Apologetics of Matteo Ricci: Lessons from the Past. Minho Song

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1 Apologetics of Matteo Ricci: Lessons from the Past Minho Song Matteo Ricci, a Jesuit missionary to China in the sixteenth century, still remains relatively an obscure figure to many evangelicals today. Ricci was the first missionary ever to be granted a residency in China after the Nestorian and the Franciscan communities were wiped out in the fourteenth century. When he entered China, he brought not only Christianity but also the European culture to this vast and culturally advanced nation in Asia. He is remembered for his innovative approach of introducing the gospel and has a prominent place in mission history. Even though Ricci lived in a very different time from ours, his attitude toward cross-cultural witness and his apologetics serve as an enduring example to the students of missions. Examining one's approach to a people who perceive their culture to be sophisticated and superior, as is the case in Matteo Ricci's approach to China, can be a valuable experience for the students of missions today. In this article, I have separated the apologetics of Matteo Ricci into two levels: 'applied' and 'theoretical.' Even though the two are not distinguishable in Ricci's life, it is helpful for us to see that Ricci was a brilliant missionary in deeds and words in this way. A Brief Sketch of Matteo Ricci ( ) and His Mission to China Matteo Ricci was born in Macerata, Italy, in 1552, the year Francis Xavier died on China's doorstep on Shangchuan Island. Xavier was eager but unable to enter the land of great mystery. As a very intelligent and affectionate young man, Ricci joined the Society of Jesus and received fine education at the Roman College (now the Gregorian University in Rome), particularly under the tutelage of Alessandro Valignano who would later become the Visitor of China missions. During his studies, Ricci developed intense passion to take the gospel to China. Twenty-five Jesuits had visited China after Xavier's death, but no one was ever allowed to live in the country. After much praying and patient waiting, Ricci and his fellow Jesuit priest Ruggieri were finally given permission to enter and live in China in China during the sixteenth century was a closed country because the weakening Ming dynasty ( ) looked upon all foreign powers with suspicion. Subsequently, very few Western foreigners were allowed to travel inside China for a fear of sedition. The permission to stay in China for Ricci and Ruggieri, when understood against this Minho Song, Ph.D., (minho.song@sympatico.ca) taught Missions at Asian Theological Seminary, Quezon City, Philippines. Currently, he is the senior pastor of Young Nak Korean Presbyterian Church of Toronto. This article was published in Journal of Asian Mission, 4:1 (2002), P. Fleming and I. Zuloaga, S.J., "The Catholic Church in China: A New Chapter," Religion in Communist Lands, 14:2 (1986), p

2 background, was a dream come true and a golden opportunity to launch a long awaited mission. Very cautious and uneasy, the missionaries immersed themselves in learning Chinese culture. The Jesuits knew that China called itself "the Middle Kingdom" of the world and was caught up in their ethnocentric mold. Shortly after his arrival in China, Ricci wrote, All the neighboring kingdoms pay tribute to the king of China, excepting Japan, which has freed itself quite recently; it is on this account that the Chinese are accustomed to consider their country as the center of the world, and to despise all other nations. 2 Moreover, the Jesuits were convinced that patience and perseverance would be required of them if they were to make lasting and significant inroads to this sleeping giant. The founding of the Jesuit Order in 1534 with the single-minded goal of converting pagans proved to be a very important event in mission history. Within the following few hundred years, Jesuits laid down their bones in nearly every part of the known world. 3 They were particularly instrumental in taking the gospel to the Far East. Francis Xavier ( ) worked in Japan for twenty-seven months and left a handful of Christians behind. This number would grow to 300,000 baptized believers by the end of the century. 4 Important for our consideration is the general attitude taken by the Jesuit priests towards their mission strategy in Japan. Father Francisco Cabral, Xavier's successor, ordered that a strict distinction be maintained between the European Jesuits and the Japanese Jesuits (the few that were admitted to the Order). It was thought that should the proud Japanese be given full rights and privileges as their European counterpart, the mission would not function. Thus, these Japanese priests were treated as second class Jesuits. Cabral further forbade the Japanese converts to learn either Latin or Portuguese so that they could not understand the conversations of European priests. Such a mistreatment became seeds for scandalous betrayal by Japanese converts like Fabian Fucan. 5 Cabral underestimated human learning: Moreover, Cabral took the view that Japanese was too difficult to learn, or at any rate that it would never be possible to preach in Japanese. The result was that most of his missionaries hardly spoke the local language and would only preach the Gospel with the help of interpreters. 6 2 As quoted by Donald Lach in China in the Eyes of Europe: the Sixteenth Century (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), p Stephen Neill, A History of Christian Missions, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1964), p Ibid., p George Elison, Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan, (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, (1973) 1991), p Nicolas Standaert, "The Reception of Ricci's Ideas in China" Lumen Vitae 40:1 (1985), p

3 When the Visitor Alexandro Valignano came to Japan in 1579, he found the mission station in bad shape. The Japanese were being converted and baptized rather superficially. He recognized that unless a profound change in the Jesuits' attitude toward conversion and baptism took place, the mission in Japan would not survive, let alone flourish. By the time Valignano came to Macao and supervised the work of Ricci and his colleague Michael Ruggieri, he was determined never to see the China mission take the same route that the Japan mission had taken. It became clear to Valignano that "if the missionaries were to remain [in China], they must win the people's affection by adapting themselves as far as possible to local habits and indigenous beliefs." 7 Thus, Ricci and Ruggieri were ordered to immerse in the study of Chinese language and culture, the former being much more adept at task than the latter. The "Applied" Apologetics of Matteo Ricci Ricci's apologetics were bound up with his strong conviction that a successful mission in China would require a long time, "measuring its success in terms of decades rather than years," 8 and that "a proper foundation had to be laid." 9 Before his time in China, Ricci had worked in Goa, India, teaching the children of Indian converts. There he witnessed firsthand the swift manner in which the gospel was spreading in Indian villages, often resulting in mass conversions and baptisms. However, he realized that the work in China would not be the same as that of India, and that it would take much more time before he would begin to see the fruits of his labor. There were at least two reasons for this assessment. For one, China was already a highly literate society with various competing religions. The people here could not be treated like the way Indians near Goa were treated, that is, as tabula rasa. In fact, China regarded all foreigners as barbarians, calling itself the Middle Kingdom, the center of all knowledge and wisdom. The Jesuits realized that they would have to be well versed in Chinese philosophy and religion and be able to show why Christianity is superior if they were to earn a serious hearing. Moreover, taking the gospel to China was going to be the first meaningful contact by the West in at least two hundred years since the days of the Franciscans. 10 Therefore, the meeting of the West and China would take time as concepts not found in Chinese thought had to be created or explained utilizing local concepts. Ricci was well aware of Xavier's painful mistakes in Japan, including the wrong use of Dainichi for God. 11 This 7 Vincent Cronin, The Wise Man from the West, (London: Ruper Hart-Davis, 1955), p Michael Loewe, "Imperial China's Reactions to the Catholic Missions," Numen 5 (1988), p Ralph Covell, Confucius, The Buddha, and Christ: A History of the Gospel in Chinese, (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1986), p Samuel Hugh Moffett, A History of Christianity in Asia. Vol. 1: Beginning to 1500, (San Francisco: Harper, 1992), p Xavier found out only too late that Danichi was the name for a local deity, hardly fitting the appellation for God. In fact, he learned that there were hundreds of local deity names that his hearers were used to. After a sense of failure, rather than choosing from the local names, Xavier introduced the Latin term Deus to refer to God. Cf. Elison, Deus Defiled., pp

4 happened as a result of the missionaries' lack of understanding in Japanese culture and consequently relying too much on informants. Ricci knew that China would require a radically different approach from the methods tried in Japan and India. Every decision, and more importantly, the implication of every decision, had to be carefully thought through. Since Ricci did not know how the Emperor would respond to the new religion, extreme care had to be taken. Within this frame of reference, we must examine and evaluate Ricci's contribution to apologetics. 'Apologetics' as used in this case for Ricci is closely related to his "mission strategies." Several principles emerge as we observe Ricci's mission strategy. First, Ricci focused on the quality, not quantity, of his work. Ricci placed a lot of emphasis on the quality of early converts' lives. With the entire nation of China in mind, he wanted to make sure that the early converts would set the right example in genuine and solid faith. So Ricci placed a high spiritual standard for anyone receiving baptism. Right to the end of his life, Ricci never deviated from this principle. For example, Ricci drew the line that polygamists could not be baptized no matter how sincere their faith might be. There was a courtier named Li, who was president of several Buddhist fraternities. Even though he was married, he lived with the concubine of another man. When Li decided to leave the concubine in order to follow the new religion, the concubine publicly abused Li and Ricci and threatened to kill herself. Unmoved and resolute, Ricci advised Li to leave her despite the great damage the woman's death would bring to the mission. As Ricci had foreseen, the threat amounted to nothing. There was another hurdle to overcome: Li also kept in his house a young girl for his future concubine. Once again Ricci's decision was stern: Li had to return the girl to her father. This, Li did decisively without asking "neither the high price he had paid for her nor the cost of her maintenance during many years." 12 The high standard Ricci set for baptism so moved Li's wife that she and all her family decided to become Christians. Moreover, Li called his fraternity members, who were by then spreading the false rumor that Li converted to Christianity after embezzling the fraternity funds. He told them about "what little fruit he had obtained from so many years' service of idols; that he had decided to become a Christian in order to practice virtue in the years remaining to him." 13 Though the charge of embezzlement was entirely groundless, Li promised to pay back ten taels for every tael found missing. Following the testimony, some of the fraternity members also became Christians. Not only did Ricci demand that the converts' lives be blameless, but he also went after the members of high standing for recruitment. The Chinese society divided their families into four categories: the literate, the peasants, the artisans and the merchants. At first, Ricci and Ruggieri wore the robes of bonzes. The Buddhist robe gave them a convenient entry into the Chinese society as outsiders, since, even in the eyes of the Chinese, bonzes were not considered as part of their society. However, Ricci soon 12 Cronin, The Wise man from the West, p Ibid., p

5 realized that wearing the Buddhist robe gave him a serious disadvantage: bonzes were often associated with ill reputations and that the educated held them in contempt: Although Ruggieri was in favour of continuing to live as a bonze, Ricci was of the opinion that the cause of the Gospel could hardly be furthered as long as they were identified with the bonzes, who for the most part were not well-educated and therefore not particularly respected. Because China's acceptance of the Gospel was Ricci's object, he thought that continuing along those lines was a dead end. 14 When Ricci was expelled from Shiuhing and had to relocate to Nanking in 1589, he decided that he should dress up as a Confucius scholar from then on. He learned that if he was going to influence the literate class of the society, the Fathers [the Catholic priests] should wear the same costume and ornaments as the highly educated Chinese without which, in the eyes of the Chinese, one was never considered to be the equal of a Magistrate or even one of the educated class. 15 Of course, Ricci's ultimate goal was to obtain access to the emperor, knowing full well that permission to preach Christ openly in China would ultimately have to come from the emperor himself. 16 Moreover, without official sanction the mission in China would face constant danger and the possibility of expulsion. So in Nanking a serious study of the Chinese classics got underway and Ricci made plans to penetrate the high ranks of the society. 17 Their ultimate goal, of course, was to reach Peking, and none other than the emperor himself. Second, Ricci proceeded his mission on the strength of interpersonal relationship, not on the self-perception of Western superiority. Ricci believed in friendship as a chief virtue in itself, as well as the starting point for a successful presentation of the gospel. He learned the basic manners of Chinese high culture, and was careful not to offend his critics. When he disagreed, he did so in the most generous spirit possible. By contrast, the account of Gandhi, who recalls from his childhood how he could not endure some Christian missionaries who "used to stand in a corner near the high school and hold forth a Bible, pouring abuse on Hindus and their gods," should make us think twice about the spirit of incarnational ministry. 18 Ricci on the other hand was "gracious, warm, capable 14 Yves Raguin, S.J, "An Example of Inculturation: Matteo Ricci" Lumen Vitae 40:1 (1985), pp Matteo Ricci, China in the Sixteenth Century: the Journals of Matthew Ricci, ed. Nicolas Trigault, (New York: Random House, 1953), p. 259; cf. also J. Shih, Matteo Ricci, the Mediator between the West and China" Lumen Vitae 40: 1 (1985), p Raguin, Op. Cit., p Following the death of Ricci, this policy of reaching the high ranks of society was not consistently followed, which, Covell believes, was one of the reasons for the Jesuits' subsequent fall. Cf. R. Covell, Confucius, the Buddha, and Christ, p Paul Griffiths, Christianity through Non-Christian Eyes, (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1990), p

6 of listening and winning love." 19 He befriended important officials and Confucius scholars including Qu Taisu, who suggested that Ricci would do better to dress as a Confucius scholar. 20 When Ricci lived in Nanchang from 1595 to 1598, he befriended two royal princes, one of whom requested Ricci to write a book book on friendship. It was Ricci s first book in Chinese titled, A Treatise on Friendship, which "took the form of a dialogue, the prince asking Ricci what Westerners thought of friendship, and Ricci replying with all that he could remember from European philosophers and saints." 21 As a result of this work, Ricci received widespread recognition, receiving constant visits and paying them back in return. Some of the finest Confucius scholars also became his friends. Today, we frequently talk about the value of "friendship evangelism," that is, using friendship as a means to evangelism. However, more often than not, we find that we are not well prepared for either friendship or evangelism. Ricci was not only endowed with the natural gift of friendship, but he worked hard at gaining friendship of the literati. This allowed Ricci to build important bridges with the mysterious world of the Chinese literati. 22 Ricci also mastered the art of sending gifts to noteworthy persons. When Ricci reached his final destination, Peking, in 1601, he offered to the emperor Wan Li the wall clocks along with an atlas, mirrors, a rhinoceros tusk, the Four Gospels and the images of Mary and Jesus. 23 When the clocks needed repair, Ricci was called into the palace. This he did at least four times a year, He soon became indispensable to the emperor, who granted him and his colleagues free lodging, a small stipend, and informal sanction to carry on religious work. 24 Genuine friendships that Ricci cherished saved him from many perils and hardships. And it was in part the streams of friends Ricci had to entertain that took a toll in his health eventually. Third, Ricci sought to understand Chinese culture thoroughly before he attempted to evangelize. Ricci kept his sensitivity with Chinese culture out of a deep respect for the country. He would listen and learn so that one day he could meet the Chinese "on their own terms, and in the light of their own beliefs, literature and history," 25 a style strikingly similar to what Clark means by person-centered, dialogical apologetics: When I am speaking with the man on the Bower Street bus, I try to find 19 Ranguin, An example of Inculturation p Hsing-San, 'Matteo Ricci, the Mediator...' p Cronin, The Wise Man from the West, p Luis Gutheinz, S.J, "What is So Special in Matteo Ricci's Missionary Approach?" East Asian Pastoral Review 20: 4 (1983), p Cronin, The Wise Man from the West, p Covell, Confucius, the Buddha, and Christ, p Lowe, Imperial China s Reactions p

7 out what he knows and work from there. If knowledge is person-centered, then my apologetic should start with what this man believes [Italics his]. 26 Ricci worked hard at learning Chinese. His objective was more than just learning enough Chinese so that he could preach the gospel. He desired to go deeper with his language studies so that one day he could think as Chinese would think, and look at things and articulate them just as the native Chinese would look at and articulate them. The primary tool he used for this task was listening. When Ricci stepped into the Chinese soil, he set aside his grand plan and "he immediately made himself a listener." 27 So he listened to Confucius scholars of his contemporaries as well as to those of the past. He also listened to common folks. At last, he was able to enter into the Chinese mind. This is apologetics at its best and missions at its finest. What would Ricci think about some missionaries today who do not bother to learn, much less to master, a local language but instead hire an interpreter within weeks of their arrival so that they can preach! The "Theoretical" Apologetics of Matteo Ricci Having positioned himself with Confucius scholars, Ricci sought to win the Chinese mind by pure reasoning, perhaps better described as natural philosophy. In his magnum opus T'ien-chu Shih-i (translated as The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven), Ricci set out to explain the existence of a personal and almighty God that the ancient Chinese traditions have called 'the Lord of Heaven,' and how he briefly appeared in Jesus Christ. 28 He tried to accomplish this task primarily through the use of reason. At the beginning of the book T'ien-chu Shih-i, he laid down his methodology: That which is brought to light by the intellect cannot forcibly be made to comply with that which is untrue. Everything which reason shows to be true I must acknowledge as true, and everything which reason shows to be false I must acknowledge as false. Reason stands in relation to a man as the sun to the world, shedding its light everywhere. To abandon principles 26 David Clark, Dialogical Apologetics: A Person-Centered Approach to Christian Defense, (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1993), P Ranguin, An Example of Inculturation p P. Phan has summarized the content of The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven as follows: 1) Exposition of the existence of the one God ('the Lord of Heaven'); 2) refutations of the false opinions regarding the Lord of Heaven found in Chinese religious and moral traditions; 3) affirmation of the immorality of the human soul and its radical difference from birds and other animals; 4) affirmation of the human soul as a pure spirit which does not form an organic unity with the world; 5) refutation of various erroneous doctrines regarding reincarnation; 6) affirmation that our moral life must be intentional and governed by motives; affirmation of heaven and hell in which our good and evil deeds will be remunerated; 7) discussion of the Confucian teaching that human nature is naturally good and affirmation of the Christian teaching that this natural goodness must become 'virtuous goodness'; 8) presentation of some Western customs, especially of the practice of celibacy, and brief explanation of why the Lord of Heaven appeared in Jesus. Cf. P. Phan, Mission and Catechesis: Alexandre de Rhodes and Inculturation in Seventeenth-Century Vietnam, (Maryknoll: Orbis, 1998), pp

8 affirmed by the intellect and to comply with the opinions of others is like shutting out the light of the sun and searching for an object with a lantern. Now you, Sir, desire to learn the principles of the teachings of the Lord of Heaven. I shall therefore state them plainly for you, and my explanations will be based solely on reason. 29 Ricci rejected the Buddhist and Taoist approaches to truth and sought to find common ground with the teaching of Confucius as the starting point of encounter with the Chinese mind, particularly the literati. He was convinced that Confucianism in its orthodox form (not the neo-confucianism of his day) had much in common with Stoicism. Ricci's explicit adaptation of Epictetus' Eucheiridion to his own work the Book of 25 Paragraphs is a conclusive proof. 30 In writing the Book of 25 Paragraphs Ricci closely followed the content of Eucheiridion, seeking to bring two worlds together. He believed in virtue taught by moral philosophy and ethical theism, whether it was from the East or the West. This should hardly surprise us, for Ricci's intellectual orientation was based upon the Jesuit humanism of the Renaissance, which in turn was heavily influenced by Stoicism. Moreover, Ricci believed that through logic and the rules of correct thinking, one's learning could lead to 'an acceptable process of human maturation toward Christianity or the Christianization process itself in a broader sense,' and that 'the true practice of virtue will invariably lead toward Christianity.' 31 Ricci did not emphasize the special revelation in Jesus Christ nor the categorical discontinuity between the truth of ethical theism and the truth embodied in Jesus Christ. He did not affirmatively teach, as evangelicals would teach today, that all human efforts, as virtuous as they might be, ultimately fall short of God's standard and therefore all are in dire need of divine mercy and grace. At best, his teaching implied a need for another source due to people's inadequacy. Ricci tried to teach this more by deeds than by words. Spalatan offers the following theory on Ricci's approach to witness: The Confucian and Stoical man comes to the basic life decision of choosing himself or God. Ricci pointed to the insufficiency of human reason through the practical truth of practicing virtues. The act of faith as the truthful confession of self-insufficiency and as the free surrender to God and His ways --- Heaven and its laws --- is the mysterious way to a new and greater life. 32 One could not help but notice the tension here: Confucianism is good, but it is not good enough. It appears that Ricci gave more than lips service to his faith in Confucius virtues. But at the same time he hoped that the Chinese intellectuals would see the end of 29 Matteo Ricci, The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, tr. Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo-chen, S.J., (St. Louis: the Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1985), pp See the fascinating study by C. Spalatin, Matteo Ricci's Use of Epictetus (Waegwan, Korea: Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, 1975), in which two works are compared side by side. 31 Spalatin, Matteo Ricci's Use of Epictetus, pp. 72, Ibid., p

9 the road, so to speak, and come to embrace Christianity. How shall we categorize Ricci's apologetics? On one hand he used dialogical apologetics starting with what "this man believes." 33 On the other hand, Ricci could be labeled as an Evidentialist. In proving why the Lord of Heaven must exist, Ricci used 'the four causes argument' found in scholastic philosophy, which in turn is based on Aristotle. Ricci gave the following four causes to explain why things are as they are: the active cause, the formal cause, the material cause, and the final cause. 34 Ricci went on to reject the Taoist concept of "Nothingness" and the Buddhist concept of "Void"; he further rejected the Neo-Confucian concepts of "Supreme Ultimate" and "Principle." Detailed study of how Ricci rejected these concepts is beyond scope of the present paper, except to conclude that Ricci made moral philosophy and ethical theism a primary tool for his apologetics. 35 His missiological approach was accommodation at its best. Ricci, in using reason and natural theology, was appealing to a long tradition in Chinese thought which was rationalistic and which valued the capacity of reason to arrive at truth. It shows Ricci's comprehensive understanding of the Chinese culture and his ability to utilize this aspect of Chinese culture to communicate the gospel, however disputable it may look from today's perspective. Two other points must be made when discussing Ricci's "theoretical" aspects of apologetics: his treatment of the observance of Chinese rites and his rendering of 'God' in Chinese. The point of contention was whether Chinese converts should be allowed to maintain observances to their ancestral shrines. How about the worship of venerated figures like Confucius? Ricci again took the accommodation approach, concluding that these ceremonies neither invoked ancestor spirits nor promoted the worship of idols, but rather served to strengthen filial ties. His decision has been vehemently rejected by many. 36 However, the accommodation principle in the treatment of the ancestral rites should not to be taken as a compromise, nor should Ricci be remembered as a fainthearted missionary. Ricci displayed his razor-sharp disposition to make important decisions on certain matters when deemed to be necessary for the purity of Christian faith. For example, to those being converted from Buddhism and Taoism, "Ricci demanded strictly the destruction of all the articles of --- what he called --- superstitious religion, mainly coming from a more popular form of Buddhism and Taoism." Books, images, statues, and relics had to be burnt or thrown to the toilets. This created "indignation and aversion among some Chinese literati." 37 Ricci's accommodation 33 Clark, Dialogical Apologetics, p Ricci, The True Meaning,p For a succint summary of the main arguments of T'ien-chu Shih-i (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven), see Ralph Covell, Confucius, the Buddha, and Christ, pp Ricci's positive stance on ancestral rites evoked much dissention and anger among the Dominicans who entered China in the 1630's. The dispute became known as the 'Chinese Rites Controversy' and it affected not only among the Catholics but also among the Protestants in the late nineteenth century. See the helpful analysis by Chuck Lowe, 'The Rites Controversies and the Missions to China: a Historical Survey,' ATA Journal, 9:1 (2001), pp Gutheinz, What is So Special p

10 principle, as shown in his acceptance of Chinese ancestral rites, arose out of his deep respect for Chinese culture. Unfortunately, however, his good intentions were severely criticized by the Franciscans and the Dominicans who entered China after Ricci's death. Mixed with competition and inter-order rivalry, they asked the Vatican to abandon this Jesuit practice. The Rites Controversy, as it is known, was not fully resolved until Broomhall sheds light on the Rites Controversy, why the Jesuits' approach was so different from the Franciscans and the Dominicans: It is conceivable that to them [the literati] the ceremonial, civic and political aspects of these rites could have been distinct from the religious and superstitious, but not to the average Chinese with his animistic beliefs. 38 Should Ricci be faulted with diluting the gospel, in light of our knowledge that his heart was set on converting the intelligentsia of China? In hindsight we know that the accommodation approach used to win the Confucius scholars should not have been used in reaching out to the average Chinese. The other issue had to do with the rendering of God in Chinese. In keeping with his policy not to rely on Biblical Revelation as his starting point, but rather on natural theology, Ricci sought to find an equivalent of Deus in the traditional Chinese understanding of deity. At the beginning of his mission, Ricci chose the Confucius term T'ien chu, (literally meaning 'Master of Heaven') for God. But when he traced back the most ancient tradition of China, he found these terms for God --- Shang-ti ('Emperor on high') and T'ien- ('Heaven') --- already existing in the ancient Chinese thought. The problem with using these old terms was that they could be "interpreted impersonally as referring to the overall principle of the universe or personally as having theistic implications." 39 By using these terms interchangeably with T'ien chu, Ricci wanted to show that the terms predated Confucius and were used by the sage, and that the Christian idea of a monotheistic God was very much present in the ancient minds of Chinese. Ricci encouraged the Confucians to go back to their ancient beliefs about God: This is what your ancestors believed in bygone day; in your ancient traditions you already have a belief in a supreme Being which is very close to ours. It is the Buddhists and the Taoists who have corrupted those very beautiful notions of the supreme Being. 40 Ricci's efforts outlived him only shortly. At a missionary conference involving various Orders in 1628, the attendees proscribed the use of Shang-ti and settled on the term T'ien chu. 41 Did Ricci exploit the ideas and expressions of Chinese classical tradition to 38 As quoted by Tucker in From Jerusalem to Irian Java, (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1983), p Covell, Confucius, the Buddha, and Christ, p Quoted in Raguin, 'An Example of Inculturation,' p Loewe, 'Imperial China's Reactions...' p

11 advance his cause, or did he sincerely believe in some form of God's revelation to Chinese people through various sages? The answer may be a bit of both. The Reception of Ricci's Apologetics Mixed reactions to Ricci's apologetics continued after Ricci's death. The unfolding of the Rites Controversy is a case in point. 42 In terms of positive effects, Ricci's work made profound impact upon the lives of influential officials including Paul Xu Guangqu ( ) and Leo Li Zhizao ( ). As Confucius scholars, they initially found Ricci's teaching on afterlife and on heaven and hell shocking. After being explained to that the idea of reincarnation originated from Pythagoras and that the Western conception of heaven and hell were stolen and distorted by the Buddhists, they found Christianity "completing Confucianism and changing Buddhism." 43 They espoused Christianity as the best way of living and building a sane and moral society. Many fellowships or societies were founded, whose goals ranged from helping Christians bury the dead solemnly to strengthening the brotherhood of its members. In terms of negative effects, Neo-Confucius and Buddhist scholars mounted attack on Ricci's teaching. A collection of forty authors' polemical writings against Ricci was gathered and published in 1640 by Hsu Ch'ang- chih under the title 'Shen ch'ao P'o Hsieh Chi', (Collection of Writings of the Sacred Dynasty for the Countering of Heterodoxy). It severely criticized Western scientific knowledge, as Ricci made use of, particularly the map. Wie Chun, for example, insisted that by assigning China to the northwestern portion of the map, Ricci was deliberately misleading the scholars and people of the empire. Moreover, he argued that there was no way of checking the veracity of the map and that it had no more significance than paintings of 'bogies and sprites.' 44 Ricci's refutation of Supreme Ultimate and Principle was also challenged. Huang Chen argued that the Jesuits failed to see the essential unity of all things and that distinction between God and creation, and God and human nature, was simply untenable. Criticism continued on the nature of man and the problem of evil. The doctrine of Incarnation was also scrutinized. "How can the processes of the universe continue," they asked, "if God, the controller of these processes, became man for a period of thirty-three years?" Ricci had carefully presented the doctrine of Incarnation almost at the end of his book T'ien-chu Shih-i. Was it for the fear of being misunderstood that he chose not to discuss in detail the mysteries of Incarnation, Trinity or Revelation? Here we see a breakdown of the pure form of Evidential Apologetics. But what else could Ricci have done? In a letter written to his superior in Rome in 1596, he had this to say, 42 For a helpful summary of the Rites Controversy, see M. Loewe above. 43 Standaert, 'The Reception of Ricci's Ideas...' p Douglas Lancashire, "Anti-Christian Polemics in Seventeenth Century China," Church History 38 (1969), pp

12 We are gradually laying the main foundations: that there is a God, Creator of heaven and earth, that the soul is immortal, that there is reward (or punishment) for the good or the bad --- all things which hitherto they did not know or did not believe. At this early stage we feel that we are beginning with things which we can still support with good reason. 45 This cautious approach marked the entire mission of Ricci. It appears that Ricci was just as happy to leave those doctrines that required the elements of faith, unexplained. The next generation of missionaries would unveil more truth about God and Jesus Christ to the Chinese. For now it was important that Christianity be accepted as a legitimate religion within the parameters of Confucianism. Conclusion By the time Ricci died in 1610, he left behind about 2,500 believers over several provinces of China. By 1650, the number grew to about 150,000. Without doubt, Ricci was successful in opening the door of China for the gospel and securing a beachhead for Catholic mission. He was also instrumental in bringing the first hand knowledge of China to Europe. Ricci's twenty-seven years of work in China ( ) were carefully documented in his journals and published in Europe in His letters, reports, and diaries also served as invaluable source in Europe for understanding China. 46 Along with Francis Xavier, Matteo Ricci is remembered as one of the greatest missionaries of the Far East. However, there are criticisms often rallied against Ricci, that he accommodated too much to the point of diluting the gospel. Is this a fair criticism? On one hand, it is fair to say that Ricci did not preach enough on the sinfulness of man and his need for the cross. 47 On the other hand, it is unfair to criticize Ricci's accommodation practices, as Dominicans and Franciscans in the 17th century and many evangelicals in the 20th century have done. We must pay careful attention to the difficult situation he was under, wherein any offensive move would invite expulsion from the country. That Ricci tried too much to fit Christianity in the mold of Confucius teachings, may be a correct charge from a theological point of view, but it is hardly a fair charge from an applied (pragmatic) point of view. Franke's insight is very helpful at this point: The achievement of Ricci is all the greater, in that without the support of 45 As quoted by Hsing-San, 'Matteo Ricci, the Mediator...' p. 45. C. Lowe gives us an insightful comment on Ricci's overall strategy, "Ricci relaized that the most he could hope was for Christinity to be granted equal status with the traditional Chinese religions, on equal terms. That would require Christians to coexist peaceably with competing religions, and to function within the socio-political framework of Confucianism." Lowe, 'The Rites Controversies...' p Lach, China in the Eyes of Europe, pp Ricci's writings in Italian are available in Pasquale M. D'Elia, S.J. (ed), Fonti Ricciane, 3 vols. (Roma: Libreria dellostrato, ). 47 If we understand Ricci's soteriology within the medieval Catholicism, these omissions do not surprise us greatly. He was simply the product of his time and the Catholic Church. 12

13 any political power, and without being an accredited ambassador bringing tribute, but entirely on the basis of his cultured and compelling personality, and his infinite patience and adaptability, he obtained access to the highest officials and to the imperial court. 48 It is ungratefulness on the part of Dominicans and Franciscans to sit in judgement of Ricci, who, without the sacrifice of Ricci and other Jesuits, could not have entered China in the 17th century. Much of the energy in fighting the Jesuits could have been better utilized, had they realized that Ricci's accommodation principle was intentionally a transitional, but indispensable at the beginning stage of mission. It has been over 400 years since Ricci set his foot in China. One of his endearing legacies for the evangelicals today is the lesson on missionary's attitude of patience and respect for the other culture, expressed in attentiveness and learning. 49 In the final analysis, we must reject the indictment of those scholars who argue that Ricci was 'a pioneer for Christian-Confucian syncretism' or that the Jesuits mission in China was based on 'trickery, deception and expedience.' 50 No, the Jesuits were extremely successful in showing us the importance of cultural sensitivity. Their strategy was motivated by a vision for Christianity to take permanent roots in China. Their mistake was that they tried too much to fit Christianity into the mold of Confucius teachings, rather than the other way around. In short, Ricci showed us a timeless truth about what makes apologetics effective: integrity, as embodied in humility, respect for the other culture, and genuine spirituality. It is indeed impossible to separate the message from the messenger. The testimonies of many Chinese who met Ricci in person, speak highly of his integrity: This graduate preacher is a modest man, not bent on gain; he is content to practice virtue and honor heaven. 51 I have come to know Li Ma-tou [Ricci's Chinese name]. He is a man from the Far West, with a full beard and few words. I know all his writings and am convinced that he is truly an extraordinary man. 52 Integrity, yes, therein lies the effectiveness of our apologetics. 48 Wolfgang Franke, China and the West: the Cultural Encounter, 13th to 20 th Centuries, tr. R.A. Wilson, (New York: Harper & Row, 1967), p Raguin, 'An Example of Inculturation...' p. 32. See also Jose Maria Calle, S.J, "Contemporary Relevance of Matteo Ricci" East Asian Pastoral Review 20:385-95, No. 4, As quoted by Spalatin, cf. Joseph Levenson, Confucian China and Its Modern Fate (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul,, 1958), p. 121; K. Panikkar, Asia and Western Dominance (London: Geroge Allen and Unwin, 1954), pp. 394, 411. Various authors' viewpoints on Ricci are discussed by Spalatin in Matteo Ricci's Use of Epictetus, pp , footnote number Cronin, The Wise Man from the West, p Ibid., p

14 Works Cited Calle, Jose Maria, S.J. "Contemporary Relevance of Matteo Ricci" East Asian Pastoral Review 20:385-95, No. 4, Clark, David. Dialogical Apologetics: A Person-Centered Approach to Christian Defense, Grand Rapids: Baker, Covell, Ralph. Confucius, The Buddha, and Christ: A History of the Gospel in Chinese, Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, Cronin, Vincent. The Wise Man from the West, London: Ruper Hart-Davis, Elison, George. Deus Destroyed: The Image of Christianity in Early Modern Japan, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, (1973) Fleming, Peter and Isamel Zuloaga, S.J. "The Catholic Church in China: A New Chapter," Religion in Communist Lands, 14(2): , Summer, Franke, Wolfgang. China and the West: the Cultural Encounter, 13th to 20 th Centuries, tr. R.A. Wilson, New York: Harper & Row, Gutheinz, Luis, S.J. "What is So Special in Matteo Ricci's Missionary Approach?" East Asian Pastoral Review 20: , No. 4, Hsing-San, Joseph Shih. "Matteo Ricci, the Mediator between the West and China" Lumen Vitae 40:36-47, No. 1, Lach, Donald. China in the Eyes of Europe: the 16th Century, Chicago: University of Chicago Press, Lancashire, Douglas. "Anti-Christian Polemics in Seventeenth Century China," Church History 38: , Loewe, Michael. "Imperial China's Reactions to the Catholic Missions," Numen : , Dec, Lowe, Chuck. The Rites Controversies and the Missions to China: a Historical Survey, ATA Journal, 9: , Moffett, Samuel Hugh. A History of Christianity in Asia. Vol. 1: Beginning to San Francisco: Harper, Neill, Stephen. A History of Christian Missions, Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, Phan, Peter. Mission and Catechesis: Alexandre de Rhodes and Inculturation in 14

15 Seventeenth-Century Vietnam. Marknoll, NY: Orbis, Raguin, Yves, S.J. "An Example of Inculturation: Matteo Ricci" Lumen Vitae 40:19-35, No. 1, Ricci, Matteo. The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, tr. Douglas Lancashire and Peter Hu Kuo-chen, S.J., St. Louis: the Institute of Jesuit Sources, China in the Sixteenth Century: the Journals of Matteo Ricci, ed. Nicolas Trigault, New York: Random House, Spalatin, C. Matteo Ricci s Use of Epictetus, Waegwan: Pontificia Universitas Gregoriana, Standaert, Nicolas. "The Reception of Ricci's Ideas in China" Lumen Vitae 40:48-61, No. 1, Tucker, Ruth. From Jerusalem to Irian Jaya: a Biographical History of Christian Missions. Grand Rapids: Zondervan,