Caught in the Act. The Evolution of the Object and Pronominal Copula Clitics in the Neo-Aramaic Dialects. SLE 2015, 4 September, Leiden University
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1 Caught in the Act The Evolution of the Object and Pronominal Copula Clitics in the Neo-Aramaic Dialects SLE 2015, 4 September, Leiden University
2 Introduction Two clitics in Neo-Aramaic (North Eastern Neo-Aramaic, i.e. NENA) - Diachronic perspective - Language-contact perspective Functional methodological approach Language endangerment
3 Dialect sample Christian Diyana-Zariwaw (CDZ) (Napiorkowska 2015), NE Iraq Christian Hawdiyan (Napiorkowska, forthcoming), NE Iraq Christian Barwar (Khan 2008a), NE Iraq Jewish Urmi (JU) (Khan 2008b), NW Iran Languages of East Anatolia: Kurdish, Azeri, Persian, Arabic and others
4 Copula clitic No verb to be in Semitic languages in nominal clauses A is B formed through oppositions of states A N-DEF A is B. B N-INDEF
5 Aramaic lost its definiteness marker Pronoun employed in copular function A-SUBJ PRON B-PRED Syriac, late dialect of Aramaic (1) ʾennā=hu malkā A=COP B I= COP.3SG.M king (2) ʾennā malkā=hu A B=COP I king= COP.3SG.M I am the king.
6 Copula in NENA: Nominal clause Unmarked copula (3) Barwar ʾawən ʾile malka A COP B he COP.3SG.M king He is the king. Optional enclisis (4) CDZ ʾawən malče=le A B=COP he king=cop.3sg.m Obligatory enclisis (5) JU o šultane=le he king=cop.3sg.m He is the king.
7 Copula in NENA: Verbal clause (6) Barwar ʾawən ʾile qima~ ʾawən qime=le he COP.3SG.M RES.PTCPL he RES.PTCPL=COP.3SG.M He has stood up. SUBJ COP=V ~ SUBJ V=COP (7) JU o pləxt=á 3SG RES.PTCPL.SG.F=COP.3SG.F She has worked. SUBJ V=COP
8 Older word order in Hawdiyan Unusual proclisis (8) Hawdiyan ʾawən le=qima S COP=V he COP.3SG=RES.PTCPL He has stood up. Motivation?
9 Language contact as motivation for enclisis Kurmanji Kurdish (9) tu xwêndekár=î. you.sg.dir student.dir=cop.pres.2sg You are a student. (10) min a-č-im. 1SUBJ PROG-go.PRES-1SG I am going. (Haig, 2008:281) Prevalent order in the area V/PRED=COP/SUFF
10 Internal motivation CDZ (11) ʾawən malče=le he king=cop.3sg.m He is the king. (12) ʾawən qime=le he RES.PTCPL=COP.3SG.M He has stood up. (13) ʾawən qim-me he PST-3SG.M He stood up. Nominal phrase with enclitic copula Nouny-Verbal phrase with enclitic copula Verbal base with an inflectional suffix
11 Enclitic copula features Copula in NENA grammmaticalising as an affix Hawdiyan with proclisis as relic of word order Convergent motivations of internal alignment and external setting
12 Object clitics Earlier Aramaic DO l- marker (14) Syriac kad qabbəla h wā yešūʿ leggarta (Khan 1988: 128) When Jesus received the letter appearing after the past tense marker wa: (15) Syriac wək ul ʾayle n (...) məqabbel wā ləho n ʾaddday All those (...) Adday received them (Khan 1988: 126) IO marked by prepositions, e.g. *ʿal- above : (16) Biblical Aramaic be dayin malkā saggī ṭəʾeḇ ʿălo hī Dan 6: 24 (Khan 1988: 107) Then the king it was very good to him (=he was very glad).
13 Object clitics in NENA DO follows two divergent paths 1) Grammaticalisation towards a suffix (but note the stress): (17) CDZ la qabə l-la NEG receive.3sg.m-obj.3sg.f He does not agree. also visible in the position after -wa (18) CDZ xaze -wa-la see.3sg.m-conv-obj.3sg.f He would see her.
14 CDZ displays increased integration of DO with verb (19) CDZ ʾi-palx-əx-xe ʾo šüla IND-work-1PL-OBJ.3SG.M this work With wa We (usually) do the job. (20) CDZ palx-əx-le> palx-əx-wa-le> palxə x-xa-we work-1pl-obj.3sg.m work-1pl-conv-obj.3sg.m we work it we would work it TAM marker promoted to overt realisation over DO marker
15 2) DO developing properties of a prepositinal phrase (21) CDZ patxa-le, Barwar pṯáxə=lle open.3sg.f-obj.3sg.m open.inf.cop.3sg.f=obj.3sg.m She opens it. She s opening it.
16 Properties of IO in NENA Preposition *ʿal- changed to ʾəl- Bears close resemblance to DO Compare: DO (22) CDZ xaze (ʾə)l-d-ʾe brata, xazela ʾe brata He sees this girl. (24) JU +qatole lle He is killing him. IO (23) Hawdiyan ʾamrilu~ ʾamrillu~ ʾamri-llu~ ʾamri ʾəllu qamṣe They call it locust. LD (25) Hawdiyan ʾəbban ʾawən ʾi-ṛaye He is looking at us.
17 As a prepositional phrase IO is subject to LD Similar patterning of the IO phrase/clitic as in Modern Hebrew (see Borer and Grodzinsky 1986) NENA and Hebrew going down a common Semitic path Isomorphy of DO and IO in NENA enabling DO dislocation by analogy DO l-> verb-l> verb ʾəl-> ʾəl- verb IO ʾəl> verb ʾəl-> ʾəl- verb Example (26) JU əll-a n dah-i -wa OBJ-1PL beat-3pl-conv They would beat us.
18 Object marker properties and word order Substituting DO with NP results in VO word order in CDZ, Barwar and Hawdiyan (27) CDZ patxan(ne) taṛa open-1sg.m(-obj.3sg.m) door.sg.m OV word order in JU I open the door. (28) JU la hamon=e n əlhá dúgle dagəl NEG believe.inf=cop.1sg God lies lie.3sg.m I cannot believe God tells lies. which is unusual in Semitic Motivation?
19 External motivation Prevalent OV word order in the surrounding languages, e.g. Kurdish and Azeri Compare: (29) JU la hamon=e n əlhá dúgle dagəl NEG believe.inf=cop.1sg God lies lie.3sg.m I cannot believe God tells lies. (30) Kurmanji Ešxan lêwık dı-vun-ê. Ešxan.DIR boy.obl IMPF-see.PRES-3SG.PRES.COP Ešxan sees the boy. (Baker and Atlamaz 2014: 3)
20 LD of NP as intermediate step - Available in all NENA dialects - Pragmatic strategy - Haig (2015) claims de-pragmatising proces resulted in OV order - CDZ (31) ʾo sandüqa, y-amr-i-le xəllefa this box.sg.m IND-call-3PL-OBJ.3SG.M beehive This box, they call it a beehive. [TOP i, Verb O i ]> OV
21 Internal motivation Clitic-like behaviour of DO l- and acquiring LD property by analogy with IO results in DO as fronted syntactic object (32) JU əll-a n dah-i -wa OBJ-1PL beat-3pl-conv They would beat us. [O V] Language contact again as a catalyst of the process
22 Conslucions NENA clitics follow the path towads an affix Enclisis of the copula results from internal tendency for elimination of paradigmatic polymorphism (Russi, 2008:16) Language contact as accelerator of the proces Direct object clitic displaying tight bonding, on the one hand Aquires prepositinal phrase properties by analogy with IO, on the other IO similar to Hebrew dative clitic No structural correspondence of DO elements with surrounding languages OV word order motivated by IO isomorphy Langauge contact as accelerator of the proces
23 Acknowledgements Thanks to Endangered Languages Documentation Programme, SOAS, London for research grant Thank you for your attention
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