good friends because Danechmend Khan carries it high, being the learned man of India Jafar khan was allied to Mulla Sale representing as good Musalmans against Danechmend I have served him for so many years and as I know that he thinks very well of me the purpose to remain on good terms and to make use of, in case of need, for the business of the Company. 77 Bernier suggested that every Frenchmen be conscious of the internal rivalries among these omrahs. Therefore, it was necessary to deal with them intelligently in order to extract commercial concessions from both the parties. 78 Dinanetkan, he is very influential with the king, very ready to oblige and a great friend of the franks. He is a man who can say something privately to the king. 78 His son, Rostan Khan, who was a friend of Europeans, and had influence on the king and can speak to him privately. 79 Morison, M.Bernier, p Note: Frenchmen intended to establish their factories at Patna, Bengal and Masulipatam. 81 Morison, M.Bernier, p Ibid., p Subramaniam, (ed.) The French East India Company and the Trade of the Indian Ocean, p Bernier, Travels, p Morison, M.Bernier, p Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., p Morison, M.Bernier, p Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., p Morison, M.Bernier. pp Ibid., p Shaista khan was the uncle of Aurangzeb, the son of the wazir Asaf Khan and brother of Shah Jahan s wife Mumtaz Mahal; Beveridge, The Maathir-ul-umara, Vol. 2, pp Morison, M.Bernier, p Ibid., p Bernier, Travels, p One of the principal refineries of saltpeter was at Chaprah about 25 miles from Patna, where the French, Dutch and Portuguese had their factories. (Bernier, Travels, ft.2, p. 440). 100 Morison, M.Bernier, p Ibid., p Bernier, Travels, pp Ibid., pp These artists were payed less then they deserve and, their salaries usually depend upon the caprice of governor. Bernier described the feeling of artisan who feels discourage when he knows that he will never attain any distinction and will not be allowed to purchase either office or land for the benefit of his family. (Bernier, Travels, pp ). 104 Bernier, Travels, p

58 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June Michael H.Fisher, Beyond the three seas: Travellers Tales of Mughal India, (New Delhi: Random House, 2007), p Ibid., p Ibid., p Bernier, Travels, p Ibid., p Viceroy felt unpleasant to listen to the proposal of the pirates, as they felt disrespected to be indebt to a man of low origin. (Bernier, Travels, p. 175). 110 Chah-hest- kan (Shaista Khan) undertook the expedition against the king of Arakan. 111 Bernier, Travels, pp Ibid., pp Ibid., p Ibid., p Bernier gave reasons why did Mughal were obliged to retain these Rajas in their services. Some reasons were like they were excellent soldiers, used against any revolt, they were employed against pathans or rebellious governors, and, they were employed against the Persians and Turks rebels. (Bernier, Travels, pp. 211). 116 Bernier informed that the omrahs were given high titles by the king, and these high sounding titles were to deceive the foreigners. Their pay was in proportion not to the number of men they hold by to the number of horses they maintain. Two horses were generally allowed to one trooper. Aurangzeb himself regulates that minimum number of horses should be maintain by the omrah. (Bernier, Travels, pp ). 117 Battle of Dharmatput was fought on 20 th April, 1658, in which Aurangzeb emerged victorious against the combined forces of Kasem Khan and Raja Jaswant Singh. Battle of Samugarh was fought on 28 th May, 1658, in which Aurangzeb emerged victorious against Dara forces and, the battle of Khajwa was fought on 5 th January 1659, in which Aurangzeb emerged victorious against Shuja forces. (Bernier, Travels, pp. 38, 49-54, 76-78) 118 Ames, The French Experience in Asia, pp Bernier, Travels, p Tripta Wahi, The European Background to Bernier s Travels. Proceeding of Indian Historical Congress, 1967, pp Note: Bernier s description of Indian military system, its strategies and armaments were probably intended to apprise the French East India Company of the Indian defense mechanism. 121 Nanda, European Travels Accounts during the reign of Shahjahan and Aurangzeb, p Stanley J. Tambiah, What did Bernier actually say? Profiling the Mughal empire, in Veena Das et al. (eds.), Tradition, Pluralism and Identity:Essay in honour of T.N.Madan. (New Delhi: Sage, 1999), pp Kate Teltscher, India Inscribed, European and British Writing on India (Oxford University Press, 1995), p

59 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH Dr. Nasreen Afzal* KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH ABSTRACT The Khilafat Movement started by the Muslims of India is directly related to the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire of Turkey, the only Muslim power of the world during the twentieth century, at the hands of different European nations and particularly against the hostile attitude of Britain towards Turkey. Like other areas of India Muslims of Sindh played significant role in this movement. This article deals with the different efforts of Muslims of Sindh along with the Muslims of other areas for saving khlifat. Key words: Non violence non co-operation movement, Congress, Fatwas, Hijrat * Assistant Professor, Department of History, University of Karachi, Pakistan 51

60 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 The institution of Khilafat began after the death of Holy Prophet (P.B.U.H) in 632 AD when Hazrat Abu Bakr, who was the successor of the Holy Prophet, adopted the title of Khaltfatu-Rasool-i-illah, successor of Prophet of God. 1 The successor of Hazrat Abu Bakr, Hazrat Umar simplified the title to Khaltfah 2 and the Caliph (An English version of Khaltfah) became temporal and spiritual head of the entire Muslims of the World. The first four caliphs were all selected democratically. However, after the death of Hazrat Ali, Amir Mu awiyah laid down the foundation of Umayyad Dynasty, which changed the nature of Khilafat from democratic institution to monarchy. Umayyads and the rulers of the successive Muslim dynasties such as Abbasids, Fatimid (Egypt) and finally Ottomans (Turkey) continued to use the title of Caliph as used by four early Caliphs and further strengthening the institution of Khilafat, as a result Caliph became the symbolic head of the Muslim rule, even outside of Arabia. When Turkish Empire was at the height of its power, it included the areas of Balkans, Asia Minor, Syria, Mesopotamia, Arabia, Egypt and almost the whole of the North coast of Africa as far as Morocco. 3 However, from seventeenth century Turkish Empire began to decline gradually. This process started with the loss of Hungary to Austria in 1699 and continued for more than two centuries till finally after World War 1 it ended with the treaties of Sevres (1920) and Lausanne (August 1923) 4. During the process of dissolution ( ) in the nineteenth century Russia by 1815 annexed almost all the areas around Crimea. Turkish Sultan lost Algeria to France in 1830 and Greece in 1832 became an independent state. In Russo- Turkish war of 1877, which resulted in signing of Treaty of Berlin (1878), under which many areas were taken away from Ottoman Sultan such as Austria was allowed to occupy and administer Bosnia and Herzegovina. Romania, Serbia and Montenegro were given complete independence as Sovereign states; and Bulgaria became an independent state under Turkish suzerainty. 5 In 1896, Crete was taken away from Turkey and in 1881 France seized Tunisia and in 1905 Morocco was taken away from Turkey. 6 This gradual decline of Ottoman Empire particularly soon after Russo- Turkish War ( ), the Islamic World recognized the fact that the areas 1 I.H.Qureshi, The Muslim Community of Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent ( ): A Brief Historical Analysis (Karachi: University of Karachi, 1999), p.309. The word Khilafat comes from Khaltfah an Arabic word, means one who comes after, a successor. For further information of Khilafat see T.W.Arnold, The Caliphat (Karachi: Oxford University Press, n.d) 2 Ibid, p David Thomson, Europe Since Napoleon (Great Britain: Hazell Watson Viney Ltd, 1966), p Stuart Miller, Mastering Modern European History (London: Macmillan Press Ltd., 1997), p David Thomson, op. cit., pp I.H.Qureshi, Ulema in Politics (Karachi: Ma aref Ltd., 1974), pp

61 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH of Islamic independence was steadily narrowing. 7 It forced the Muslim thinkers to find a solution to stop this process and to work for the revival of Muslim power in the world. It was at this juncture that Jamaluddin Afghani ( ) propagated the idea of Pan-Islamism. According to this doctrine, Afghani propagated that all Muslims of the World were brothers and they should unite against all those forces, which were working against Islam. 8 He suggested to the Muslims of the world that to escape the fate of subjugation by the West and to liberate the Muslim lands, that had been incorporated in Western Empires, they should make strong alliance and make a joint efforts for their preservation and progress. 9 Pan-Islamism also included the doctrine the Turkey should be strengthened and supported. The Sultan was advised to invade India through Persia 10 Turkish Sultan Abdul Hameed ( ) used this doctrine to obtain moral support from the Muslims of the world and reinforced his position as Khalifa of Muslim World. 11 The ideology of Pan-Islamism gradually spread in the Indian Subcontinent and the Indian Muslims recognized Turkish Sultan as temporal ruler over the Ottoman dominions and as a Caliph he was accepted as supreme spiritual authority over al Muslims under whatever temporal government they may dwell. 12 It was under the influence of this doctrine that Indian Muslims developed interest in the Greco-Turkish War and raised funds to help the families of Turkish soldiers who had been killed. Furthermore in 1897, when Turkey won over Greeks in Thessaly, there was rejoicing over this victory in India. The renewed interest in Caliphate, led to the re-introduction of the custom of mentioning the name of the Sultan of Turkey with his titles in the Khutbah 13 started at this time. Thus, within the next decade, Sultan of Turkey was not only recognized and accepted as Caliph of sub-continent 14 but a genuine concern regarding the fate of Ottoman Empire grew among Indian Muslims. 7 P.C.Bomford, History of Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements (Delhi: Government of India Press, 1925), p K.K.Aziz, The Making of Pakistan: A Study in Nationalism (Lahore: Adab Pritners, 1989), p I.H.Qureshi, Ulema in Politics, op.cit, p P.C. Bomford, op.cit, p A History OF Freedom Movement, Vol. III, Part I (Karachi: Pakistan Historical Society), p T.W. Arnold, The Caliphate (Karachi: Oxford University Press, n.d.), p Khutbah, the official sermon in the congregational prayers of Fridays. 14 Umayyads and Abbasids were recognized as dejure suzerains of the Empire of Delhi.During Sultanat period, Indian rulers such as Iltutmish, Muhammad b. Tughlaq, Feroz Shah and Tipu Sultan have secured recognition from Abbasid Caliphs to legalize their rule and to enhance their prestige in the eyes of their subjects. However, Mughals subscribed a new theory that each independent Muslim monarch was the Caliph within his own territories. The Mughal Emperors were, therefore, recognized to be Caliphs within the Mughal Empire. After 1858, with the removal of Bahadur 53

62 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 During the nineteenth century with a view of stopping Russian expansion in Europe, British government supported Turkish Ottoman Empire against Russian assaults and was used as a barrier against Russian advance. But with the political decline of Turkish Sultan he lost his utility to the Britain, and became a sick man of Europe. The British government then decided to gradually liquidate the Ottoman Empire and reversed its pro-turkish policy. Under this changed policy, in Turco-Italian and Balkan Wars of , British government left Turkey to its fate, as a consequence Turkey lost all her European territories accept Constantinople. This attitude of Britain convinced the Indian Muslims that by keeping itself aloof from the Wars, British government has indirectly helped Russia in the liquidation of Ottoman Empire. This change in the British foreign policy towards Turkey perturbed the Indian Muslims and Britain was considered as enemy of Islam. During the Balkan War, to convey the Muslim opinion to the British government regarding its attitude towards Turkey and to cover Balkan War, Muslim scholars founded different newspapers, such as Maulana Muhammad Ali Jauhar 15 founded Comrade on 1 January 1911 and started writing articles and speaking openly against British government. In one of his editorials, Muhammad Ali warned Great Britain that Muslim opinion has turned against them; therefore, they should abandon their neutral policy towards Turkey, and stop courting Russia and make alliances with Muslims Kingdoms 16 because of his anti-british campaign, when in 1913, he reproduced a pamphlet entitled Come Over to Macedonia and Help Us in Comrade, Indian government as a punishment imposed a heavy fine on his Press. Following his footsteps, Maulana Abul Kalam Azad 17 founded Al- Hilal in June He wrote in favor of Ottoman Empire and criticized British government for its indifferent attitude towards Turkey and considered the British responsible for all ills of Islam. The third important newspaper, which became the mouthpiece of Muslims during Balkan War, Shah Zafar, the last Mughal ruler, the name of Emperor was removed from Khutbah. Then after 1897, the name of Sultan of Turkey came to be inserted in the Khutbah alongwith his titles. I.H.Qureshi, Ulema in Politics, pp Muhammad Ali, and old student of Aligarh and Orator who spoke frequently in support of Aligarh and wrote articles on Aligarh affairs. He was an active member of Aligarh Old Boys Association and one of the non-resident trustees of Aligarh Institute. In 1911 when Aligarh Muslim University Movement was revived, he took an active part in it. One of the main demands of this Movement was that Muslim should have control over the University. But government refused this demand. Alongwith this refusal, the attitude of British government towards Turkey during Balkan War led to the development of anti-british feelings in his heart. 16 Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement: Religious Symbolism and Political Mobilization in India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1982), p Azad was an A alim turned journalist and a renowned Urdu stylist. 54

63 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH was Zafar Ali Khan s 18 paper Zamindar. Similarly, in 1912, Maulana Shibli Numani, a teacher at Aligarh College, started a newspaper Muslim Gazette, in which he suggested to the Indian Muslims to give up the fad of loyalty to the government, so that Muslim politics become independent. 19 These Muslim writers promoted the pan-islamic ideology and through their papers convinced the Muslims that the British government is no longer a safe custodian of Islamic interests. 20 As a result, Muslims lost confidence in the British government and mistrust on the intentions of British government towards Ottoman Empire became deep-rooted. This resulted in the growth of unrest and extremism among the Indian Muslims to such a level that in 1913 Abul Kalam Azad, advocated the boycott of European goods. 21 Similarly, in March 1913, Aligarh Institute Gezette, published a fatwa, in which it was urged that Muhammadans, being brothers of the oppressed Turks, should curse those, who, seeing oppression, wished to help the oppressors, and that no opportunity should be lost to impair the strength of the enemies of Turkey. 22 Balkan War not only affected the western-educated Muslims, but anti- British feelings grew among the Ulemas of Deoband 23 and Farangi Mahal 24. Maulana Abdul Bari of Farangi Mahal, who was a strong supporter of Turkey, and of Turkish Sultan as Caliph of Islam, collected funds and dispatched medical mission under Doctor Ansari for medical assistance to the Turkish victim of War and to help the Turkish Red-Crescent in looking after the wounded soldiers. During the collection of funds, he met Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali in December Abdul Bari, seeing the enthusiasm and zeal of Ali Brothers for Ottoman Empire, decided to cooperate with them, to mobilize Muslim support for Turkish Sultan. However when Turkey was defeated, the Indian Muslims felt that Turkey has become too weak and incapable of defending the Holy places of Islam. To help Turkey in preserving and protecting Muslims holy places from non- Muslim aggression they decided to take practical step. Abdul Bari, in collaboration with Ali Brothers (Muhammad Ali and Shaukat Ali) in 1913, 18 In 1910, Zafar Ali Khan took over the Editorship of Zamindar, a Lahore-based paper and in 1911started against British government. 19 I.H. Qureshi, Ulmah in Politics, op.cit., p P.C.Bomford, op.cit., p Ibid., p Ibid. 23 The Dar al Ulum, Deoband, school was founded in 1867, in a mosque in Deoband in northwestern UP. For further detail, see Gail Minault, The Khilafat Movement. 24 Farangi Mahal, a school, founded during the reign of Aurangzeb ( ), is a jumble of old residences and courtyards in Lucknow. For further information, see Gail Minoult, The Khilafat Movement. 25 In November 1911, Ali Brothers along with Aligarh students opened a relief fund and started collecting money for the Turkish people. 55

64 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 founded Anjuman-e-Khuddam-e-Ka aba (Society for the Servants of Ka aba). Abdul Bari became its president, Mushir Hussain Qidwai and Shaukat Ali as General Secretaries. 26 The chief aims of the Anjuman were to maintain the honor of Kaa ba and other holy places of Islam and to defend them against non-muslims aggression. 27 Anjuman leaders planned to associate every single Indian Muslim in this mission. They decided that branches of Anjuman would be opened throughout India. Muslims will be asked to become member with the one rupee as membership fee for a year. It was decided that money collected would be divided into three parts. a) The first to be given to Turkey to maintain the dignity and political independence of the sacred places. b) The second to be given to Islamic Schools, Orphanages and missionary societies. c) And the third reserved for the future defense of the Kaa ba. 28 To popularize its ideology, Anjuman, in 1914 started publishing a Monthly newspaper, entitled Khudaamul Kaa ba, under the editorship of Shaukat Ali. But it was soon close down because of the lack of funds. 29 Though the aims of Anjuman were very attractive, but it failed to attract large number of Muslims. Therefore, it soon became inactive. Though it failed but it brought Western educated Muslims and Ulema on one platform and paved the way for future cooperation. With the coming of the First World War (1914), situation became more complicated. Muslims of India received the news that Turkey is thinking of joining Germany (Central Powers) against Allied Powers. This news disturbed the Indian Muslims. They desired that Turkey should not join the War. Several telegrams, explaining the Muslim concern over the Turkish decision to join Central Powers, were sent to the Sultan. As a last effort to prevent Turkey from joining the War, Abdul Bari, Muhammad Ali and Dr. Ansari sent a telegram to the Ottoman Sultan in August They pleaded with him that Turks should think a thousand times before they joined the War and to maintain strict neutrality. If that is not possible and he had to, then Turkey should join Allied power 30. However, at the end of October 1914, Turkey, in spite of the Indian Muslims request, joined Central Powers, which made matters more worse. This decision of Turkey placed the Muslims of India in a very awkward position. Their loyalties were divided between British, being the ruler of India and the Turkish Caliph who was their spiritual head. To defuse anti-british feeling and to satisfy the 26 Gail Minault, op.cit, p Ibid. 28 Ibid. 29. P.C. Bompord, op. cit., p History of the Freedom Movement, Vol. III, op. cit., p

65 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH Muslims anxiety, Sir Edward Grey, the British Foreign Secretary, assured the Muslims that during the War, the holy places of Islam would be preserved. 31 After this assurance, Indian Army, mostly consisted of Muslim soldiers, was sent to Europe, which fought for Britain and, therefore, against Turkey. Indian Muslims supported Allied Forces with the hope that in return of their loyalty and support, Allied Forces, especially British government will treat Turkey leniently, in case of its defeat. When the news reached India that Turkey had joined Central Powers, the Muslim press once again became active and started writing articles on fate of Turkey and also about the attitude of Indian Muslims towards British government and to Caliph. Muslim newspapers like The Daily Paisa Akhbar and Sher-e-Punjab, criticized Turkeys decision of joining the War against England and propagated the idea that Indian Muslims should remain unperturbed and stand by the British. 32 However, there was another section of Muslim press such as Comrade, Al-Hilal and Zamindar openly sympathized with the Turkish Ottoman Empire and criticized British Government. These newspapers further created resentment among Indian Muslims against the government and pose a security risk for the government. To control the spread of discontent and to keep Muslim agitation in control, Muhammad Ali and Abul Kalam Azad were interned (May 1915) during the War and their Press was confiscated. 33 Muslim feelings were running high and situation became very critical for the government of India. During the War, as they needed the support from all the communities of India particularly from the Muslims, therefore, on the request of the Indian government, the British Prime Minister, Lloyd George, on 5 January 1918, stated in the Parliament, nor are we [Allied Forces] fighting to deprive Turkey of its capital or of the rich and renowned lands of Asia Minor and Thrace which are predominantly Turkish in race. 34 When at international level above mentioned events were taking place, in India some very important political changes took place, which transformed the Muslim political outlook and further aggravated the situation. The first of these developments was the foundation of All India Muslim League at Dacca in 1906 through which Muslims entered into the politics of India. The second development was the annulment of the Partition of Bengal in When in 1905 Bengal was divided, the new province carved out, turned out to be a Muslim majority province. The Muslims of East Bengal (the new province) hailed Indian government with the hope that new 31 S.M.Burke & Salim al-din Quraishi, British Raj in India: A Historical Review (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 1995), p Syed Razi Wasti, Muslim Struggle for Freedom in British India (Lahore: Book Traders, 1993), p I.H. Qureshi, Ulema in Politics, op.cit., p R.C.Majumdar, History of Freedom Movement in India, Vol. III (Lahore: Book Traders, 1979), p.53 57

66 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 province will provide opportunities to the Muslims to improve their life. But Bengali Hindus agitated and refused to accept the division of Bengal. To pressurize Indian government, for the annulment, Hindus started Swadeshi Movement in which the British products were boycotted. Hindus asked the Muslim to join Swadeshi Movement. But Muslims refused and as a result communal riots took place. In spite of Hindu pressure, British Indian government assured the Muslims that in no circumstances the Partition would be revoked. During this period, the Indian Councils Act of 1909 was introduced in India, which gave the right for separate electorates to the Muslims. This concession further promoted among the Muslims the loyalty to the British government. But Congress leaders were enraged and disapproved this concession. As a result, the agitation, which was carried on by Congress against the Partition of Bengal was now doubled and communal tension grew more. Because of the continuous agitation, on the occasion of the coronation of the King Emperor on 12 December 1911, the Partition was annulled by a Royal proclamation at Delhi. The announcement of annulment thrilled the Hindus, but Muslims were disappointed. They felt that the government has cheated them. They began to think that loyalty to the government is not the way for fulfilling their demands rather it s the agitation that helps to achieve objectives. In the meantime, the issue of the Aligarh Muslim University further created resentment against Indian government. Muslims desired to raise the Aligarh College to the level of an affiliating Muslim University. But in 1912, Secretary of State for India turned down the Muslim request. The refusal further disappointed the Muslims. During this period, some educated Hindus started showing their sympathies for the Ottoman Empire. A leading Hindu newspaper, the Gujratee, in one of its editorial wrote that the Turks who are defending their homeland deserve our sympathies. The Hindus are aggrieved to see the afflictions of the Turks, since they have made a mark in history and have contributed a lot towards the betterment of humanity. It is our heart-felt desire to see their Empire intact. 35 This changed attitude of Hindus (Congress) towards the Muslims encouraged Muslim League leaders, who believed in Hindu-Muslim unity, to work for it. As a first step, Muslim League revised its constitution in the Lucknow Session held in March 1913 declaring to promote friendship and union between the Mussalmans and other communities of India and to work for the attainment of a system of self-government suitable to India. 36 These changes in the constitution of Muslim League especially the adoption of 35 Syed Razi Wasti, op.cit., p Syed Sharifuddin Prizada (ed), Foundations of Pakistan: All India Muslim League Documents , Vol. I (Karachi: National Publishing House Limited, 1969), pp

67 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH self-government as one of its objective brought Muslim League and Congress close to each other, which resulted in signing of Lucknow Pct (1916). 37 Thus, during the War, Congress and Muslim League grew closer and their relationship became cordial. Throughout the WWI, Indians agitated for the reforms. And when finally in 1919, Montague Chelmsford Reforms were introduced, it dissatisfied congress and League. As a result agitation of the Indians increased. To impose curbs against agitation, Lord Chelmsford appointed a committee to investigate anti-government activities of Indians and recommend legislation to suppress it. The committee presided over by Mr. Justice Rowlatt of UK and consisted of four other members, two of who were Indians and two British officials in India 38. The recommendations of this committee passed into an Act, on the 18 March The Rowlatt Act provided for speedy trial of offences by a special Court, consisting of three High Court Judges. No right of appeal against the decision of this Court was given to the Indians. The Provincial Government was also given powers to search a place and arrest a suspected person without warrant and keep him in confinement 40. The Rowlatt Act, which gave Executive wide and sweeping powers, was condemned at different levels by all the Politicians of the India. The important Result of this Act was that it united all the Indians against the British Government Hindu-Muslim entente came into existence, and this unity helped Muslims to start a joint Movement for protecting Khilafat. At the end of War, Turkey was defeated and on 3 November 1918, she signed the armistice, 41 by which the hostilities between Allies and Turkey ceased. After the war, the question of defeated Turkey caused the Indian Muslims grave concern. They wished that the Ottoman Sultan should retain all his territory because only then would he be able to command the resources to enable him to maintain his status as the Khalifa of the Muslim world and the keeper of the holy places of Islam 42. During the delay in settling the status of Turkey after the War, the articles appeared in various newspapers in Europe asking the Allies to give severe punishment to Turkey for allying itself with Germany. Along with these articles, the rumor, that the Allied Powers on Turkey will impose harsh terms, increased the anxiety of the Indian Muslims. Because of the assurance of the British government regarding the fate of Turkey, Indian Muslims has 37 Ibid., pp History of Freedom Movement, Vol. III opt. cit. pp Sir Micheal Ó Dawyer, India as I knew it: (London: Constable and Co, 1925),p History of Freedom Movement, Vol. III op. cit. p David Thomson, op.cit, p.570. For further information on Armistice see K.K.Aziz, The Indian Khilafat Movement ( ) A Documentary Record (Karachi: Pak Publishers Limited, 1972), pp S.M.Burke & Salim al- Din Quraishi, op.cit, p

68 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 supported the British throughout the War. But now Muslims felt to be cheated by the British government. Muslim had no choice but to launch a protest movement to generate support for their demands and to force British to change her Turkish policy. As the first effort, to mobilize the support of the Khilafat on 20 March 1919, a public, meeting of 15,000 Indian Muslims was held in Bombay. This meeting setup a local organization named as Majlis-i-Khilafat or Bombay Khilafat committee 43. The meeting asked the Indian government to make it sure that Constantinople would remain in Turkish hands; a delegation of Indian Muslims should attend Paris Peace Conference and recommended that the Indian Muslims deputation should meet the viceroy to acquaint him about the dis-satisfaction of Indian Muslims regarding British government s attitude towards Turkey 44. Soon it was realized by the leaders of the committee that to pressurize Government, it was necessary to have support of all Indian Muslims. To make it broad based organization, another meeting of Bombay Khilafat committee was held on 5 July While describing their basic program that is to urge the retention of the temporal powers of the Sultan of Turkey as Caliph, and to ensure his continued suzerainty over the Islamic holy places. The meeting resolved, that to achieve these objectives the branches of Khilafat committee should be opened all over India. It was also decided to hold the regular meetings of the committee in order to keep informed Muslims about Khilafat problems and to mobilize their support to create an effective pressure on the Government to keep Turkey and her Khilafat intact 46. To generate more support for Khilafat issue a conference was held at Lucknow in September 1919, with Ibrahim Haroon Jafar presiding, an All- India Khilafat Committee was formed with Seth Chotani of Bombay as President and Maulana Shaukat Ali as Secretary. 47 On 17 October 1919, the Committee observed the Khilafat Day 48. On this day, the Muslims all over India suspended their business, kept fast and offered prayers. On 23 November the Khilafat Conference held its first session at Delhi under the chairmanship of A.K.Fazl-ul-Haq. In the meantime the Indian government had announced that official peace celebrations were to start from 13 December At this Khilafat Conference, the leaders appealed the Muslims not to participate in the official celebrations and hold protest meetings and to organize an effective movement against the government. It was also decided to send a deputation to England under the leadership of 43. History of Freedom Movement, Pakistan Historical Society, Vol. III, p Gail Minoult. Op.cit,p 45. Minolt 46. Ibid. p. 47 M. Naeem Qureshi, The Indian Khilafat Movement , Journal of Asian History, 12.2 (1978), pp Ibid 60

69 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH Maulana Muhammad Ali 49. It was also decided that as the government had rejected Muslim demands, they would boycott British goods and will noncooperate with the government. The scheme of non-violent non-cooperation was adopted on the advice of Gandhi. Gandhi had displayed his sympathy for the cause of Turkey as early as 1918, because he thought that such an opportunity of winning over the Muslims and forging the unity of Indian people to fight the British would not come in a hundred years. 50 Gandhi felt that Muslim demand about Khilafat was just and was ready to render all possible help to Indian Muslims to save their Khilafat. When the All-India Khilafat Conference was held at Delhi on November 1919 under the chairmanship of Fazlul Haq, Gandhi was elected its President. Motilal Nehru, Madan Moyahan Malaviya and Swami Shradhanand, also attended the conference. From Sindh, Seth Abdullah Haroon, Maulana Taj Mohamed Amroti, Pir Turab Ali Shah, and Jan Mohammad Junejo participated in the Conference 51. On Gandhi s advice the Conference passed a resolution, asking all Indian Muslims to refuse to co-operate with the government unless the Khilafat and holy places of Muslims were treated in accordance with the Muslim wishes. 52 There was a spontaneous outburst of widespread popular feeling and sympathy with the Turks in their distress and a general willingness everywhere among the Muslims to undergo an amount suffering for the Khilafat cause. Meanwhile to further pressurize the Government All India Muslim League called for an All India Muslim Conference (AIMC). The idea behind this Conference was that all the groups of Muslims should unite and draw up a single programme for the future line of action regarding Khilafat issue. Invitation was issued to all the Muslim Leaders of different groups and region. This Conference was held in Lucknow in September Some four hundred Muslim delegates attended the Conference from different regions of India including Sindh, which was represented by Abdullah Haroon. 53 The Conference was presided by Ibrahm Haroon Jafar. At this Conference an All Indian Khilafat committee was formed with Seth Chhotani of Bombay as President and Maulana Shoukat Ali as Secretary. 54 At this Conference Muslims put forward their specific demands to the Government. The participant protested at the separation of Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia from the Ottoman Empire, as they explained that Khilafat was bound with the temporal power of Turkish Sultan and the division of Ottoman Empires was regarded by the Indian Muslims as an assault upon 49 I.H.Qureshi, Ulema in Politics, op.cit., p Syed Razi Wasti, op.cit., p Al-Wahid, 15 May M.A. Toosy, op. cit, p Ibid. 54. History of Freedom Movement, Historical Society, Vol. III, p.. 61

70 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 their religion. They also objected to the internationalization of Constantinople and the partition of Thrace. 55 At the end of the Conference, it was resolved that the feelings of the Indian Muslims towards Turkey must be forwarded to the British Prime Minister. To make Indian Government realized about the feeling of Muslims, it was decided to observe an All India Khilafat Day on 17 October 1919, during which special prayers, fasting, hartal (Strike), and public meetings will be held all over the country and Conference also appealed to the Hindus for their support. 56 Conference also resolved to from the All-India Khilafat Committee, with headquarters in Bombay, and to establish local and regional Khilafat committees all over the India and to open its branches down to the village level 57. The Muslim League at its Amritsar session is December 1919 which was attended by Congress leaders namely Gandhi, Motilal Nehru and Malaviya expressed its deep disappointment at the attitude of the British government towards the question of the Khilafat and warned that under the circumstances the Musalmans would be fully justified to carry on all the possible methods of constitutional agitation open to them, including a boycott of the British Army, if it is likely to be used outside India for imperial and anti-islamic purposes 58. It also placed on record its deepseated and unshakable devotion to the sacred person of His Imperial Majesty (the Ottoman Sultan) as successor of Prophet (PBUH) and head of Islam. M.A. Jinnah was as deeply concerned about the fate of the Sultan as any-one was demonstrated in the summer of 1919 when he led a deputation of the All-India Muslim League to London to plead the Sultan s cause. He forwarded a memorandum to Prime Minister Lloyd George with a letter dated 4 September The memorandum warned that if Great Britain becomes a party in reducing HIM the Sultan of Turkey as the Khalifa of the Muslim world to the status of a pretty sovereign, the reaction in India will be colossal and abiding 59. On the decision of Khilafat conference held at Amritsar1919, to secure assistance of Viceroy for the fair treatment of Turkey by the Britain and Allied Powers, the Khilafat deputation of thirty-five members met the viceroy Lord Chelmsford, on 19 January The which deputation was led by Dr.Ansari, who read the address, included Abdullah Haroon, Ali Brothers, Abdul Kalam Azad, Gandhi, Maulana Abdul Bari (Farangi Mahal), Hakim Ajmal Khan, Dr. Saifuddin Kitchlew, Shradhanand Sannyasi and Pandit Ram Bhajdat and others 60. The address conveyed the wishes of Indian Muslims regarding the Khilafat question, Muslim [Caliph s] control 55. AIMC, p Ibid 57. Indian Muslims A documentary record of Muslim struggle in India. 58. Ibid. 59 S.M. Burke, & Salim Al din Qureshi, op. cit. p K.K. Aziz, The Indian Khilafat Movement ( ) A Documentary Record, op.cit, pp And also see I.H.Qureshi, Ulema in Politics, op.cit., p

71 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH over Jazirat-ul-Arab and other Muslim Holy Places and about the full integrity, the sovereignty and dominions, which she possessed before the War 61. It stated that Indian Muslims were worried about the fate of Khilafat as armistice was signed a year ago, but it was not yet clear what policy would be adopted by the His Majesty s Government while dealing with the Turkey. This delay has created a feeling of uneasiness among, the Indian Muslim. It further stated that Indian Muslims have always been loyal to British Empire, therefore, in return of their loyalty His majesty must give due consideration of their feelings regarding Khilafat while settling Turkish issue. In the end Viceroy was told by the members of the Deputation very clearly that any settlement, which meant to liquidate Ottoman Empire, or give control of Muslim Holy places to non-muslim, or the institution of the Khilafat is abolished, will not be tolerated and acceptable to the Muslim world and particularly to Indian Muslims 62. The Viceroy told the deputation that this will [not] be recognized by the Allied Powers and gave no hope that Turkey would escape the punishment for deliberately drawing the sword in the cause of Germany 63. Disappointed at the Viceroy s reply, Khilafat committee decided to send an Indian Khilafat Deputation to England, to present the Indian Muslim anxieties over the Peace Settlement. To meet the expenses of the delegation Ali Brothers started fund raising drive. Their target was of Ten Lakh Rupees, which even after two months (January, February 1920) of drive, was not achieved. Finally Seth Chotani, President of Khilafat Committee and Abdullah Haroon, President of Sindh Khilafat Committee, donated money 64. In February 1920 a Khilafat delegation led by Muhammad Ali sailed for Europe. Mr. Fisher on behalf of the Secretary of State received the delegation on 2 March and on 19 March, met the Prime Minister Lloyd George 65. Muhammad Ali reiterated that Khilafat must be preserved with adequate temporal power and that his [Caliph s] pre-war territorial status must be restored 66. Lloyd George after listening the deputation replied that Turkey could not be treated differently from the defeated Christian Powers (Germany, Austria). He further said that the Principle of self-determination would be applied to Empires, which have fortified their title to rule including 61 Ibid, p K.K. Aziz, The Indian Khilafat Movement ( ) A Documentary Record. (Karachi: Pak Publisher Limited, 1972), pp Ibid. 64. Minoult, opt. cit. p The other members of delegation were, Mawlana Saiyid Sulaiman Nadvi, Abdul Qasim, Syud Husain and Hasan Muhammad Hayat. Shoaib Qureshi and Abdur Rehman Siddiqi were already in England and joined the deputation there. I.H.Qureshi, Ulema in Politics, op.cit., p K.K. Aziz, The Indian Khilafat Movement ( ) A Documentary Record, op.cit, p.97 63

72 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Turkey 67. After this fruitless attempt, the delegation went to France and Italy to gather support for Turkey. But they met with little success. Meanwhile in India, Central Khilafat Committee met in Bombay on 12 May 1920, to discuss the meeting of Khilafat delegation and noncooperation movement. Abdullah Haroon represented Sindh as one of the members of executive council of Khilafat attended this meeting. He urged to the members to adopt non-cooperation in order to avoid independent action and wanted Muslims to keep non-cooperation peaceful 68. While the Muslim delegation was still in Europe, the terms of the Treaty of Severs were published on 15 May 1920 by the government of India. According to the treaty, the Sultan s empire was to be dismembered: the Arab lands were to become independent; Syria was to become a mandate of France, Mesopotamia and Palestine of Britain, Smyrna and Thrace were to be made over to Greece. But Turkey was allowed to retain Constantinople. 69 On 28 May 1920 the delegation sent an appeal to the Sultan of Turkey not to accept the peace terms, which contained the argument, that: the Khalifa is the repository of the sacred Traditions of our Prophet (PBUH), and, as your Majesty is aware, according to the most authentic reports, he commanded the Musalmans on his death-bed not to permit or tolerate any sort of kind of non-moslem control over any portion of the Jazeerat ul Arab, which includes Syria, Palestine and Mesopotamia as well as the region known to European geographers as the peninsula of Arabia. No Musalman can therefore agree to the exercise of any control by mandatories of the powers in Syria, Palestine or Mesopotamia, and what no Musalman can submit to consistently with his creed, the Successor of our Prophet (PBUH) can submit to still less. 70 On the same day the Central Khilafat Committee organized a mammoth public meeting at Bombay and adopted non-cooperation as the only practical course of action. It was decided that the scheme of noncooperation was to be implemented in four stages: (a) renunciation of honorary posts, titles and membership of Councils; (b) giving up of posts under the government; (c) giving up of appointments in the police and military forces; and (d) refusal to pay taxes. 71 At this juncture a new element of Hijrat (migration) entered in Khilafat Movement. On the failure of Muslim delegation, Ghulam Muhammad Aziz from Amritsar, under the influence of Mawlana Fadl-i-Ilahi of Wazirabad advocated the idea of Hijrat of Indian Muslims to Afghanistan. He in his 26 April 1920 telegram to the Viceroy conveyed the decision of migration 67 Ibid, p Minoult, opt. cit. p Other members of the executive council were Seth Chotani; President Shaukat Ali; Secretary, Abdul Bari, Abul Kalam Azad, Abdullah Haroon, Dr. Ansari, Hasrat Mohani, Yaqub Hasaan and Pandith Rambhuj Dutt; members of executive council. 69 The Indian Annual Register 1921, Part-1, pp Ibid., pp Ibid., p

73 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH stating that Islamic injunctions make it impossible for the faithful any longer to remain under British rule peacefully. We have decided to migrate to Afghanistan thus carrying out the sacred commandments of Allah the Mighty. 72 The idea soon became popular. People sold their properties and started migrating to Afghanistan. But when migrants became burden on Afghan economy, the government of Afghanistan stopped any more migrants in their country. The migrants had no other option but to return to India and on their return they were financially broken. As a result the Hijrat Movement collapsed and it served no purpose. The All-Parties Conference met at Allahabad on 2 June 1920 under the auspices of the Central Khilafat Committee, to formulate a response to the Treaty of Sevres. Committee decided to launch a non-cooperation movement and appointed a sub-committee to give practical effect to the programme. The sub-committee consisted of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Maulana Mohammad Ali, Mr. Ahmad Haji Siddik Khattri, Maulana Shaukat Ali, Dr. Kitchlew, Maulana Hasrat Mohani and Mahatma Gandhi 73. On 22 June, a memorial, signed by a large number of leader and ulema, was sent to the Viceroy stating that if their demands were not heeded they from 1 August would resort to non-cooperation. While in Europe on 10 August 1920, Treaty of Sevres was signed with Turkey. To keep the flame of anti British feelings alive and to show their resentment against the Treaty, the Leaders decided to observe 31 August, 1920 as Khilafat day, throughout the India 74. In September 1920, the Congress held its session at Calcutta and adopted the resolution in favour of non-violent non-cooperation, which was confirmed at the Nagpur session held in December When, non-violent non-cooperation became the joint programme the Jamait-ul-Ulema Hind issued the Fatwa which was signed by nine hundred twenty five (925) eminent Muslim divines and sanctioned the programme of non-violent non-cooperation 75. Propaganda against the British government for not solving the Khilafat issue as desired by Indian Muslim continued throughout Central Khilafat Committee continuously held meetings throughout India. One such meeting was held in Karachi on 8-10 July Mohammad Ali presided this Conference. Other prominent leaders who attended this Conference were Ali Brothers, Dr. Kitchlew of Amritsar, Maulana Husain Ahmad Madni of Deoband, Maulana Nisar Ahmad, Pir Ghulam Mujaddid of Matiari in Sindh, and Sri Shankaracharya. All these leaders gave fiery statements, which alarmed the British bureaucracy and they started taking this 72 K.K. Aziz, The Indian Khilafat Movement, op.cit., p P.C. Bamford, History of the Non-Cooperation and Khilafat Movements (Delhi, Government of India Press, 1925), p PC Bomford, op. cit,p. 75. Dr. Rajendra Prasad,INDIA DIVIDED (Lahore, Siddiq Printers, 1978) p

74 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 ultimatum very seriously. This conference endorsed this Fatwa and made appeal to the people to carry out effectively the non-cooperation programme. This meeting declared that as long as the demands of Indian Muslims regarding the maintaining of integrity of Khilafat and preservation of holy places are not fulfilled, they will continue their struggle. The Conference warned British Government that if they fought with the Angora Government, then Indian Muslims will start civil disobedience and will demand complete independence along with the Congress 76. Non-cooperation Movement started from 1 August 1920 and was suspended on 6 February During the period of twenty months of noncooperation Hindu Muslim alliance worked shoulder to shoulder for the dual cause of Khilafat and Swaraj. But during this period, in the year 1921 and 1922 the incidents of Mophal & Chauri Choure took place which created suspicion among them and created division in the unity. As a consequence in early February 1922, Gandhi suspended civil disobedience and non-cooperation. Soon after this Gandhi was arrested and government sentenced him for six years. Meanwhile, In Turkey events moved on a fast pace, and in their own way. The Kemalists after winning the battle for Anatolia decided to take away the temporal powers of the Sultan. In November 1922 the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara abolished the temporal powers of Khalifa, deposed Sultan Wahiduddin Muhammad VI and declared Abdul Majeed Effendi as a new Caliph 77. Khilafat leaders with a mixed emotion received this news in India. This action was contrary to the demands of the Khilafat organization. The Khilafat leaders tried to defend their position as best as they could. At the annual meeting of the Khilafat Conference in December 1922, it passed a resolution recognizing the new Caliph and expressed its pleasure at the restoration of the ancient practice of electing the Caliph. Dr. Ansari, the president of the Conference justified the action of Mustafa Kemal by maintaining that Turks had not really separated the Caliph s spiritual and temporal powers, but had only made the Sultan a constitutional monarch. Praising his victories, they gave Mustafa Kemal a title of Saif-al-Islam (the Sward of Islam) 78. By the beginning of 1923, the masses had lost interest and Khilafat activities virtually came to an end. In July 1923, Turks concluded the Treaty of Lausanne with the European powers, relinquishing all connection, spiritual or temporal with the Arab World. Then in late October 1923 the Grand National Assembly declared Turkey a republic, with Mustafa Kemal as president and Ismet Pasha as prime minister, thus settling the question of 76. IAR, 1922, Part I, pp Minolt, op. cit. p K.K. Aziz, p. 66

75 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH who would exercise the temporal powers wrested from the sultan 79. On 1 March, 1924 National Assembly of Turkey voted to depose the Caliph, abolish the Caliphate and banish all surviving members of the Ottoman House 80. This announcement shocked Indian Muslims. Khilafat Leaders got divided over this action of Turkey. Mohammad Ali tried to convince Indian Muslims that they have to work for the re-establishment of Khilafat. While leaders like Abul Kalam Azad advised Indians to leave Turkey to its own fate and concentrate on matters closer to home. 81 Thus split was created between Ali Brothers and their co-khilafatist over the Turkish Government announcement, and the rise of communal antagonism in the provinces began to destroy erode of the Khilafat organization. The Province of Sindh played a significant role in the Khilafat Movement unlike other provinces of India. Because of hard work and sincere efforts of leaders of Sindh in a short period of time, Khilafat movement became a mass movement and the issue of Khilafat widely spread in Sindh. Soon after the Delhi session of Central Khilafat Committee in which it was decided to open Khilafat committees on every nook and corner of India, Sind Khilafat Committee (SKC) was found in October 1919 by Abdullah Haroon. 82 Among others who joined SKC were Pir Turab Ali Shah Rashdi, Pir Anwar Ali Shah Rashdi, Maulana Taj Muhammad Amroti and Pir Saheb of Jhandey Waley, all powerful Pirs, whose followers were spread all over Sindh, to achieve all the objectives set forth by the Central Khilafat Committee. Abdullah Haroon was elected President of Sind Khilafat Committee. To spread the message of Khilafat Committee and to mobilize the support for Khalifa the Khilafat Day was observed on 21 October The Pirs and religious leaders took active part in organizing protest meetings in villages and towns of Sindh. Hindu-Muslim unity was also in evidence in various places but understandably the participants in the Khilafat Day were predominantly Muslims. A meeting of Sindh Khilafat Committee was held under the presidentship of Abdullah Haroon at Khalidino Hall, Karachi, which was attended by both Hindus and Muslim. Abdullah Haroon in his speech denounced the policies of British government towards Turkey. He said: Besides the other duties of the Muslims, one of them was to select a Muslim King who would be capable of preserving their Islamic culture and who would also help in safeguarding the interest of Islam 83. The meeting passed the resolutions: 79. Minault, op. cit. p Ibid. p Ibid. p All India Gazette, 4 and 25 October Dr. Ikram ul-haq Pervez, The Contribution of Sindhi Muslims in Pakistan Movement (Hyderabad: Institute of Sindhology, University of Sindh, 1984), p

76 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 (i) That this public meeting of the Musalmans of Karachi held under the auspices of Sindh Provincial Committee, after prayers for the continuance and permanence of the temporal power of the Khalifatul Muslim in, approves and adopts the proceedings of the All India Muslim Conference held at Lucknow on the 2 nd September 1919 and expresses its greatest anxiety over the threatened dismemberment of Turkey and removal of the holy places of Islam from the Khilifa s control, and trusts that \British Ministers will secure fulfillment of the pledge of the Right Hon ble Lloyd George, given on behalf of the British Empire regarding Turkey for otherwise there will inevitable be created an upheaval among the Muslims threatening alike the peace and progress of the world in general and giving rise to strong and deep rooted discontentment within the British Empire in particular. (ii) With a view to safeguard the integrity of the Turkish Empire and maintain the Ottoman Khilafat s necessary control over the holy places of Islam by means of carrying an effective propaganda in England and elsewhere, including the proposed organ of the Muslim opinion in London, this public meeting of the Musalmans resolve that a fund for proposed object be started and appeals be made to all brethren-in-faith and their sympathizers to make liberal contribution towards the same 84. As the futility of the promises made by the British government became more and more evident, the Muslims of Sindh began to conduct more meetings to express their indignation and to put pressure upon the Government for the restoration of Khilafat. Thus the Khilafat Conference was held at Larkana on 8 February 1920 under the presidentship of Pir Syed Abu Turab Mohammad Rashidullah Shah. Maulana Shaukat Ali and Maulana Abul Kalam Azad also attended this conference. The Conference passed the resolution that This Conference respectfully urges that H.I.M s Government should impress on the Peace Conference to settle the question of Khilafat, Holy Places and Islamic territories in accordance with Commands of God and His Prophet. Hindus and Mohammedans all over India are repeating such a demand, and therefore this Conference prays that His Majesty s Government may not be a party to any other settlement. 85 The renowned Hindu and Muslim leaders held the seventh session of Sindh Provincial Conference at Sukkur on 5-6 April 1920 under the presidentship of Seth Abdullah Haroon- it was well attended. In his presidential address Haroon spoke on Khilafat question. He said that the British government and Allied statesmen have failed to fulfill their promises in regard to the status of Turkey and said: I am not hopeful of Britain 84. Dr. M. Yakoob Mughal (ed) Studies on Sind (Hyderabad: University of Sind, 1988), pp The Daily Gazette, Karachi, 14 February

77 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH carrying out its entire promise. 86 While criticizing upon the reply of Britain Premier to the Kilafat Deputation led by Maulana Mohammad Ali, Haroon said: the reply of the Premier of Great Britain to our Khilafat Deputation is most ominous. It clearly foreshadows a peace settlement that falls short of the irreducible Moslem demands. He lauded the cooperation of Hindus towards the Khilafat cause and said: 1 hope Muslims will ever remember the assistance given by the Hindus in making the Khilafat Movement a strong all-india movement. To all the co-operation of Hindus with Muslims in the Khilafat question will give nothing but the sincerest pleasure. 87 An extraordinary Khilafat Conference was held at Holmsted Hall, Hyderabad, on 22 May 1920, which was presided over by Haji Abdullah Haroon. The main objectives of the meeting were to consider (a) necessity of having proper rules and constitution for the Khilafat Conferences and meetings as in his opinion Khilafat Conference were being held everywhere without proper authority or some sense of responsibility; (b) question of proper control over the raising of funds because at present anybody would raise a fund and spend as he liked; (c) to consider the action taken by Sindh Officials against Khilafat people at Dadu, Sehwan and Jacobabad; and (d) question of non-cooperation with government on account of Peace Terms with Turkey 88. The meeting decided that Muslims should not in any case use violence against the government officials. Whatever action the government proposed to take against the Muslims who were taking part in noncooperation would bear with courage. The meeting appointed a Committee to frame rules in connection with the maintaining of Khilafat Fund. This committee was also given the task in inquiring into all cases direct or indirect started by the government in connection with the Khilafat Movement and to advice necessary action in the matter 89. Muslims of Sindh gave a greater impetus to the Khilafat Movement. P.C. Bamford, a senior official of the Intelligence Department of the government of India in 1920s had compiled various proceedings of Khilafat conferences in Sind. Khilafat Conference held at Hyderabad on 4-5 January 1920 approved of the Delhi proposals to boycott foreign goods. After denouncing the intrigues of those infidels who had criticized the acceptance of the Sultan of Turkey as the Khalifa of Islam, it was resolved that if Government failed to take suitable action against them, Mohammedans would have to deal with them according to the tenets of Islam. Britian was declared bitterest enemy of Islam and that if the decision with respect of Turkey was not satisfactory, 86. G.M. Sayed, Sindh Ji Bombay Khan Azadi (Hyderabad: Hydari Printing Press, 1968), p. 18; Dr. Ikramul-ul-haq Pervez, op. cit. p. 152, and Biography, op. cit. pp Ibid. 88. The Daily Gazette, 26 May Also D.A. Pirzada, op. cit., p Ibid., The others present in the meeting were: Pir Mahboob Shah, Sahibzada Abdul Sattar Jam, Pir Mahamed Imam Shah, Pir Turab Ali Shah, Munishi Amin Dir, Shaikh Abdul Aziz, Jan Mohamed, Pir Anver Ali Shah and Shaikh Abdul Majid Sindhi. 69

78 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Mohammedans would be compelled to obey the Quran and declare Jihad. 90 At the Khilafat Conference held in Jacobabad on 2 May 1920, the president Maulana Taj Mohamed Amroti laid emphasis to adopt non-cooperation and hijrat to Afghanistan and Asia Minor. Gandhi and Maulana Shaukat Ali attended Sindh Khilafat Conference held at Karachi on July Maulana Shaukat Ali declared that if the demands of the Indian Muslims in regard to Turkey were not granted, they should openly declare that neither the British were their rulers nor they were their subjects 91. The historic All India Khilafat Conference was held at Karachi on 10 July 1921 under the presidentship of Maulana Mohamed Ali. The prominent leaders who attended the Conference were Ali Brothers, Mrs. Sarojini Naidu, Jagat Guru, Sri Shanker Acharya of Shardha Pirth, Dr. Satyapal, Dr. Kitchlew, Maulana Abdul Bari, Abdul Majid Sindhi, Seth Abdullah Haroon and Vaswani. Seth Abdullah Haroon proposed Maulana Mohammad Ali for presiding over the meeting. In his speech he praised the work of the Maulana and further said that it was the good fortune of Sind in having him here for this position 92. Maulana Mohamed Ali in his speech said: When Muhammad bin Qasim first came to Sindh, he was looked upon with contempt by Rajaz for his lack of equipment, but he was successful by God s will in spite of it. They had been deprived of Jazirat-ul-Rab and only permitted to sit as custodian of the holy graves, but before they did that I would with that the entire Muslim world should be turned into a big graveyard 93. This conference passed 13 resolutions on various aspects of the Khilafat movement. At the Khilafat Conference in Delhi in 1920 the Hijrat (literally exodus/migration) of Muslims to Afghanistan had been advocated. A Hijrat Committee was constituted in Peshawar, which undertook to provide the intending migrants all kinds of facilities and comforts 94. The Ulema issued a fatwa in November 1920 lending support to the move. Jan Mohammad Junejo from Sindh was appointed Secretary of the Hijrat Committee and his residence was made the office of the said Committee. Ali Brothers, Pir Ghulam Mujadid Sirhandi, Sajjada Nashin of Matiari, Sind and their comrades were arrested because of their emotional speeches at Karachi Khilafat Conference held on 8 July After their trial which commenced from 26 September 1921, they were convicted and sentenced to 90. The Daily Gazette 8 January Holmsted Hall Hyderabad was full to its capacity, there being about 1500 delegates and visitors present. Makhdoom Moulvi Ghulam Mohamed Malkani, Chairman of the conference read his address in Sindhi. There were many speeches on the resolutions about Turkey, the Khilafat and the interference of certain Mohammedan Officers in Sind. 91. P.C. Bamford, op. cit. p Daily Gazette, 10 July Ibid. 94. Parshotom Mehra, op. cit. p

79 KHILAFAT MOVEMENT AND THE PROVINCE OF SINDH undergo rigorous imprisonment for two years each. 95 Only co-accused who was Hindu, B.K. Tirathji was acquitted. Their conviction gave new life to the Khilafat movement and it was decided that the Khilafat message should be conveyed on the doorstep of the Muslims of Sindh. Scores of meetings were held in every city of Sindh. First meeting was held on 11 September 1922 at Sukkur, then on 6 November 1922 at Panu Aqil, on 4 June 1923 at Gari-Yazin, on 9 January 1923 at Ghotki, on 23 February 1923 at Daharki, on 29 February 1923 at Ducan and on 30 November 1923 at Obaro. By then in every town and city of Sindh even the street boys could be seen raising the slogans, O son! Give the life for the Khilafat 96. The all India Khilafat Conference at Nagpur in January 1921 while commending the efforts and spirit of the Sindh Muslims showed great sympathy with them. It resolved that this Conference expresses its deep sympathy with those Muslims of the North-West Frontier and Sindh who have fallen victim to unjust official aggression in the Khilafat Movement and trusts that they will set an instructive example to their brethren by steadfastly enduring all hardships and troubles which have befallen them in rendering services to the cause of Islam Sindh Government took unjust and oppressive ways for repressing the Khilafat Movement, thereby inviting disturbance and disorder for which they will be solely responsible. 97 Meanwhile in Turkey, events were following their own course. The helpless government of the Sultan, dominated by an international force of occupation at Constantinople, had signed the Treaty of Severs on 20 August But the Turkish nationalists, who under Mustafa Kemal Pasha s leadership built up a military force, which in 1922 mounted an offensive against the Greeks and took Smyrna, did not recognize the treaty. On 1 November, Kemal proclaimed the abolition of the Sultanate and Mohammad VI fled from Constantinople on a British ship. Abdul Mejid, cousin of Mohammad VI, was declared Caliph. Kemal s successes enabled him to obtain greatly improved terms through the Treaty of Lausanne in July On 29 October, Turkey formally became a republic with Kemal Ataturk as President, and on 3 March 1924 the institution of the Khilafat, which had agitated the Indian Muslims so much, but whose incumbent had brought defeat and disaster to Turkey itself by getting involved in the world war was abolished. The Khilafat and the Non-cooperation movements could not achieve the desired results. With the Treaty of Lausanne and the abolition of the Khilafat by the Turkish national assembly, the very existence of the Khilafat Committee became useless and the vitality of the movement drained away. 95. Dr. Ikram ul Haque Pervez, op. cit. p Ibid. 97. K.K. Aziz, The Indian Khilafat Movement (Karachi: Pak Publishers Ltd. 1971), p

80 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 CONCLUSION Though the Khilafat movement arose out of circumstances that had nothing to do with India however the movement affected Sindh Muslim leaders in many ways. They developed lesion with the leaders of other areas of Muslim and created an important position in the future politics of India. 72

81 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology Dr. Patricia Walsh* Abstract: During the early twentieth century, a myriad of progressive movements would form in the United States to better the social status of women. These movements had rich roots in their European counterparts and often fed off the intellectual fire that permeated progressive causes across the Atlantic. Margaret Sanger was a relentless activist who set out to emancipate women by advocating birth control. She initially promoted the feminist message that called for greater sexual autonomy Sanger s feminist viewpoint would gain strength among the company of European intellectuals who shaped her ideas on both birth control and the importance of personal sexual satisfaction. A close examination of the sexual freedom argument is crucial to discerning Sanger s own feminism within the context of other feminist principles. Sanger was influenced by a variety of European activists who had a long tradition of arguing against a sexual double standard. Unlike American suffrage associations, British suffragists embraced the critique of sexual oppression. Sanger s own frustration with the American suffrage movement and its lack of interest in reproductive rights possibly stemmed from her knowledge of the British model and British feminist s active campaign for sexual autonomy. In addition, Sanger was also attracted to the writings of a new group forming in the cafes of London, Paris, and Milan known as the New Moralists. These New Moralists of the early twentieth century had a profound influence on Margaret Sanger and her argument for sexual autonomy. This paper will demonstrate the importance of these European influences on Sanger s feminist advocacy of birth control as a means to achieve both sexual equality and satisfaction. Key Terms: Margaret Sanger, Feminism, Birth Control, Trans-Atlantic Movements *Assistant Professor, Beekey Education Center, Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, U 73

82 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology On November 2, 1914, birth control advocate Margaret Sanger set sail for England from Montreal, embarking on an intellectual and sexual journey that helped shape her feminist argument for birth control. Fleeing a federal obscenity charge, Sanger chose England as a refuge in order to prepare a solid defense. She planned to stay until the war was over then return to fight it out in the courts. 1 Yet she returned to the United States after only eleven months, energized from the connections she made and more focused on a message of sexual liberation for women through birth control information. Sanger s feminist viewpoint gained strength among the company of European intellectuals who shaped her ideas on both birth control and the importance of personal sexual satisfaction. The company she kept and the various relationships she entered into opened the door for her to explore her own sexuality and theories on birth control as a means to achieve sexual equality. Sanger actively sought the company of renowned sex theorists such as Havelock Ellis, Olive Schreiner, and Edward Carpenter to further her knowledge of sexual equality. She engaged in debates with birth control advocates such as Marie Carmichael Stopes to gain an understanding of sex education and birth control techniques. This article will demonstrate the importance of these European influences on Sanger s advocacy of birth control as a means to achieve both sexual equality and satisfaction. Throughout her career, Sanger never lost sight of this feminist goal documented in her early writing and publications. Yet this early pro-feminist dogma is often overshadowed by Sanger s connection to the eugenic and medical communities. This work explores the roots of Sanger s early message of reproductive self-determinism for the cause of sexual liberation. Although not completely new territory, this topic has been only vaguely explored by previous Sanger historians. 2 Historians have analyzed her from a social, political, feminist, and medical standpoint. Yet few books or articles have been published on Sanger since Moreover, nothing has been written solely analyzing Sanger s feminist thought and her connection to sex theorists of her time. Most of the existing analysis of Sanger and her European connections focus on her interaction with eugenic communities. However, this current literature is controversial. 1 Margaret Sanger, My Fight for Birth Control (New York: Pergamon Press, 1931), 93. Eugenics is those who proposed improvement of the human species by encouraging or permitting reproduction of only those people with genetic characteristics judged desirable. This ideology has been regarded with disfavor since the Nazi period. 2 Linda Gordon writes, Most historiographical progress-- perhaps most intellectual progress proceeds by rearranging relationships within old stories, not by writing new stories. Linda Gordon, What s New in Women s History in Feminist Studies/Critical Studies, ed. Teresa de Laurentis (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986),

83 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Leading Sanger historians disagree about the influence of her European connections. David Kennedy s Birth Control in America: The Career of Margaret Sanger (1970) and Linda Gordon s Woman s Body, Woman s Right: A Social History of birth Control in America (1976) both argue that Sanger s eugenic connection stemmed from a racist ideology. Furthermore, they contend that Sanger aligned the birth control movement with the eugenics movement because she considered limiting inferior races as equal in significance to uplifting their quality of life. Yet Sanger vocally opposed of the race suicide argument championed by prominent eugenicists of her day. Ellen Chesler s Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (1992) maintains that Sanger embraced the eugenics movement for more charitable reasons. The reduction of family size among the lower classes and immigrant populations would lead to a better quality of life for these segments of the population. 3 Carole McCann s Birth Control Politics in the United States: (1994) argues that a savvy Sanger used the rhetoric of the eugenics and medical communities to gain legitimacy for her cause without rejecting her radical roots. 4 While Sanger adopted the rhetoric of the eugenics movement, she never fully advocated the use of birth control as a means to reduce the numbers among the lower classes. This directly contrasted other British eugenicists such as Marie Stopes, who touted the use of contraceptives to reduce the number among lower classes in Great Britain. Of these historians, McCann presents the strongest evidence that Sanger aligned with the eugenics movement to lend credibility to her cause. 5 While focusing on the eugenics connections Sanger made in England, these historians give only a brief nod to the influence of sex theorists on her developing feminist thought. Furthermore, none agree what European factors most influenced Sanger s movement. Chesler comments that upon examining material on Sanger she is in disbelief over how misunderstood and misrepresented Sanger was among her biographers. 6 Biographer Emily Taft Douglas Margaret Sanger: Pioneer of the Future (1969) refers to Sanger s time in England as building the background of the movement and focuses on both the neo-malthusians and Havelock Ellis as mainly contributing to her social betterment argument. The only credit she gives Ellis in developing a sexual argument for birth control was that Sanger took home with her his attitudes on the development of a single standard in 3 Ellen Chesler, Woman of Valor: Margaret Sanger and the Birth Control Movement in America (New York: Simon & Shuster, 1992), Carole McCann, Birth Control Politics in the United States, (New York: Cornell University Press, 1994), Ibid, Ellen Chesler, Reinterpreting Margaret Sanger: The Biographer s Journey, Revealing Women s Life Stories: Papers from the 50th Anniversary Celebration of the Sophia Smith Collection (Northampton: Smith College, 1995),

84 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology sexual relations. 7 Lawrence Lader The Margaret Sanger Story and the Fight for Birth Control (1955) concentrates solely on the Fabian influence in Sanger s work, reducing her relationship with Ellis to a soap opera and crediting him with little more than introducing her to the reading room of the British Library. 8 Both of these biographers failed to mention Sanger s association with other noted feminists, sex theorists, or radicals who also formed her social circle in Europe. Unfortunately, these early accounts of Sanger ignore a fundamental element of her European experience. An examination of the connections Sanger made while in England is crucial to understanding her feminist argument for contraceptives. Although her first contact is with the neo-malthusian community, prominent sex theorists arguing for sexual equality within marriage and for women s sexual pleasure shaped much of Sanger s enterprise. The relationships she formed in Europe were complex mixing her growing awareness of a eugenic argument for birth control, the need for clinics to disseminate information, and a call for a release from sexual prudery. However, a closer examination of the sexual freedom argument is crucial to discerning Sanger s own feminism within the context of other feminist principles. Sanger s call for the right of all women to enjoy sex and the sacredness of motherhood is more in line with discussions found in London parlors than in Greenwich Village homes. English feminists had a long tradition of arguing against a sexual double standard. Victorian campaigns calling for a resistance to marriage are well documented. Although nineteenth century feminists in England saw these movements as counterproductive and detrimental to a woman s sexuality, the movements have a place within the larger context of early movements towards sexual equality and control by women. 9 The best known of the early feminist campaigns against a sexual double standard was the movement against the Contagious Diseases Act of the 1860s. According to the Act, prostitutes were forced to have compulsory medical exams in an effort to stop the spread of VD. Women across England rallied against the Acts, arguing that they infringed on a woman s civil rights, most importantly, the right to control one s own body. 10 The acts were eventually repealed in 1866, but the movement to end a double standard continued to grow and intensify. 7 Emily Taft Douglas, Margaret Sanger: Pioneer of the Future (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969), Laurence Lader, The Margaret Sanger Story and the Fight for Birth Control, (Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, 1955), 3. 9 Margaret Jackson, The Real Facts of Life: Feminism and the Politics of Sexuality (London: Taylor and Francis, 1994), For a history of British feminism, see Olive Banks, Faces of Feminism (Oxford: Martin Robertson, 1981) and David Mitchell, Women on the Warpath (London: Cape, 1966). 10 Jackson, The Real Facts of Life,

85 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Women such as Elisabeth Blackwell and Christabel Pankhurst further argued for sexual equality and were often cited as influential women by Sanger. 11 Blackwell, the first woman to become a doctor in England, lobbied against forced examinations of prostitutes and firmly supported sexual autonomy. Most significant, Blackwell believed that the sex impulse in women and the passion of the sex is as strong a natural force in woman as in man. 12 Like Sanger, Blackwell believed that ignorance of one s body led parents to make bad choices in regards to childrearing and spacing. In The Human Element in Sex, first published in 1880, Blackwell maintained that sex education and an understanding of human physiology was essential in a relationship. Furthermore, Blackwell argued that the sexual impulse in women as being greater and more complex than in men because of the reproductive structure of their bodies. Finally, she reasoned that passion within women differed from sexual appetite. According to Blackwell, women s sexual passion was a compilation of mental, moral, and most important, spiritual elements that made them true sexual beings. All elements of Blackwell s arguments for the sexual nature of women are found in Sanger s early justification for birth control. The development of the British suffrage movement also had an effect on Sanger. In October 1905, Christabel Pankhurst and Annie Kenney incited acts of civil disobedience in public for the cause of woman s suffrage. However, the militant phase of the suffrage movement in England is not significant here. Instead, the blending of the vote in regards to sexuality is of importance. The British suffrage movement spawned two major feminist organizations: the Woman s Social and Political Union and the Women s Freedom League. Both organizations published newspapers that regularly discussed the concept of sexuality and male supremacy. Unlike American suffrage associations, British suffragists embraced the critique of sexual oppression. Pankhurst connected the two issues by coining the slogan, Votes for Women, chastity for men. This call was a response to the subordination of women through institutionalized prostitution. 13 Sanger s own frustration with the American suffrage movement and its lack of interest in reproductive rights possibly stemmed from her knowledge of the British model and the British feminists active campaign for sexual autonomy. In addition to British suffragists, Sanger also found attractive the writings of a new group forming in the cafes of London. Around the time of her 1914 trip to Europe, an innovative concept in sexual autonomy emerged under the name of The New Morality. New Moralists argued for a need to 11 Margaret Sanger, The Militants in England, The Woman Rebel, no. 4(June 1914): 25, Elizabeth Blackwell, Rescue Work in Relation to Prostitution and Disease (London: T. Danks, 1881), Jackson, The Real Facts of Life,

86 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology recognize the spiritual nature of sex in an effort to give women greater control within marriage. Prominent suffragists such as Edith Watson, Kathryn Oliver, and Margaret Hill wrote articles for the feminist publication The Freewoman, arguing for divorce rights, sexual freedom, and birth control. Sanger, obviously aware of the publication before her trip, published articles in her journal The Woman Rebel (1914) using the same title. Most significantly, new moralist feminists believed in the right to refuse maternity and advocated artificial means if necessary. 14 These New Moralists of the early twentieth century had a profound influence on Margaret Sanger and her argument for sexual autonomy. Although she had argued for birth control and sexual freedom the year before in The Woman Rebel, her European counterparts helped to refine her dialogue and supplied the scientific data that gave her message social credibility. Sanger initiated intimate relationships with prominent New Moralists and elicited their work for her later publications. Furthermore, the pro-feminist argument espoused by New Moralists, advocated economic freedom for women, a release from male tyranny within relationships, and the full enjoyment of sex by both partners, is found throughout Sanger s books and journals. Of all the issues addressed by these men and women, the subject of a woman s sexual liberation enticed Sanger the most. Havelock Ellis, Edward Carpenter, and Ellen Key, three major spokespeople for the New Morality, historian Linda Gordon argues, all considered sexual liberation to be primarily dependent on women s sexual liberation, which in turn required women s independence and opportunity to seek full, creative lives. 15 These key players in Sanger s life first introduced her to the idea that sexual pleasure and reproduction could be considered separate from each other and was crucial to her argument for the necessity of birth control. Sanger s first contacted the British Neo-Malthusian League in England during her exile in Neo-Malthusianism was a radical version of Thomas Malthus theories on population. In 1798 Malthus, a British economist and clergyman, published tracts connecting restricted population growth with diminishing food supplies. 16 British Neo-Malthusians used Malthus theories to justify their belief that population could be controlled and that this control would lead to a utopian society. Malthusian League members, particularly C.V. and Bessie Drysdale, introduced Sanger to prominent sex theorists during her stay in England. The Drysdales were well connected in London and hosted a number of sex theorists of the day, 14 The New Feminists, The Woman Rebel no. 1 (March 1914), Linda Gordon, The Moral Property of Women: A History of Birth Control Politics in America (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2002), Thomas Robert Malthus, Essay on the Principle of Population (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959, 1798). 78

87 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 including F.W. Stella Browne, Olive Schreiner, and Edward Carpenter. Upon meeting for tea at the Drysdales, Sanger met Browne - an ardent Feminist whom Sanger admired and with whom she formed a rather tumultuous friendship. 17 Coupled with the earlier connections she made when she first arrived in London, this was the start of Sanger s exploration into British sex theory. No historian writing of Sanger s time in Europe can ignore the lasting presence sexologist Havelock Ellis had upon her life. However, most Sanger biographers concentrate on Ellis as the most influential figure on Sanger s emerging intellectual thought. Upon closer examination, it becomes evident that Sanger drew from prominent European women when forming a sexual argument for birth control. Ellis, on the other hand, guided Sanger s intellectual awakening during her early months in England by introducing her to prominent sex theorists and expanding her literary knowledge. Under his tutelage, Sanger developed an argument for sexual autonomy that differed from Ellis s yet was strongly influenced by his guidance. Upon first contact, Ellis and Sanger formed a friendship based on mutual interests and a shared respect for one another s work. Sanger contacted Ellis on the advice of the Drysdales and F.W. Stella Browne who thought she and Ellis would have common interests. Although the letter was not found, Sanger allegedly related her story to Ellis and praised the ideas found in The Psychology of Sex (1896). Ellis responded to Sanger in December 1915, thanking her for relating her experiences with the relics of so-called Puritanism and inviting her to his home. 18 Sanger would visit Ellis the following week and both would write of their first encounters. Referring to Ellis as a tall, lovely, simple man with a wonderful mind, Sanger immediately took to the man she would later compare to St. Francis of Assisi. 19 Ellis was also taken with Sanger yet hesitant in outwardly professing affection. He commented in his autobiography that she left a pleasant impression, referring to her as a charming and congenial companion. 20 They quickly engaged in a short-lived love affair and lifelong friendship. Ellis s most important role in Sanger s emerging ideology was that of literary mentor and social guide. During her 1915 stay in London, the two met almost daily to discuss literature and theory. At their first meeting, Ellis gave Sanger a copy of his book Sexual Inversion (1897) along with his copy of Alice B. Stockham s Karezza: Ethics of Marriage (1896). Sanger wrote 17 Margaret Sanger, An Autobiography (New York: W.W. Norton & Co, 1931), Havelock Ellis to Margaret Sanger, December 15, Margaret Sanger Papers, Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, box Sanger describes Ellis in a December 22, 1914 entry in her diary, Margaret Sanger Papers, Library of Congress, reel 1, page 3. The Assisi reference is found in Margaret Sanger s An Autobiography, Havelock Ellis, My Life: Autobiography of Havelock Ellis (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1939),

88 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology that they spoke openly and freely on the subject and considered this openness a relief. 21 By the last week of December 1915, Ellis and Sanger were meeting regularly at the British Museum. Sanger recalled in her autobiography that Tuesdays and Fridays were Ellis s days at the Museum where she met him there to discuss books and have lunch. In a 1959 radio interview given ten days after Ellis s death, Sanger recalled his influence: He guided my early studies and directed my reading for a year and a half in that famous historical spot, the British Museum. Regularly each day we met in the reading room, and he mapped out lines of study for me to follow. He believed so strongly in my case that he wanted to see me avoid all possible mistakes. I have never felt about any person as I do about Havelock Ellis.I d developed a reverence, an affection, and a love which have strengthened with the years. To know him has been a bounteous privilege; to claim him my friend the greatest honor of my life. 22 He left articles and pamphlets on her chair at the museum along with notes directing her to books which might assist me in the particular aspect I was then engaged upon. 23 Ellis wrote her letters suggesting other sexologists she might consider reading and opened his home and library to her for her perusal. More importantly, she engaged in a wider array of literature than just Ellis s and these particular works had a far reaching effect on her own writing. Ellis also introduced Sanger to two of the most prominent sex theorists of their time, Edward Carpenter and Olive Schreiner. These experiences expanded her intellectual circle and broadened her understanding of British feminist thought. As early as December 1914, Ellis promised to introduce Sanger to Edward Carpenter, a noted homosexual British writer and Fabian socialist. Carpenter, more than Ellis, wrote of the need to cast off the shackles of Victorian sexual oppression and replace it with a new sexual openness. In Love's Coming of Age (1896), Carpenter wrote of feminist ideals which connected sexual freedom to gender equality. Sanger and Carpenter met on January 30, 1915 in the British Museum. Over lunch, she and Carpenter spoke of her exile and he reassured her in her cause. From this fine spirit, she wrote of Carpenter, I drew confirmation of the purity of my endeavor and spoke of the need for the sanction of British public opinion and the approval of their great philosophers such as Carpenter to further her cause Sanger, December 22, 1914 diary entry, Margaret Sanger Papers, Library of Congress, reel Taken from a broadcast on WEAF Radio program "Let's Talk It Over" 1:15-1:30 P.M., July 17, Interviewing Sanger was longtime friend Dorothy Gordon. The interview was reprinted in The King and I: Sanger Remembers Havelock Ellis, Margaret Sanger Papers Newsletter24 (Spring 2000), Sanger, An Autobiography, Ibid,

89 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Ellis also arranged a meeting between Sanger and Olive Schreiner, noted South African novelist and feminist writer. Sanger was already acquainted with Schreiner s work, having read Woman and Labour (1911) before leaving the United States. The two women met regularly at Ellis s home in London and formed an easy friendship. Sanger commented that on the day of their final meeting, Schreiner praised her devotion to the birth control cause, commenting, We may never meet again, but your endeavor is the bright star shining through the black clouds of war. 25 The influence of these two writers, particularly Schreiner, is evident in Sanger s rhetoric when discussing the need for an equality of sexual experience. While acting as her cultural guide, Ellis introduced Sanger to the influential literature and people that shaped her intellectual growth. However, the influence Ellis had upon Sanger s emerging feminism is intricate. Sanger wholeheartedly adopted his line of reasoning pertaining to the sex rights of women. Yet she often contradicted his ideas regarding the role of women as mothers. For example, Ellis contended that women, because of their unique stature as mothers, remained separate from men. He wrote in Man and Woman (1894), The female retains her youthfulness for the sake of possible offspring Nature has made women more like children in order that they may better understand and care for children. 26 Furthermore, Ellis maintained that each sex must adhere to the laws of its own nature, arguing, Woman breeds and tends; man provides; it remains so even when the spheres tend to overlap. 27 Yet Sanger believed that motherhood, while creating a separate sphere for women, did not diminish their equal status or intelligence. Nor did she believe that a woman s ultimate duty was to breed. This sphere, or feminine spirit according to Sanger, was the key to a woman s sexual emancipation. That spirit, Sanger maintained, manifests itself most frequently in motherhood, but it is greater than maternity. Woman herself, all that she is, all that she ever has been, all that she may be, is but the outworking of this inner spiritual urge. 28 She concluded, If we are to make racial progress, this development of womanhood must precede motherhood in every single woman. 29 To Ellis, motherhood defined the woman while to Sanger a woman must first be defined independently from motherhood. Sanger s complete devotion and adoration of the man kept her from outwardly acknowledging these differences in opinion and possibly led to an overemphasis by historians on Ellis s influence on her thought. Although 25 Ibid, Havelock Ellis, Man and Woman: A Study of Human Secondary Sexual Characters (London: Walter Scott, 1894), Ellis quotes were found in Sheila Rowbotham and Jeffrey Weeks, Socialism and the New Life: The Personal and Sexual Politics of Edward Carpenter and Havelock Ellis (London: Pluto Press, 1977), Margaret Sanger, Woman and the New Race (New York: Pergamon Press, 1920), Ibid,

90 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology she adopted a spiritual argument for sex which can be directly credited to Ellis, her later rhetoric on the role of women within a sexual relationship was often contradictory to his writing. The strongest ties between Sanger and Ellis s birth control theories were found in their eugenic rhetoric. Sanger claimed that Ellis s theories shaped her own. Nevertheless, upon closer examination it becomes clear that her brand of sexual feminism more accurately mirrored prominent European women feminists. It was these women --Browne, Key, Schreiner, and Marie Stopes -- who eventually gave Sanger the tools to form her own distinctive views on sex and birth control. Sanger s introduction to European sexual thought also came from a variety of feminist sources. Through her connections with the Drysdales and Ellis, she made the acquaintance of a host of European feminists arguing against a Victorian double standard. Sanger would take away with her the ideas imparted by these reformers and use them in her own rhetoric. These influences also demonstrate the complexity of Sanger s argument for birth control from a sexual perspective many of the theories conflict. Regardless of the differences, each of these early influences found their way into Sanger s feminist sexual argument for birth control and significantly shaped the American movement. Frances Worsley Stella Browne was a Socialist Feminist, considered by many a sex radical, who campaigned for both women's rights and reproductive control. It was Browne who introduced Sanger to Havelock Ellis a week after their initial meeting at the Drysdales. Browne was an advocate of legalized abortion in England and a firm supporter of woman s sexual exploration. Although her writing is scattered and not widely published, the few items that are on record show the connection the women had when it came to sex rights for women. In a paper given at a meeting of the British Society for the Study of Sex Psychology just one month after Sanger returned to the States, Browne outlined her thoughts on women and sex. She began, I do not think that any intelligent, humane and selfrespecting attitude towards sex is generally possible, without great economic changes; and a responsible education in the laws of sex, and a much wider co-operation and companionship between men and women, wholly apart from erotic relations, are equally necessary. 30 Within the speech, she argued against the double standard, railed against Victorian notions that women were void of sexual impulses, and chastised Christian notions that sex was an unclean act. Browne further argued the need for sex education so that women can possess the knowledge to better control and understand 30 From a speech given by Stella Browne entitled, The Sexual Variety and Variability Among Women and Their Bearing Upon Social Re-Construction, given to the British Society for the Study of Sex Psychology, on October5 14 th, 1915, found on-line at < d%20variability> (1 February 2008). 82

91 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 their sexual urges. She maintained the sexual emotion of women is not weaker than in men and calls for a greater exploration of emotion. Finally, she commented on the nature of sex and procreation, claiming that much actual motherhood is unwilling, leading to an irremediable wrong to both the woman and her child. Browne concluded her speech with the strong statement, Absolute freedom of choice on the woman s part, and intense desire both for her mate and her child, are the magic forces that will vitalize and transfigure the race. 31 Ironically, she cited Sanger s work in the United States, as early as 1915, as a mother s rights model for the Eugenics Education Society. Browne s rhetoric is echoed throughout the pages of The Birth Control Review, Sanger s main publication upon her return to the States. She wrote Sanger shortly after making the Eugenic Society speech, claiming It has been one of the biggest and one of the dearest things in my life to have met and known you and it is great comfort to me that you say and know I am with you in your joys and sorrows. 32 Browne also served on the editorial board for the publication in During this time, Browne was a vocal advocate of birth control, arguing the necessity of contraceptives for the betterment of the female race. Browne never shied away from a frank discussion concerning sex, or the more controversial topic of abortion. Like Sanger, she saw birth control as a means of preventing abortions yet stopped short of condemning the practice. Browne spoke strongly in favor of a woman s right to choose. Note that I do not defend the destruction of life of the unborn child, she argued in a 1917 speech, but it should be the woman s absolute right to say whether her incipient burden shall develop or not. 33 Although the two would have a falling out in 1923, the early influence of Browne upon Sanger is undeniable. Sanger was familiar with Ellen Key s and Olive Schreiner s work before sailing across the Atlantic. Both women were widely quoted in The Woman Rebel and touted as revolutionaries for the woman s movement towards sexual freedom. In William Sanger s early letters to his wife in 1911, he often paraphrased Key s ideas on free love in an attempt to relate to her need for affairs. Furthermore, Sanger used many passages from Schreiner s Woman and Labour to make her argument for birth control and sexual discovery. Upon examination of these two women s feminist arguments, it becomes apparent that Sanger s ideas were more in line with European feminism than American feminist thought, thus causing her to develop a 31 Ibid. 32 Stella Browne to Margaret Sanger, Letter found in the Margaret Sanger Papers, Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, box Stella Browne, Women and Birth Control, Population and Birth Control: A Symposium, 1917, found on-line < ontrol> (19 July 2007). 83

92 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology unique feminist argument for birth control based on sexual equality and the unique nature of motherhood. By the late nineteenth century, feminists began challenging the concept of marriage and its implications on a woman s sexual freedom. American feminist Charlotte Perkins Gilman and her South African counterpart Olive Schreiner argued for a release of sexual slavery from an economic viewpoint. However, Schreiner s theory differed from Gilman s in one significant way: Schreiner did not believe that men, as a sex, kept women from achieving equality. Instead, this inequality was due to upheavals in society and the evolution of the race into a patriarchal model. According to Schreiner, if women became economically independent then patriarchal marriages and the need for prostitution would cease to exist. Schreiner, unlike Gilman, did not see marriage as the cause for women s oppression and this factor alone plays prominently into Sanger s own theory on sex and marriage. 34 Like Schreiner, Sanger argued that equality could be found in marriage if a transition in the way couples approached sex was altered. The complexity of Schreiner s argument is not unlike Sanger s own fluctuating arguments for sexual equality. On the one hand, Schreiner spoke of the spirituality of sex. The New Woman s conception of love between the sexes, she wrote in Woman and Labour, is one more largely psychic and intellectual than crudely and purely physical. 35 At the same time, she wrote of the primordial aspect of sex and its reliance on animal instinct. In addition, she argued that sex does not need to be tied to reproduction while simultaneously calling for women to be mothers, even if they were over thirty years of age and single. Sanger s developing feminism echoed many of Schreiner s own thoughts on women, labor, and motherhood. This duality of thought in regards to sex and motherhood is found throughout Sanger s writing. Before traveling to England, Sanger quoted Schreiner throughout the pages of The Woman Rebel, particularly passages from Woman and Labour. Woman and Labour was Schreiner s comment on the female situation and often referred to as her sex paper. 36 Schreiner argued against the sex parasitism that existed in modern society the concept that women were kept from work because of their unique status as mothers, thus causing a drain on society. Because of this conscious attempt to keep them from the workforce, women were relegated to passive sexual slaves within their marriages and served no use to the greater advancement of society. Schreiner called for women to 34 See Charlotte Perkins Gilman Women and Economics: The Economic Factor between Men and Women as a Factor in social Revolution (New York: Harper and Row, 1911) and Olive Schreiner Women and Labour (London: Virago, 1911). 35 Schreiner, Women and Labour, Ruth First & Ann Scott, Olive Schreiner: A Biography (New York: Schocken Books, 1980),

93 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 recognize their potential for work as a way to raise their status in society, arguing, We have the blood of a womanhood that was never bought and never sold; that wore no veil, and had no foot bound; whose realized ideal of marriage was sexual companionship and an equality in duty and labour. 37 This Rebel Thought, as subtitled in The Woman Rebel, demonstrates Sanger s adherence to Schreiner s working class argument for the respect of women s labor as a social condition, not a condition put upon them by men. Furthermore, Schreiner believed, as Nancy Cott would comment, that economic freedom went hand in glove with heterosexual attraction and intimacy. 38 Like Schreiner, Sanger argued that for women to achieve true economic equality, they needed to be treated as equals within their sexual relationships. Sanger s argument for the unique status of mothers had its roots in Swedish-born Ellen Key s early writing. One of the complexities of Sanger s feminist argument was her insistence upon the unique status of women as mothers and their need to be exalted for this status. American feminists of her day often rejected this argument, instead arguing that motherhood often hindered the cause of equality. Key argued that motherhood is one of the finest roles a woman can play in life and calls for the state subsidy of single mothers. The pages of The Woman Rebel echo Key s argument from The Century of the Child (1909) in regards to feminism and motherhood. Key explained that the older advocates of the women s movement call for a complete equality between men and women, thus diminishing their status as mothers. By arguing that women have the same right to work as men, economic feminists are ignoring the delicate nature of motherhood and the need to foster a separate working culture for them. Future mothers, according to Key, should not be forced to sacrifice the capacities for life and work of an unborn generation, in such a way that she will bring into the world weak, invalid, or physically incapable children, who will later on be neglected. 39 The demand for women s equality was, in essence, an argument against motherhood. Equality, according to Key, is not justice. 40 Sanger, unlike many other feminists of her day, never argued for a woman s right to work. Instead, she argued that women had a right to decide whether they became mothers and if they did choose motherhood, the state should recognize their special status. The crux of Sanger s argument for birth control lies in her belief that women should have the right to choose whether or not they became mothers. Long before she met Ellis and 37 Schreiner from Woman and Labour reprinted in The Woman Rebel 1, no. 3 (May 1914): Nancy Cott, The Grounding of Modern Feminism (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1987), Ellen Key, The Century of the Child (New York: G.P. Putnam s Sons, 1909), Ibid,

94 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology traveled in British circles, Sanger was using the rhetoric of European feminist radicals in her own argument for birth control. 41 Sanger s argument that women should have both a fulfilling sex life as well as a satisfying motherhood mirrors Key s arguments. Although Sanger apparently was not in contact with Key directly, she knew of her work and was familiar with Key s ideas through her relationship with Ellis. As early as 1915, Sanger s argument for birth control echoed Key s sentiments. In a pamphlet written as a supplement for Family Limitation entitled English Methods of Birth Control, Sanger explained, There has been among men a common idea that woman had little or no sex desire or interest, and that marriage was sanctioned a union which made woman a recipient but not a mutual partner in the sex life. Fortunately, this idea is giving way 42 When Sanger advised husbands in Happiness in Marriage (1928) that, above all other things, keep alive the bride in your wife by reawakening her ardor, her desire, her love of life while simultaneously establishing an adequate allowance for the wife s personal needs, she is presenting a feminist argument based on sexual, if not economic equality. 43 The influence of sex theorists on Sanger s argument for birth control is best examined through an analysis of a speech she gave in London before returning to the States. The speech was an attempt by Sanger to outline her work through The Woman Rebel and explain my private and personal conception of what feminism should mean; women should first free themselves from biological slavery, which could be best accomplished through birth control. 44 Given at the Fabian Society Hall in London in July 5, 1915, Sanger addressed a crowd of Socialists from every social and civic organization in London and was pleased with the audience s level of intelligence, commenting they preferred to listen to principles and theories more than their American counterparts. 45 Her rhetoric demonstrated the influence sex theorists had on Sanger s own budding sexual philosophy. The speech was sponsored by the Fabian Society, the oldest Socialist organization in England concerned with the research, discussion, and publication of socialist ideas. It was fitting for Sanger to speak to the Society, having been active in the Socialist Party at home. When Sanger first left for England, she carried with her a letter of introduction to the Liverpool branch of the Fabian Society. Her first evening in Liverpool was spent attending a Fabian lecture on World War I. Furthermore, the Society had a strong women s group that organized itself around two basic 41 Alixe Humane, Ellen Key s Ideal of Woman, The Woman Rebel 3(May 1914), Margaret Sanger, Are Preventative Methods injurious to Health? from English Methods of Birth Control, page 6, released in February Margaret Sanger, Happiness in Marriage (New York: Brentano s, Inc., 1926), 228, Sanger, An Autobiography, Ibid,

95 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 principles: economic independence for women and equality in citizenship. Prominent Fabians such as Ellis and H.G. Wells guided Sanger s intellectual, as well as sexual, development. Although the speech is a poor public attempt to outline her early justification for birth control in America, it does serve as an important document outlining the influence of European theorists on Sanger s thinking. Sanger began by claiming there has occurred a tremendous awakening among women of civilized nations to overthrow the old regulations of society. 46 She then quickly separated this awakening into two categories: women who desire political freedom as opposed to women who want control over their bodies. Speaking of American feminism, Sanger was highly critical of those who concentrate on votes and economic independence, characterizing their movements as Feminism in name only and reproaching them for ignoring the plight of working women. This rhetoric was not new; she was referring to the Feminist Mass Meeting sponsored by Greenwich Village Heterodoxy members in New York in Reaffirming Key s theories, Sanger continued by asserting that blue stocking prudes were shocked when she suggested that the basis of feminism was a woman s right to be an unmarried mother. 48 Sanger concluded by stating, So much for the feminists whose program has no place for the working woman s development, or no thought of her emancipation 49 By unabashedly criticizing other feminist groups for their class-based disregard for working women, Sanger developed an alternative feminist argument for birth control centered upon sexual theory. Sanger next outlined the core of her argument reproductive selfdeterminism. Just as the working woman must fight for this right to retain her own morality and psychology so must she fight for the right to own 46 Margaret Sanger, Fabian Hall Speech, July 5, 1915, Margaret Sanger Papers, Library of Congress C, box At the 1914 Feminist Mass Meeting, twelve speakers argued the importance of feminist thought and gave different views on what exactly the term feminism meant. Armed with leaflets calling for contributors to her newest publication, The Woman Rebel, Sanger reached out to Village feminists such as Heterodoxy members because they seemed to be her natural allies. Yet she was disillusioned with their narrow view of women s issues, claiming, It seemed unbelievable they could be serious in occupying themselves with what I regarded as trivialities when mothers within a stone s throw of their meetings were dying shocking deaths. Who cared whether a woman kept her Christian name Mary Smith instead of Mrs. John Jones? Who cared whether she wore her wedding ring? Who cared about her demand for the right to work? Hundreds of thousands of laundresses, cloakmakers, scrub women, servants, telephone girls, shop workers would gladly have changed places with the Feminists in return for the right to have leisure, to be lazy a little now and then. When I suggested the basis of Feminism might be the right to be a mother regardless of church or state, their inherited prejudices were instantly aroused. They were still subject to the age-old, masculine atmosphere compounded of protection and dominance, Sanger, An Autobiography, Sanger, Fabian Hall Speech. 49 Ibid. 87

96 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology and control her own body, for the ownership of her body to do with it as she desires - & its no ones business what those desires might be. 50 To obtain this right, women needed to be educated to the ways of preventing conception. Like Schreiner, Sanger argued that women could facilitate a change in their economic situation when they demand change in class-based social constructs. Like Browne, she contends that choice is a crucial concept within a relationship. Like fellow neo-malthusians, she called for the limitation of offspring not as a tool of control but a means to a better quality of life. Like Key and Ellis, she maintained that women of all classes have a right to sexual desires equal to men. In Fabian Hall that evening was a young paleontologist, Marie Stopes, who was also interested in birth control rights. At the end of the Fabian Hall meeting, Stopes invited Sanger to her home to discuss their common views on marriage and contraception. Sanger accepted her invitation to tea in a letter the next day, thanking Stopes for a jolly talk and commenting that she felt there was after all a real human being in England. 51 Sanger also sent forward a copy of what she referred to as the naughty pamphlet, Family Limitation, for Stopes to read before the tea. 52 We talked freely and intimately on that eventful afternoon, Sanger wrote of the meeting. She was then writing a book, Married Love, She expected it to electrify England. 53 This meeting initiated a long and tumultuous relationship between the two women which aided in changing the way people in the United States and Great Britain viewed women and their sexual role in society. The two women shared common interests, characteristics, and a mutual respect for one another. Two weeks after meeting, Sanger wrote to Stopes thanking her for an evening that was a delight and noting, It simply thrills me to meet a woman who has energy, control decisions and courage and such an abundance of strong characteristics and uses them. Your book will be a success in America no doubt. 54 When writing President Wilson in support of Sanger s trial upon her return, Stopes called Sanger a nobleminded and public spirited woman and commends her for giving information such as is freely circulated in this country. 55 It is remarkable how similar Family Limitation and Married Love (1918) are in content regarding sex. Both women address the issue of sex 50 Ibid. 51 Margaret Sanger to Marie Stopes, London, July 6 or 7 th, 1915, British Library Marie Stopes Collection. 52 Ibid. 53 Sanger, My Fight for Birth Control, Margaret Sanger to Marie Stopes, London, July 16, 1915, British Library Marie Stopes Collection. 55 Marie Stopes to Mr. Schreiner, September 14, 1915, British Library Marie Stopes collection. 88

97 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 difficulties while educating the reader to the functions of the sex act and hygiene. Moreover, both write on the importance of sexual fulfillment for the woman s well being; Stopes referring to sexual satisfaction through the enhancement of the sweetly coloured flesh while Sanger referred to how a woman s eyes become brighter, her health improves and color comes into her cheeks. 56 They also address the topic of female frigidity and the need for men to be patient and understanding within the relationship. The basic message of the two works is the same: the importance of sex education and mutual respect and satisfaction between both the woman and the man. Stopes was adamant in her concern for the spiritual side of sex and the importance of a transcendent sexual union. This message was not new: Ellis, Carpenter, and psychiatrist August Forel had all written on the subject prior to Married Love. Stopes, like Sanger, went to the British Library and read the popular sexual theories of the day. She was influenced by Carpenter s writing, especially his thoughts on the nature-sex mysticism of relationships. 57 Yet it was Ellis s work that most influenced her own. Stopes, being a scientist, was attracted to Ellis s justification for certain sexual functions based on scientific reasoning. She was particularly interested in the physiological benefits of bodily secretions during sex through the mystical practice of Karezza, a concept introduced to her by Ellis through the writing of Alice B. Stockham. 58 Like Ellis, Stopes was concerned with the art behind lovemaking, claiming that the great majority of people in our country have no glimmering of the supreme human art, the art of love. 59 Although Ellis is primarily cited as the influence for introducing Sanger to these theories, Stopes s application of these concepts had the greatest impact on Sanger s later speeches and writing. Stopes s romanticized and somewhat mystical notion of sexuality had a profound impact on Sanger s later sexual feminism. Prior to meeting Stopes, Sanger s argument for sexual autonomy was centered on a militant dialogue discussing an equality of experience. Yet after leaving London, Sanger s writing echoed Stopes in that she infuses this mystical need for mutual satisfaction into her argument. What makes this infusion based on Stopes s writing rather than Ellis or Carpenter s work is that both Sanger and Stopes argue from a truly egalitarian standpoint. Critics of Ellis argue that although he wrote throughout his work of the need of women to enjoy sex, he consistently presented women as needing to take a passive role in sex. Furthermore, where Ellis justified the abuse of women in relationships as being a variation of normal male sexual behavior, Stopes denounced 56 Stopes, Married Love: A New Contribution to the Solution of Sex Difficulties (London: The Eugenics Publishing Company, Inc, 1918), 8. See also Margaret Sanger, Family Limitation (New York, 1914), Ruth Hall, Marie Stopes: A Biography (London: Virago, 1978), Karezza, also known as coitus reservatus, is the practice of delaying seminal ejaculation as long as possible to prolong sexual pleasure. 59 Marie Stopes, Marriage in My Time (London: Rich and Cowan, 1935),

98 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology physical force and encourages the rights of women to refuse their husbands in bed. 60 When Sanger wrote that a young husband must avoid violence and the young wife must remember that hers is to be no mere passive part in the final enactment of love, she is referencing Stopes s sexual feminism. 61 Despite later personal differences leading to a public split in 1921, Sanger and Stopes recognized the valuable impact each had made in their countries on the birth control movement. While Sanger denounced Stopes s arrogance in letters to her British friends, she publicly praised Stopes s work in The Birth Control Review. She compliments Stopes in her 1959 autobiography, writing For over forty years brave women fought valiantly and consistently to inculcate the idea of family limitation into the minds of a generation of English people. It needed only a new voice, articulate and clear as Dr. Stopes voice certainly was, to gain momentum. 62 Stopes was not as generous in her writing, criticizing Sanger s tactics in her book Contraception (1926). 63 However, when Sanger was put on trial for violating the Comstock laws in New York, Stopes and her husband were on hand for the trial and wrote letters of support to the magistrate. 64 The complex nature of their relationship makes it difficult to specify whether or not the two women liked one another. However, it is evident that they respected the other s dedication to the cause. On September 18, 1915, Margaret Sanger set sail for home, armed with a cadre of material gathered throughout England and Europe. Upon the dismissal of her case, Sanger would embark on a lecture circuit, start the first birth control clinic in New York, and write prolifically on the subject of contraceptives and sexuality. Apparent in all her writing and speeches was the ideology she formulated in England birth control was a necessary right for women to enjoy full sexual autonomy. Sanger s European-influenced feminism infused her writing and speeches throughout the following decade. 60 Ibid. 61 Margaret Sanger, Happiness in Marriage (New York: Brentano s, Inc., 1926), 123, Sanger, My Fight for Birth Control, Marie Stopes, Contraception: It s theory, History and Practice (London: John Bale, Sons & Daniellson, Ltd., 1929), 361 and Mother England 64 Margaret Sanger to Marie Stopes, New York City, 11 October 1915, British Library Marie Stopes Collection. See footnote #1 for letter in Esther Katz, ed., Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger, Volume 1: The Woman Rebel, (Chicago: University of Illinois Press, 2003),

99 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 References: Banks, Olive. Faces of Feminism. Oxford: Martin Robertson, Blackwell, Elizabeth. Rescue Work in Relation to Prostitution and Disease. London: T. Danks, Browne, F. W. Stella. The Sexual Variety and Variability Among Women and Their Bearing Upon Social Re-Construction. < variety%20and%20variability>. 14 October Chesler, Ellen. Reinterpreting Margaret Sanger: The Biographer s Journey. Revealing Women s Life Stories: Papers from the 50 th Anniversary Celebration of the Sophia Smith Collection. Northampton: Smith College, 1995, Woman of Valor. New York: Simon and Schuster, Cott, Nancy. The Grounding of Modern Feminism. New Haven: Yale University Press, Douglas, Emily Taft. Margaret Sanger, Pioneer of the Future. Garret Park, Md: Garret Park Press, Ellis, Havelock. Man and Woman: A Study of Human Secondary Sexual Characters. London: Walter Scott, My Life: Autobiography of Havelock Ellis. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, Gilman, Charlotte Perkins. Women and Economics: The Economic Factor Between Men and Women as a Factor in Social Revolution. New York: Harper and Row, Gordon, Linda. The Moral Property of Women: A History of Birth Control Politics in America. Chicago: University of Illinois Press, Woman s Body, Woman s Right: A Social History of Birth Control in America. New York: Penguin Books, Havelock Ellis, A Register of his Papers in the Library of Congress. Washington, The Library of Congress. Humane, Alixe. Ellen Key s Ideal of Women. The Woman Rebel 3(May 1914): 18.. Marriage. The Woman Rebel 1(June 1914): 31. Key, Ellen. The Century of the Child. New York: G.P. Putnam s Sons, Jackson, Margaret. The Real Facts of Life: Feminism and the Politics of Sexuality London: Taylor and Francis, Katz, Esther, Cathy Moran Hajo and Peter C. Engelman, eds. The Margaret Sanger Papers. Collected Documents Series [microform]. Bethesda, MD: University Publications of America, The Selected Papers of Margaret Sanger Volume I: The Woman Rebel, Chicago: University of Illinois Press, The King and I: Sanger Remembers Havelock Ellis. Margaret Sanger Papers Newsletter 24(Spring 2000): 1-3. Lader. Lawrence. The Margaret Sanger Story and the Fight for Birth Control. Garden City, N.Y: Doubleday, Laurentis, Teresa de, ed. Feminist Studies/Critical Studies. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, Malthus, Thomas Robert. Essay on the Principal of Population. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1959, Margaret Sanger Papers. Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, text fiche. Margaret Sanger. A Register of her Papers in the Library of Congress. Washington: The Library of Congress. Marie Stopes Papers. British Museum, the British Library of Political and Economic Sciences, London, Text fiche. 91

100 A European Education: Margaret Sanger and the Trans-Atlantic Development Of Birth Control Ideology McCann, Carole. Birth Control Politics in the United States, New York: Cornell University Press, Mitchell, David. Women on the Warpath. London: Cape, Rowbotham, Sheila and Jeffrey Weeks. Socialism and the New Life: The Personal and Sexual Politics of Edward Carpenter and Havelock Ellis. London: Pluto Press, Sanger, Margaret. An Autobiography. New York: W.W. Norton & Company, Are Preventative Methods Injurious to Health? English Methods of Birth Control (February 1915): 6.. Family Limitation. [New York?], Happiness in Marriage. New York: Brentano s, Inc., My Fight for Birth Control. New York: Pergamon Press, The Militants on England. The Woman Rebel 1(June 1914): 25, 31.. The New Feminists. The Woman Rebel 1(March 1914): Woman and the New Race. New York: Pergamon Press, Schreiner, Olive. Woman and Labor. London: Virago, Stopes, Marie. Contraception: Its Theory, History, and Practice. London: John Bale, Sons and Danielsson, Ltd., Marriage in my Time. London: Rich and Cowan, Married Love: A New Contribution to the Solution of Sex Difficulties. London: The Eugenics Publishing Company, Inc.,

101 Abstract Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan Syed Jamil Hasan Kazmi* Yasmeen Anis and Saima Shaikh Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan Geo-informatics is a term portraying the integral role of GIS, Remote Sensing, GPS and Surveying. The magic of this wonderful set of tools timely realized by the planners in developing and developed countries. Today, Geo-informatics must be an integral part of a successful Planning Department in many countries. Speed, efficiency, and accuracy in information exchange have become competitive tools to satisfy customer demands, improve productivity and enhance innovation and creativity. This paper is an attempt to achieve the following objectives: 1. To examine the historical evolution of geo-informatics as planning tool; 2. To highlight the role of geo-informatics with pragmatic examples; and 3. To evaluate the utility of this technology in Master and Regional Plans. Urban management and development is shown to work best with participative and inclusive methods which geo-informatics can provide very effectively and thus a suitable framework for its inclusion in city planning is recommended in developing countries (Forrester, 2000). This will be discussed in this study at length. Key words: Geo-Informatics, Remote Sensing, GIS, Urban Planning and Management, Urban Sprawl, Risk Assessment, Hazard Management. *Professor, Department of Geography, University of Karachi, Pakistan 93

102 Background: Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan With the advent of Information Technology revolution around the globe the Geo-Informatics technologies are gaining considerable grounds in Pakistan. Third world cities in general are experiencing a real demographic explosion (UNCHS, 2001). This exponential growth of population in developing countries often resulted in rapid and haphazard urbanization which further emphasizes the need of Geo-informatics technologies in Pakistan. Urban sprawl often resulted because of rural to urban migration rather than natural increase mainly in search of employment a process related to the industrialization of the developing countries. Such a rapid growth of urban centers in the developing countries is usually affixed with the lack of adequate and well-timed planning. Unexpected expansion not only involves the change in land use patterns and land cover but also creates great number of economic, social and environmental problems. Consequently, provision of proper facilities and services becomes a real challenge for the governments at large especially at the municipality level. The appraisal and monitoring of these land use changes are crucial to understand land use cover dynamics over different spatial and temporal time frames for effective land and natural resource management (Lata, 2004). Particularly, if the government is determined to transfer the power at the grass root levels to meet the basic necessities of the common people. Pakistan, during the last few decades is critically facing the adverse impacts of urbanization and which often addressed by local bodies and katchi abadies ordinances by various governments. In this context, the most recent change we have witnessed is the Devolution Plan of the Federal government in 2001, which ceased to exist in This initiative involves the creation of a new structure of local bodies and the transformation of major urban cities of the country into city districts like Karachi, Faisalabad, Hyderabad, Peshawar, Quetta and Lahore. The local administration of these city districts in order to address the problems need frequent monitoring systems, initiated several Development and Master Plans. The problem is not merely resolved by devising the development plans or master plans but such a substantial system is required, that can easily be stored, manipulated, updated, and accessed by several agencies or end users and is flexible enough to monitor and assimilate any changes with the passage of time. Urban Management is a complex process, which requires an appropriate information base and a large coordination between the stakeholders, responsible for the management of these cities (Repetti and Prelaz-Droux, 2004). Furthermore, it must have the potential to project the future scenarios and be able to evaluate the resources to meet these challenges. These objectives could be met by the use of most advanced tools namely the GIS, Remote Sensing and GPS technologies (Geo-informatics is the combined term for such technologies practiced by many countries around the globe). 94

103 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 To address these challenges, GIS could effectively be used as the storage, manipulation, retrieval and dissemination of information along with its basic and advanced applications. Whereas, Remote Sensing would be helpful to study planning region through up-to-date and synoptic satellite imageries. Integration of both remote sensing and GIS data helps to map and monitor dynamic processes like urbanization and hence provide means for the better management and planning. Remotely sensed data generate products which can help to meet the information needs of urban analysis (Weber, 2001). Karachi Development Authority (KDA) was the first planning agency used remote sensing and GIS technologies for Master and regional planning during 1980s, which is being followed by Lahore Development Authority (LDA) and Capital Development Authority (CDA) during 1990s. Peshawar Development Authority (PDA) took lead to use high resolution satellite KVR data for the better management and initiated a Digital Master Plan Urban Planning and Development Management System of Peshawar (UPDMS) from February 2001 to January This has been followed by the City District Government of Hyderabad (CDGH) as they have been using very high resolution QuickBird satellite Imageries of 61 cm for planning purposes in Hyderabad. Hyderabad has become the first ever city in Pakistan, which developed interactive GIS mapping system on the web (HyderabadGIS.Com). This technology is emerging in Pakistan at various sectors of planning both in municipality and utility agencies. Therefore, this paper is an attempt to appraise the significance of Geo-informatics tools Remote Sensing and GIS for urban and regional planning. This paper is an attempt to achieve the following objectives: 1. To examine the historical evolution of geo-informatics as planning tool; 2. To highlight the role of geo-informatics with pragmatic examples; and 3. To evaluate the role of this technology in Master and Regional Plans 1.1 Study Area: As case studies we are considering Peshawar, Karachi and Hyderabad City districts as our testing platforms to validate the utility of Geo-informatics Peshawar: For the Master Plan the whole City District of Peshawar was considered as study area though the main focus was Peshawar Urban Area that only involves the Town I and III but population studies, projections till 2020 and population distribution were carried out for all the 4 towns and 92 union councils in the whole Peshawar District. The Socio Economic and Environmental studies covers the whole District of Peshawar. Since 95

104 Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan Peshawar not only undergone urbanization but also the huge influx of Afghan refugees Hyderabad: After the announcement of Hyderabad as a City District the Government of Hyderabad has decided to plan the whole city and to extend the area in a properly planned way to form modern Hyderabad. Their focus was the adjoining areas of the Hyderabad that include the agricultural fields. To achieve it whole region has to be studied on broader scale, with the most fresh and up to date scenario which is only achieved through the remotely sensed satellite data Urban Sprawl of Karachi: Another component of this paper is to study the urban Sprawl of Karachi, one of the largest cities in Pakistan that epitomizes the rapid growth of urban centers in developing countries especially. Rate of population growth in Pakistan is very high particularly in the urban areas as compared to rural areas (Hussein, 2004). In many respects Karachi is the representative city of Pakistan where people from all over the country migrates in search of better economic opportunities. After the independence of Pakistan the city received greater influx of migrants. After 1979 a huge chunk of Afghan refugee also arrives here after During 1980s, infiltration from all over the country is continued. Cities are no longer isolated in the middle of nowhere, but rather belong to one or more city networks, and are inextricably linked in evolutionary terms. To be a part of the network is crucial, in order to ensure social and economic development, and membership criteria are defined in terms of population size, economic activity rates, employment characteristics, attractiveness, etc. (Weber, 2001) 2. Methodology: Digital base maps on scale of 1: 5000 and 1:25000 was prepared for the whole Peshawar District and on a Scale of 1: was prepared for the Peshawar Urban area. The base maps included major land uses like residential, commercial, industrial, agricultural, religious, recreational, educational health etc, primary and secondary roads along with their intersections and right of ways, Railway line, network of Utilities including sewerages and drainage pattern. The Land cover mainly involves the vegetation cover and the river systems. Essential surveys such as Landuse Survey, Socio- Economic Survey, and traffic Count, Surveys of major intersection and detailed topographic survey of GIS pilot project site were conducted. Ground Truthing was conducted 96

105 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 for the verification features and detailed topographic surveys were conducted of the major road intersections, e.g., Ring Road and G.T Road for the future planning of these intersections and location of any facility. (UPDMS Project Report, 2002) Future planning of roads involves the extension of Ring Road, removal of encroachments along the roads, allocation of properly planned areas for different land-uses The Peshawar structure Plan 1986, Development Program 1987, Area Action Plans 1988, Ring Road Land Development Strategy 1996, Sarhad Provincial Conservation Strategy , census report 98, Pakistan Urban Sector Study 2000 and all other relevant report proceedings, proposals and recommendations were carefully reviewed (UPDMS Project Report, 2002). The Customization through Avenue Script was also performed of the ArcView Interface for the project, to achieve the purpose of classifying the land-use interactively during data entry and calculation of Area under each land-use. For Karachi maps and aerial photograph were transformed into digital form through scanning. These digital maps and satellite images were georeferenced to a similar coordinate system in order to be compared on a similar platform. Urban area of Karachi for different years was extracted in the form of vector layers through digitization of these maps and satellite images. 2.1 Data Sources The acquisition of satellite image data depends upon the type of study being performed. In case of studies that involve rapid change through time, in which data may vary within days or sometimes within hours, like monitoring weather, construction of any feature, migration of any particular species etc, very high temporal resolution is required. Similarly spatial resolution depends upon the size and space occupied by the phenomena, for regional planning spatial resolution of up to 30 meters (Landsat TM) is enough. Change detection of land cover spreading over large areas is usually executed on Landsat TM images. Spectral resolution is usually of importance when environmental studies like vegetation cover, land and water contrast, temperature variations etc are a matter of consideration. As far as urban planning is concerned very high spatial resolution are required. High spatial resolution, Earth-orbiting satellite sensors, in particular, is becoming an important source of spatial and temporal information on urban areas (Weber, 2001). Since very minor features are studied in details including roads with their right of ways, streets, utility lines, sewerage systems, precise demarcation of residential, commercial, industrial, agricultural and other land uses, very high spatial resolution ranging from 2 meters (KVR), 1 meter (IKONOS and DK-1), 0.6 meter (QuickBird), are recommended. 97

106 Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan Satellite Data of 2m resolution KVR for Peshawar Urban Area was acquired as the 1meter IKONOS data was too expansive at the time of initiation of the project and QuickBird data was not available.30 meters resolution Landsat TM data for the whole District of Peshawar was acquired to extract general land cover patterns for regional planning. Since the urban sprawl of Karachi occupies a larger area and small scale features were avoided in the study therefore finer resolution was not required. To observe physical changes in the overall urban area of Karachi for the last fifty years, from the independence of Pakistan in 1947 till 2006 medium resolution satellite data was acquired. Since satellite data feasible for the studies of landuse was available after 1970 s, therefore, a map extracted from the book of Pithawala was taken to compare the area of Karachi for 1946 (before independence) with the present day Mega City. Aerial photograph for the year 1955 and where the satellite data could not be acquired KDA Landuse Maps were utilized. For the Urban Sprawl of Karachi 30 meter resolution (Land Sat TM) data and (SPOT XS) 20 meter resolution data was taken. QuickBird satellite data (0.6 meter) is taken only for the year In the case of Hyderabad, there is one greater advantage that 0.6 meter resolution data of QuickBird Satellite on the google-earth platform. TABLE - 1: Data Sources for the Urban Area of Karachi Urban Built-up Area Sr. No. YEAR Data Source Land Added (Sq. Km) (Sq. Km) PITHAWALA'S MAP AERIAL PHOTOGRAPH KDA LAND USE MAP SPOT XS KDA LAND USE MAP LANDSAT TM LAND USE MAP OF KDA SPOT XS SPOT XS QuickBird

107 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Results: The vector layers obtained for different years during the period from 1946 to 2006 about sixty years show a tremendous increase (Figure-1& Table-1). It is obvious that the urban area is extending eastward and westward, while the northward and southward expansion is restricted due to the presence of mountain ranges and the sea. In 1946 the area occupied by Karachi was only about 8.35 square kilometers; this area increased to sq. Kms in 1974, within thirty years, about 97%. In the next ten years, until 1986 it increased up to square kilometers. In 1986, emergence of Landhi and Korangi Industrial Area is quite obvious (Figure-1) which appears as patches in Until 1995 the urban sprawl of Karachi was quite abrupt and the area increased to square kilometers after that the increase in urban area smoothes out and finally in 2006 the area is square kilometers. The table shows that area of Karachi increased from 8.35 kilometeres to kilometers a difference of kilometers within 60 years. This increase in area not only engulfed the surrounding agricultural land but also land is reclaimed from the sea through landfills (Figure-2). Such reclaimed areas are quite fragile and prone to hazards like storms - being open to the sea and earthquakes since the plate boundary lies close to the coast of Pakistan. A clear example is the Clifton Area and Defence Phase VII that are under the control of Defence Housing Authority. These areas are not only reclaimed for the residential purpose but also for recreational activities. A marked evidence of their fragility is the recent earthquake of 8th October 2005 Earthquake, when slight shocks were also felt in these areas when the major rupture jolted the northern areas of Pakistan. Geologists and experts stated that all construction on filled and reclaimed land was highly prone to earthquake shocks. Following the October earthquake tremors were felt in the Clifton and Defence areas of Karachi and not in the rest of the city. The reason is that these areas were filled and reclaimed areas and buildings built here started shaking on the slightest tremors. Another risk to which the coastal areas especially, Karachi is greatly vulnerable are cyclones. Every year, Southern Sindh coast is prone the cyclones that originate during the Monsoon season in the Indian Ocean and move toward the coast. Under these conditions extension of land into the sea will prove to be quite hazardous as in the case of Defence and Clifton areas where land reclamation for residential, commercial and above all recreational purposes. Land thus reclaimed, increases the vulnerability of the area. A clear picture of the risk of cyclone hazard could be seen in Figure-3. The area of Clifton and Defence was about sq.kms. in the year In 2006 a total area of 5.57 sq.kms is reclaimed that is 19.6 square kilometers (Table-2). Most notable phenomena in all the three cases of Peshawar, Hyderabad and Karachi is that as the city expands it engulfs its surrounding land 99

108 Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan whether it is barren or under another land use type predominantly agricultural. (Figure-4) The problem which is faced in the case of expansion of Defence and Clifton area can be altered if more emphasis is exerted on the inland expansion, i.e the surrounding barren land near super highway and national highway. 3. Discussion: Planning through the use of Geo Informatics Technology becomes quite cheaper, easier and accurate. As the tedious work of redrawing the plan maps, for showing each and every change with the passage of time or element of future planning, can be avoided. Patterns of landuse and changes can easily be monitored and mapped through the use of remote sensing resources which would otherwise take a long period of time and expense of a lot of resources. Conventional methods of surveying for such large urban areas like Peshawar, Karachi and Hyderabad may take months or years to records different landuse for urban planning. Besides, existing resources may not be updated so frequently to give fresh contemporary information about the existing extent and condition of landuse. The Master Plan concept is too static. Typically master plans are prepared and need updation every five to ten years. Generally master plans are outdated before they are approved and published for implementation. The Peshawar Structure Plan 1986 was not approved till the end of the century and therefore could not be implemented because of which, despite some available fragments of legal cover, building and land development could not be regulated properly during the last 15 years. (PDA, 2002) 100

109 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Figure 1: Urban Sprawl of Karachi After: (Sheeba, 2001) Studies involving huge areas of urban development are greatly ease by the use of satellite remote sensing and GIS which would otherwise be a prolonged task continuing till years with probable results and may not be updated frequently. Basic information on urban areas such as their location, physical extent, human population and rate of growth- is often dated, inaccurate or simply non-existent. In this context, the potential for satellite remote sensing systems to deliver timely, consistent and spatially comprehensive data sets seems clear (Barnsley et. al., 2001). The study of Defence and Clifton Areas reveals that remote sensing and GIS techniques bears the potential for the risk assessment and hazard management along with urban planning. It is a normal observation that while planning for urban infrastructure, the hazard prone areas are not considered which results in mass destruction at the time of any natural disaster as in the case of Islamabad. Now 3D virtual GIS is being used in City modeling to evolve real-time scenario (Hala and Kada, 2009). Recently, Defence Housing Authority (DHA) is using this technology for the Development DHA City on Superhighway, Karachi. 101

110 Impact of Emerging Geo-Informatics Technologies in City and Regional Planning of Pakistan Figure-2: Defence Phase VII and Clifton Area 2 3 TABLE-2: Area reclaimed for Defence Phase VII and Clifton YEARS AREA Acres Sq.Km

111 Jhss, Vol. 1, No.1, January to June 2010 Figure-3: The Impact of Cyclone on the Karachi Coast. Figure 4: Expansion of Urban Areas in Peshawar, Hyderabad and Karachi. 103