ABSTRACT MAINTAINING AND MODIFYING IDENTITY: AN EXPLORATION OF MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN INVERNESS, SCOTLAND. by Marina Salnikova

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1 ABSTRACT MAINTAINING AND MODIFYING IDENTITY: AN EXPLORATION OF MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN INVERNESS, SCOTLAND by Marina Salnikova Each generation of immigrants has its own issues; for example, how to maintain already constructed identities among first generation immigrants and how to construct identities of the second generation of immigrants, who often see themselves as a part of both their parents and their own world. This thesis examines how Muslim immigrants in a small city maintain and modify some aspects of their religious and cultural identities. I interviewed both first and second generation of Muslim immigrants in Inverness, Scotland. I argue that Muslim immigrants use shared spaces, such as Inverness Masjid as a site where they can renegotiate their Muslim identity. I found that the size of the city does not affect daily Muslim practices and it does not affect their ability to maintain Muslim identity. Additionally, my data supports previous studies in the field that, for both first and second generations of Muslim immigrants, religious identity is more important than their ethnic heritage. Additionally, I argue that the identity of the first generation can be modified by a new place of living and Muslim immigrants, both first and second generations, use specific places in the process of identity change and maintenance.

2 MAINTAINING AND MODIFYING IDENTITY: AN EXPLORATION OF MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN INVERNESS, SCOTLAND A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Miami University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts by Marina Salnikova Miami University Oxford, Ohio 2018 Advisor: Dr. Bruce D'arcus Reader: Dr. Carl Dahlman Reader: Dr. Yelizaveta Skryzhevska 2018 Marina Salnikova

3 This Thesis titled MAINTAINING AND MODIFYING IDENTITY: AN EXPLORATION OF MUSLIM COMMUNITY IN INVERNESS, SCOTLAND by Marina Salnikova has been approved for publication by The College of Arts and Science and Department of Geography Dr. Bruce D'Arcus Dr. Carl Dahlman Dr. Yelizaveta Skryzhevska

4 Table of Contents Chapter 1. How to be a Muslim in the UK..1 Negotiating Identities.3 Chapter 2. Theories of Identity, Place and Immigration...6 Theories and Perspectives of Identities..7 Muslim Context... 8 Dimensions of Place Muslim Context. 10 Immigration and Reshaping Ethnic Diversity..11 Muslim Context in the United Kingdom...11 Scotland s Muslim Population. 14 Deficiencies in the Literature...17 Conclusion Chapter 3. Exploring Inverness Muslim Community..18 Semi-Structured Interviews.18 Interview Administration.19 Positionality.21 Research Setting..21 Chapter 4. Between Ethnic Heritage, Islamic Values and the British (Scottish) Way Demographics: Who participated?...27 A Case Study: Inverness.. 30 Physical Places: EurAsia, Halal Meat Shop..31 Physical Places: Inverness Masjid, the Mosque Attitudes, Positions, Perceptions Muslim Identities in Relation to British/Scottish Identities. 36 Views of Being British...36 Views of Being Muslim. 39 Views on Self-Identity Conclusion Chapter 5. Negotiating Identities and the Challenges of Being Muslim. 44 Identities Change...44 Faith and Ethnicity...47 Shared Place.49 Reshaping Inverness Chapter 6: Muslim Immigrants: Identity in Flux 56 Narrowing the Gap.. 56 Bibliography. 58 iii

5 List of Tables Table 1. Ethnicity of Muslim Population in Scotland (Elshayyal 2014). 16 Table 2. Main characteristics of study participants (n=30) Table 3. How second-generation define being British (Scottish) and Irish 38 Table 4. How both generations define being Muslim. 39 Table 5. Preferred category for self-definition Table 6. How both generation define their identity...41 iv

6 List of Figures Figure 1. Conceptual Framework....7 Figure 2. Geographical distribution of the Muslim population, England and Wales, Figure 3. Geographical distribution of the Muslim population, Scotland, Figure 5. Map of the UK Figure 4. The Demographic Composition of Muslims in the UK Figure 6. Inverness Masjid (the mosque). Photo by author...22 Figure 7. Highland Multicultural Friends (the community center). Photo by author...23 Figure 8. Indian Ocean (Indian & Bangladeshi restaurant). Photo by author...24 Figure 9. The Ethnic Composition of Muslim in Inverness...29 Figure 10. EurAsia Cash and Carry. Photo by author Figure 11. Inverness masjid in 2010 was a night club (Portland Club). Photo credit David Greenhalgh. 50 Figure 12. The Polish Grocery Store in Downtown. Photo by author Figure 13. Pakistani (L) and Turkish/Mediterranean (R) Restaurants. Photo by author...53 v

7 Acknowledgments I would like to express my gratitude to my advisor Dr. Bruce D Arcus for his continual guidance and thoughtful and useful feedback throughout the research and writing of this thesis. Also, I would like to thank my committee members: Dr. Carl Dahlman and Dr. Yelizaveta Skryzhevska for their insightful comments and questions. Additionally, I would like to thank Dr. Susan Jakubowski for her moral support during the entire two years of my study and Kate Francis for her support and help during the writing process. I sincerely thank all the participants who shared their time, opinions and experiences. Finally, I would like to thank Miami University and the Department of Geography for providing the intellectual and financial support. vi

8 Chapter 1. How to be a Muslim in the UK The United Kingdom has a long history of immigration. It was a major imperial power in the past that ruled over many countries and territories. Among those dominions were ones where Islam was a predominant religion. Today, they are separate nations such as Pakistan and Bangladesh. The British Nationality Act of 1948 allowed all subjects of the British Empire, later the British Commonwealth, to live and work in the United Kingdom without a visa. After this act, a large number of immigrants from the British Commonwealth arrived in the United Kingdom over decades, predominantly from India, Pakistan and Bangladesh. Those immigrants were mostly labor migrants and students. Later on, the British government tried to control immigration by requiring immigrants to secure jobs before they would be allowed to arrive or requiring them to have skills that were in high demand by British employers. The government further restricted immigration by only allowing those with work permits or families already in the United Kingdom. Nevertheless, through years of immigration, several generations of immigrant children were born and raised in the UK. These generations are different than their immigrant parents in terms of trying to negotiate how to be Muslim and British at the same time. Questions of immigrants identities have been the topic of major discussions within different social science fields and disciplines. Many scholars study issues related to immigrants identities, such as how immigrants integrate into new societies, how they share public spaces with other members of host countries, and how they negotiate between identifying as members of a new community and maintaining a strong sense of belonging and connection to their countries of origin (Balan 2015; Casey & Dustmann 2010; Fischer-Neumann 2014; Ehrkamp & Leitner 2006; Ehrkamp 2005; Mir 2016; Kay 2016). Since Muslim immigrants and their children adjust their Muslim identities to western values, culture and traditions on a daily basis (Kaplan 2007), identity questions are especially interesting to study through the context of Islam. For some Muslims, traditional western lifestyle, such as clothing, food, and entertainment, might seem quite different from their own traditional lifestyle. As a result, these differences can create issues not only for the newly arrived immigrants but often for their children as well. Additionally, these differences prompt the 1

9 establishment of ethnic neighborhoods and enclaves where Muslim immigrants continue their cultural practices (Ehrkamp 2005; Mir 2016). The relationship between place and identity plays an important role in the formation of identity among new arrivals and their children. Larger cities naturally have more cultural resources for Muslim community members, such as ethnic centers, halal meat shops, heritage associations, and religious institutions. These resources usually help immigrants to retain and to reconstruct their identities. Cultural centers greatly help newly arrived immigrants to start a process of their integration into the new society by offering extra assistance such as free language classes, local traditions/customs workshops, and culturally appropriate services like medical case translators. In contrast, smaller cities can only offer a limited number of resources, with some less populated cities having only a small community center or a worship place while some have no resources at all. If these resources are indeed absent, it is possible that Muslims would commute to nearby cities to find these resources. Some larger cities within the UK, such as Birmingham, London, Luton, or Glasgow, are known to attract the majority of Muslim immigrants (Census 2011). Consequently, most studies on Muslim identity have been conducted in these larger cities (Nagel 2002; Hopkins 2004; Imoagene 2012; Gest 2015). Existing publications are mostly focused on large cities and pay much less attention to smaller ones. In the process of developing the framework for my study, I extensively searched the GEO database, Academic Search Complete and Google Scholars using search terms such as identity, maintaining, Muslim, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi. These searches showed that scholars research sites were large cities. One of the main goals of this thesis is to try to minimize this gap in the literature and to increase our understanding of how smaller places affect processes of maintaining and modifying some aspects of their religious and cultural identities, such as attending the mosque, wearing traditional clothing and cooking ethnic meals.. Major research question and sub-questions Major research question How do Muslim immigrants maintain and modify their identities over time in places that are not major immigrant centers? 2

10 Research sub-questions What is the role of shared spaces and spatial practices in the process of maintaining and modifying Muslim identity? Does the size of the city influence one s ability to maintain and modify some aspects of cultural and Muslim identities? Negotiating Identities This thesis contributes to the geographic discussion on how Muslim migrants maintain and modify their identities in places that are not major destinations for Muslim immigrants and thus have very small Islamic populations and social infrastructure. Maintaining identity means that immigrants try to transfer their lifestyles and identity from their countries of origin to their new countries with minimal adjustment. In this context, modification means that some immigrants may incorporate values and practices from their new environment into their religious and cultural identities or they may share their cultural and religious values. Those things and values that they incorporate still need to be in their religious comfort zone. The Inverness mosque functions as a worship site and a community center, as well as an educational institution. All three functionalities provide valuable opportunities for Muslims to maintain and modify their identity. As a worship site, it helps Muslims to maintain their religious identity by providing the necessary environment, such as a physical place for prayers, educational lectures on religious topics, and Quran lessons. Many Muslims reinsure their faith by wearing traditional prayer dresses and other religious symbols, such as scarves for women and taqiyah (skullcap) for men, inside the mosque and in public. This is true for both men and women. As a community center, the mosque also helps maintain and at the same time modify some aspects of Muslim identity. The process of modification happens through multicultural events at the mosque where the members of the Muslim community are exposed to different cultures and traditions. Some of them adopt the Western dress style, such as wearing pants, sleeveless shirts and no scarves outside the mosque for women, while men might wear the 3

11 taqiyah. Muslims may also be exposed to some western customs and traditions, such as the celebration of other, non-muslim religious holidays like Christmas and Easter. The Inverness halal meat shop also provides opportunities for Muslims to maintain their religious identities. It offers halal meat and groceries for Muslims in order for them to continue with their Islamic practices, which require consumption of halal food only. At the same time, the shop provides the opportunity to modify some aspects of cultural or Muslim identity by providing a setting for its customers to engage in conversations with other customers who are local non-muslim since the shop sells some non-religious goods from many other countries. During those conversations, they exchange their experiences and ideas which might be totally different for Muslims. Additionally, many Muslims have non-muslim friends and those friends influence them as a part of the assimilation process. Drawing on in-depth interviews, I argue that local Muslims in the city of Inverness, despite not having access to the number and variety of cultural and religious support found in larger cities, have continued practicing their Islamic lifestyles. They use the mosque and the halal meat shop as sites where they can renegotiate their Muslim identity. To support my argument, I begin by presenting a framework of available geographic and other social science literature on theories of identities of different generations and different perspectives of study identity. The framework is organized around concepts of identity, place and immigration. The concept of identity focuses on how immigrants maintain their identities in a new place and how the second generation constructs their own identities which are often a blend of what they take from their parents and what they adopt from their new environment. The concept of place and dimensions of place focus on shared places and how Muslims utilize them. The concept of immigration focuses on how new residents reshape the ethnic geography of Inverness. In Inverness, the local Muslim population uses the mosque and the local halal meat shop to help them practice their religion and keep their Muslim identity. Next, I detail the qualitative method used to answer the research question. I rely on semistructured interviews with members of the Inverness Muslim community and the leaders of the Inverness Masjid. I used the snowball technique and asked the participants to introduce me to 4

12 someone else from the community who would be willing to participate in my study at the end of each interview. I present the research findings narratively. Firstly, I explore how the Muslim immigrants utilize specific shared spaces the Inverness Masjid and the local halal meat shop as resources to retain aspects of their religious identity. Additionally, I describe the attitude of Muslims towards Inverness, a small city. Next, I describe the demographics of the participants. I present narratives that show how participants describe their identities and how different generations create a balance between their religion and western lifestyle in Inverness, Scotland. Within each section, I present quotes from the participants to support the arguments. Finally, I discuss some of my findings and the concepts from my conceptual framework and linkages between them. Drawing on geographies of identities, I argue that though there are relatively limited resources available in small cities such as Inverness, Muslim immigrants still seek out and use shared spaces to maintain and modify their Muslim identities by attending the mosque, wearing Islamic prayer dresses and religious symbols, but wearing western cloths outside of the mosque for both men and women. 5

13 Chapter 2. Theories of Identity, Place and Immigration Due to their different relationships to place of residence, each generation of immigrants faces separate issues of identity. For example, the ability to maintain already constructed identity among first generation immigrants is different than the construction of identities of the second generation children of immigrants who often see themselves as a part of both their parents and their own world. As a part of solving the issue, the second generation tries to switch from one identity to another one without losing ethnic ties (Guest 2015). This process of shifting from one identity to another one could be a question of how immigrant communities maintain and modify their identities over time. Additionally, the construction of identity by the second generation occurs under the condition of being between old and new identities (Kaplan 2007). In this chapter, I draw from constructivist theories of identity to examine how Muslim immigrants maintain and modify their identities over time. Additionally, the concept of place illustrates how Muslim immigrants can use specific places to retain their identities. The relevant literature offers a framework (Figure 1) for my analysis of how the identity of the first generation can be modified in a new place of living and how identities of the second generation of immigrants are constructed. This analysis allows me to explore how Muslim immigrants, both first and second generations, use specific places in the process of identity maintenance and change. Based on this framework, I argue that Muslim immigrants use shared places as sites where they can renegotiate their Muslim identity. 6

14 Figure 1. Conceptual Framework Theories and Perspectives of Identities Social scientists have developed different approaches and different theories to study identity. The researchers use two main theories of identity: the Social Identity Theory developed by Tajfel (1978) and the Self-Categorization Theory (SCT) developed by Tajfel and Turner (1986). The focus of both theories is mainly on adults and their issues related to their identity (Fischer- Neumann 2014). Moreover, scholars utilize different perspectives, such as the primordialist perspective and the constructivist one, to study identity questions. From the primordialist perspective, as soon as identity develops, it is fixed and cannot be reconstructed (Bayar 2009; Gest 2013). In contrast, from the constructivist perspective, identities are never firm, but are constantly reformed during the entire life (Modood 1998; Bayar 2009; Chandra 2012; Gest 2013). Identity is not a specific pattern that will give a person a sense of belonging to a certain culture or a certain nation. It is more constructed and reconstructed in different social contexts; for example, in urban settings (D Arcus 2010). Immigrants identities can change over time in new places and these changes depend on the social environment of the receiving country, the immigrant s 7

15 attitude towards a new society, their values, and their willingness to keep traditions and to pass them to the next generation (Casey and Dustmann 2010). However, in contrast Bolognani (2014) argues several points: that immigrants identity is constantly being changed on a daily microscale whether or not immigrants want this process to happen; that new places often affect lives of immigrants and their identities; and that usually immigrants cannot identify these changes as long as they remain in a new place. Bolognani claims it is only when they visit or return to their places of origin that they will notice these changes. I use the constructivist perspective to examine how identity is constructed and reconstructed among a small Muslim population over time. Muslim Context Within different social disciplines, some scholars argue that maintaining a Muslim identity could be a major obstacle for immigrants to fully integrate into a non-muslim receiving society for the first generation and the act also creates a challenge for the second generation. Many studies identify Islam as one of the major impediments to full integration for immigrants from Muslim countries (Saeed, Blain, & Forbes 1999). Full integration is uneven among Muslims. For example, some studies show that some Muslims from certain countries, such as Arab or South Asian nations, integrate slowly and not as fully as the receiving society s desire. In contrast, Muslims from Turkey or Muslim European nations like Bosnia and Herzegovina or Albania have a different pattern (familiar with some western values such as dress styles, personal comportment or less strict observance of Koranic strictures) of an integration than Arab or South Asian Muslims (Bayar 2009; Gest 2015). Some studies show that other immigrant groups (non- Muslim) have a different experience of integrating because their identities are more closely related to the host society s values, such as familiarity with some customs of a new country prior to arriving (Kaplan 2007). Religious and cultural aspects of Muslim identity play a crucial role in the formation of a negative bias towards Muslim identity for both first and second generation of immigrants (Abbas 2005; Hopkins 2007). Differences between first and second generation migrants are important and should be considered in the study of Muslim identity. First generation immigrants often choose their destination based on the existence of immigrant networks of which they can become members 8

16 when they arrive. This type of migration is called chain migration, where immigrants from a particular city/country follow others from that city/country to a particular city or neighborhood. Participation in a network often makes them feel more secure and can therefore provide for an easier transition (Kaplan 2007). Often immigrants arrive to their new country without any prior knowledge of the local language, so they have to rely on the support of the community that speaks the same language, practices the same religion, and has the same values and traditions as they do. Being a member of the community helps them to offload some of the pressure the unfamiliar norms of the receiving society put on them (Kaplan 2007; Erdal 2013). Immigrants rely heavily on their communities support as it gives them the perception of being protected during the transition period between two different countries, often with very different cultural norms. Additionally, this membership makes them more self-assured in their original identities and shows immigrants that they do not need to reject their identity and they will be able to pass it onto the future generations (Kaplan 2007). Although immigrants try to keep their original identity, a new place still affects them and reconstructs their identities to some degree. However, one possible negative outcome of being a member of the networks is that such membership could hinder their full and efficient integration into their new societies (Saeed et al. 1999). For example, members of such communities experience less pressure to learn the language or to adopt the lifestyle of their new homeland, which would inevitably happen if they had no network to rely upon (Thomson & Crul 2007). Unlike the first generation, the second generation is often stuck between two worlds: the world of their parents with their original heritage, and the world of their own life and a new set of values. The second generation, who was born in a country from immigrant parents, is often better educated than their parents and less dependent upon cultural communities (Abbas 2005; Kaplan 2007; Kabir 2014). Despite better education and less dependency on a community, children born from immigrant parents and raised within Islamic values often struggle to negotiate some aspects of religious identity. The new world sometimes is very different from that of their parents. Moreover, family ties and traditions could be strong and cause a formation of a dual identity (Gest 2015). They experience more pressure from their parents on the one side and from the members of their current society on the other (Kaplan 2007). Many studies suggest that for the second generation of people with South Asian heritage it is particularly more important to identify themselves as being Muslim as opposed to indicating 9

17 their ethnicity or the origin of their parents (Jacobson 1997; Stroup 2017). Islam becomes a central aspect of their identity and it becomes even more important later in their lives. For example, after graduating from universities they must decide if they want to continue or change their liberalcollege lifestyle and become more traditional. The second generation of British Muslims tries to separate themselves from their ethnic background if it contradicts their religion. From Jacobson s study, it is clear that those young British Muslims would rely on Islam while making some decisions rather than making the decision based on the tenets of their ethnic/cultural heritage (1997). Scholars mostly have studied the complexity of first and second generation assimilation processes in large cities, raising the question of whether immigration to a smaller town helps to illuminate the differences among generations and migration streams. Dimensions of Place Each religion has its own significant places. On a large scale, these places can be sacred cities hosting artifacts that are crucial to a religion; on a smaller scale, these can be communal places only important to communities that maintain them. A significant body of literature discusses place through three conceptual lenses: spatial practice, representations of space, and spaces of representation (Soja 1996; Lefebvre & Nicholson-Smith 1991). Scholars predominantly use these lenses on larger scales such as cities. However, they could be utilized in order to analyze places on a local scale as well, such as churches, mosques or temples and other religious sites. Muslim Context Fridolfsson and Elander (2012) suggest that mosques, the main worship site in Islam and at the same time, a sacred place for all members of a Muslim community, could be analyzed by utilizing one of the three dimensions of space defined by Lefebvre. The local mosques represent well the local Muslim community and their relationships with the place (the city) and the mosque itself. The first dimension, spatial practice, is that the mosque is an actual physical place. The members of a Muslim community utilize the mosque as an actual physical building by going there frequently for performing their religious, ceremonial, social, and educational practices. Another one is a representation of space, or a mental meaning to the mosque. The religious leaders of a mosque form a mental meaning of a place and pass this meaning to the members of a Muslim community (Fridolfsson & Elander 2012). Finally, the spaces of representation 10

18 dimension is how members of the community share the mosque and what kind of experiences they have with the place. However, Soja (1996) and Lefebvre and Nicholson-Smith (1991) agree that it is hard to separate the lenses from each other and all of these lenses overlap and should be used in combination. By using all three lenses, the mosque could be analyzed as being an actual physical building having a special mental meaning and being a social and education center at the same time. The notion of spatial practices is useful in enhancing understanding of a role of shared places such as mosques in a process of maintaining and modifying. Immigration and Reshaping Ethnic Diversity Although immigration has been a constant human activity, the nature of the process has changed dramatically over the past century. Due to globalization and improved travel technology, now people can move anywhere, rather than only to nearby countries. Numerous literature sources discuss the theory of push and pull factors and different reasons of immigration from different perspectives (Nagel 1994; Zimmermann 1996; Jones & Ram 2003; Parkins 2010; Piras 2016). Some countries have become more desirable for immigrants than other ones over the past decades. The governments of those desirable countries continue to implement various policies to regulate immigration. These policies have been more or less successful in controlling the process of migration. Accordingly, and sometimes despite, these policies migration has reshaped demographics of many world nations making their local population more diverse. Immigration influences both rural and urban areas where immigrants form new neighborhoods and communities. Many desirable countries are located in Europe. Consequently, Europe has become one of the major immigrant destinations, including those from countries with Muslim majorities. This process has challenged the European status quo, forcing countries to examine their own cultural identity, evaluate their policies on asylum, refugees and migration and work to manage cultural diversity (Fetzer 2004; Heckman 2005). Muslim Context in the United Kingdom Over the past two decades, geographers have developed a strong interest in studying identities of Muslim immigrants in Europe. The United Kingdom is one of the places where these studies have gained much attention from scholars in geography and related fields, such as sociology. (Kaplan 2007; Hopkins 2004; Gest 2013). Factors, such as the colonial past of the United Kingdom and 11

19 relatively uncomplicated immigration laws in the past, have contributed to the growing Muslim presence in the United Kingdom (Gest 2013). According to the 2011 census, the Muslim population of the UK comprises approximately 2.7 million people and makes up about 4.4 % of the total population of the country. The majority of Muslims within the United Kingdom live in England (2,660,116 or 95.5 % of the total population of the UK), 76,737 Muslims live in Scotland (2.8 %), 45,950 in Wales (1.50%), and 3,832 in Northern Ireland (0.21%). In England, people self-identified as Muslims in the United Kingdom Census of 2011 predominantly live in six urban areas: Bradford, Luton, Blackburn, Birmingham, London, and Dewsbury (Figure 2). 12

20 Figure 2. Geographical distribution of the Muslim population, England and Wales, 2011 There are also relatively large concentrations in the Scottish cities of Glasgow with 33,144 (5.4% of the total population of Glasgow) and Edinburgh 12,434 (2.6% of the total population of Edinburgh) (Figure 3). Figure 3. Geographical distribution of the Muslim population, Scotland,

21 These patterns are similar to the United Kingdom population as a whole with the biggest Muslim clusters located in or around the cities with populations of 500,000 1,500,000 people. In terms of places of origin, the majority of British Muslims are from Pakistan and Bangladesh (Figure 4) (Census 2011). The colonial legacy of the United Kingdom explains this ethnic composition. The rest of the ethnic composition consists of Muslims from India, Turkey, Iran, Iraq, and certain African and Arab countries. Having the largest Muslim population in the United Kingdom, England is especially popular for social science research of Muslim communities due to the large Muslim population there (Nagel 2002; Imoagene 2012; Bolognani 2014; Kabir 2014). Figure 4. The Demographic Composition of Muslims in the UK According to the census of 2011, the number of Muslim immigrants in the major immigrant areas has almost doubled since One factor that could help to explain these changes is the existence of extensive immigrant networks. The network often is the primary factor influencing the choice of the living location and works as a pull factor for new arrivals. For example, when a family wants to relocate to the UK, they often try to find any possible connections in the country. Chances to find someone in large cities are higher than in small cities. Additionally, the job market is often better in big cities, where new arrivals can find a job faster than in small cities. Established connections and the job market make particular cities such as Birmingham or London more attractive for immigrants and explain the pattern of Muslim settlements in the United Kingdom. Scotland s Muslim Population The subjects of immigration and Muslim identity in Scotland have traditionally been studied less extensively than the rest of the UK. This lack could be explained by the existence of the public perception that racism is not a problem in Scotland, whereas in England, it is a serious issue (Saeed et al. 1999; Abbas 2005; Mir 2016). However, human geographers have done some research in 14

22 Scotland on the concept of identity and its relation to racism and racial segregation (Saeed et al. 1999; Hopkins 2004, 2007; 2016; Hussain & Miller 2006). Muslims in Scotland face many social issues, especially after the terrorist attacks in many European cities and the 9/11 catastrophe, in particular. Those events make the daily lives of Muslims in Scotland even more complicated than before. Moreover, it appears that the public attitude has shifted towards anti-muslim perspective (Hopkins 2007; Abbas 2005). Available statistical data shows that the Muslim population is a small fraction of the entire population of the United Kingdom. According to Elshayyal s report, 76,737 people who identified themselves as Muslim in the 2011 United Kingdom Census live in Scotland, which is only about 1.45% of the total Scottish population. Among those Muslims, 41,241 are men, and 35,496 are women. Muslims in Scotland make up 2.8% of all Muslims in the United Kingdom as a whole. 75% of Scottish Muslims live in just three regions: Glasgow (43.6% of the total Muslim population in Scotland), Lothian (19%) and North East Scotland (11.8%). The most important centers of Muslim immigration, Glasgow, Edinburgh, Aberdeen, and Dundee are also the largest Muslim immigrant centers in Scotland. The country of birth composition is the same in Scotland as it is in the United Kingdom at large. Consequently, Pakistanis and Bangladeshis are the largest Muslim groups in Scotland (Elshayyal 2014). Table 1. Ethnicity of Muslim Population in Scotland (Elshayyal 2014). 15

23 Historically, Scotland has a very strong sense of a national identity. (Hussain & Miller 2006; Hopkins 2007). Some studies show that Pakistanis in Scotland identify themselves as Muslims first, which mirrors the same pattern that Jacobson shows in her study of British Muslims in London. Scottish identities of those Muslims come next, where they often say that I am Muslim Scottish. After identifying as Scottish Muslims, they indicate their places of origin. For example, many young Pakistanis would say I am Muslim Scottish with roots from Pakistan (Hopkins 2004). Hussain and Miller (2006, p. 34) in their study found that the majority of Pakistanis identify themselves as being Scottish compared to as being British. 16

24 The literature suggests that Scotland has a different pattern of identity formation of Muslim immigrants to Scotland. This pattern formation is subject to socio-cultural and political pressure, and is different from the rest of the United Kingdom, since Muslim immigration to Scotland is a relatively recent event which has not attracted much public attention yet (Abbas 2005). Scottish national identity has a large impact on the process of Muslim identity formation and raises questions as to how Muslim immigrant identities differ here, in Scotland, compared to cities in other countries (Hopkins 2007; Gest 2015). Deficiencies in the Literature In this section, I identify existing deficiencies in the literature on Scottish Muslim identity. A picture of identity outside of major immigrant centers needs to be developed more closely. As mentioned before, the concentration of the Muslim population in Scotland is predominantly located around the big cities, such as Glasgow, Edinburgh, Dundee, and Aberdeen. All studies that I found have been conducted in those four cities, especially Glasgow and Edinburgh (Saeed et al 2000; Hopkins 2004; 2007; Hussain & Miller 2006). The authors of the studies have justified their choices by using the Muslim population size. The population size allowed them to make more generalizable conclusions about Muslims in Scotland. Conclusion Building on this literature, I examine how Muslims in Inverness maintain and modify their religious identity and pass it to their next generation. Inverness Masjid is a major Islamic center for the entire Highland Council Area and, at the same time, it is relatively far from the big immigrant centers. In this thesis, I argue that Muslim immigrants use shared spaces such as Inverness Masjid and other places related to their religion as sites where they simultaneously maintain and modify some aspects of their religious and cultural identities, such as attending the mosque, wearing traditional clothing and cooking ethnic meals. Participants use the mosque not only as a place of worship but also as a place where they socialize, share their identity, ideas, and thoughts with other Muslims, and educate themselves and their next generation about Islam in order to maintain of their Muslim identity. 17

25 Chapter 3. Exploring Inverness Muslim Community My research question and sub-questions: How do Muslim immigrants maintain and modify their identities over time in places that are not major immigrant centers? What is the role of shared spaces and spatial practices in the process of maintaining and modifying Muslim identity? Does the size of the city influence one s ability to maintain and modify some aspects of Muslim and cultural identities? I used data collected through in-depth interviews, consisting of 30 semi-structured interviews with members of the Inverness Masjid. All of the interviews were recorded with consent, fully transcribed by me. All research participants chose not to use their real names and, as a result, I gave them pseudonyms in order to protect their confidentiality. All interviews were held at participants houses, in local cafes, on the streets, or at the mosque or the community center in Inverness. The questions were broadly focused on participant s experiences and use of their shared place, the mosque, in order to examine how Muslim immigrants maintain and modify their religious identity over time in a small place like Inverness, Scotland. In addition, I wanted to explore how the Muslim immigrants utilize a specific shared space, the Inverness Masjid, as their resource in order to retain their religious identity. Semi-Structured Interviews In the identity literature, numerous geographers and scholars in closely related fields, such as sociology, have used the method of interviews to answer their research question in-depth (Ehrkamp & Leitner 2006; Imoagene 2012; Bolognani 2014). According to Secor (2010, p. 199), an interview is a formal conversation between the researcher and the participant. Since my goal was to research my question in-depth, I used interviews as the main method in my study. They provided information on specifics rather than generalizations as described by Hay (2010). 18

26 I used semi-structured interviews. This type of interview gave me more flexibility to change the course of an on-going interview based on the respondents answers. These interviews contained two formats of questions: open-ended and closed-ended. Open-ended questions allowed me to receive more in-depth answers from the participants. In contrast, close-ended questions only allowed me to receive yes/no answers without any other discussions (Longhurst 2013). However, I always used a follow-up question each time after receiving an answer on a close-ended question in order to get a better explanation. Interview Administration I interviewed 30 participants in Inverness during a period of roughly 6 weeks. All participants were between 18 and 50 years old, both male and female, and from diverse economic and educational backgrounds. I did not talk to minors since children would not be able to contribute fully to the research because in my opinion, children do not have the ability to articulate the kinds of in-depth responses I was seeking. Additionally, I considered that 18 year old Muslims could provide a good overview for my research question from the youth point of view. Most of my participants worked or lived in Inverness or nearby. I conducted all the interviews in English. Some of my participants had previously been interviewed by journalists or scholars but on different subjects. Interviews typically lasted between 20 minutes and an hour. Some interviews were completed in two different meetings. My goal was to collect data consisting of personal narratives, participants experiences and opinions rather than general information on a question. As my first step, I made contact with one of the leaders from the Inverness Masjid in March before my departure for Scotland. When I arrived to Inverness, I realized that the Muslim community was indeed very small as Dr. Awan mentioned in his to me, and it was hard to notice the Muslim people on the streets of Inverness, except in restaurants. Later on, my perception became more developed towards seeing Muslims on the streets. Since Dr. Awan had notified the community about my visit and its purpose through the messenger (WhatsApp) where almost all members of the community are subscribed, my presence was expected. After arriving and establishing initial contact, I used the snowball technique to collect my data. I interviewed the leaders of the Inverness Masjid first and then asked them to introduce me 19

27 to other possible participants and those participants introduced me to other people among their friends, relatives and co-workers. This method was ideal for my research since the advantage of this technique was that it focused on a particular group of people, in my case the Muslim population. Since their population is relatively small, I assumed that most people would know each other through the mosque. The snowball sampling does have some disadvantages, such as vague sample size and the uneven influence of initial participants in choosing future participants (Secor 2010). However, while doing my research, if I realized that my sample size disproportionately consisted of only one variable, like everyone was the same gender, the same age group, or the same educational background, I started controlling participant demographics and asked if a person could introduce me to people of different ages, genders or different educational levels. Researchers do not often conduct their study in an area where they are linguistically fluent. Often they must use an interpreter. Since my focus was on both the first and second generations, initially I expected that some participants would not speak English well or speak English at all. Those people would be either newly arrived immigrants or elderly immigrants who, even though they had lived in the country for many years, could not speak English. However, all my participants were able to speak English and I did not need to hire an interpreter. Another concern before conducting my interviews was that English is my second language and my Russian accent and the accents of the participants (potentially Scottish) could be possible challenges for both of us. In reality, I did not have any problem with neither my accent nor the accents of my participants. I started each interview by asking the initial questions: if they were born in the UK and if not, at what age they moved to the UK. These two questions guided the process of my interview since they helped me to determine if a person was a first or second generation immigrant. This aspect also helped me to determine some possible questions in the interview process. However, I asked both generations the same questions on groups: biographical, identity and practices, either spatial or religious data. 20

28 Positionality Positionality is very important in a process of conducting interviews. Thus, I recognized my positionality as a researcher before collecting my data. Recognition of positionality can help build trust and gain respect from the participants (Skeleton 2001). Being originally from Russia and studying in a university in the USA, I had to explain my status as a master s student from Miami University every time I started an interview. All of the participants were willing to share their experiences and opinions with a white female graduate student who was not Muslim nor was she of South Asian heritage or Scottish descent, and without understanding my motivations for, and relationship to, the research. I was aware that many potential participants could ask me why I chose to conduct my research in the United Kingdom, in Scotland and particularly Inverness. Additionally, I expected them to ask why I chose to study Muslim identity. I needed to acknowledge that my interest in this study was partly personal since I am an immigrant myself and many questions of immigrant identities apply to me. Moreover, the Muslim population is a marginalized minority group who, over the past decade, has faced increasing scrutiny on a global scale. Additionally, I wanted to raise awareness of some difficulties that Muslim immigrants face daily. In doing so, I tried to influence public opinion towards a more positive consideration of Muslim immigrants in the UK and on a global scale in general. Research Setting In this section, I provide a brief description of my research setting and also indicate the relationship between myself as a researcher and the participants. Figure 5. Map of the UK 21

29 Inverness is quite far from the major immigrant centers (about 200 miles away from Glasgow). The Muslim population is relatively small and makes up only 1% of the total Muslim population in Scotland. Inverness has a mosque that serves as both an educational and cultural center (Figure 6). Figure 6. Inverness Masjid (the mosque). Photo by author Although the city does not have specific cultural centers (e.g. Pakistani cultural center, Bangladeshi cultural center, Arab-Muslim Association, etc.), there is a community center called Highland Multicultural Friends (Figure 7), where many members are Muslims. 22

30 Figure 7. Highland Multicultural Friends (the community center). Photo by author There are numerous businesses such as barber shops, guest houses and restaurants (Indian, Turkish, Kashmir, Pakistani, and international markets) that are owned by Muslims. Additionally, all take-away restaurants are run by Muslims and Muslims are the majority of workers of these places. There is a halal meat shop in the city where 90 % of the Muslim population buy their meat and groceries. All these resources help maintain the Muslim identity among the first and second generations of Muslim people who live in the council area and Inverness specifically. All major sites are located in downtown (shops, restaurants, guest houses, and the mosque) (Figure 8). 23

31 Figure 8. Indian Ocean (Indian & Bangladeshi restaurant). Photo by author I lived in the center of the city and it provided me opportunities to walk everywhere and not depend on the public transportation. After being in Inverness for only a week and attending the mosque almost every day, people started recognizing me on the streets, at the grocery shops, at the restaurants, and even at my lodging. I arrived in Inverness during the Ramadan month which gave me an opportunity to meet many people almost every night. Many participants told me that outside of Ramadan, there are only few people who regularly attend the mosque during the day, excluding the Friday prayers. The fact that I was from an American university and I was introduced as a researcher from the United States, made most people initially think that I was an American. I thought this belief would give me an advantage and people would be more willing to talk and share their ideas and experience with an English speaking person. My nationality and citizenship did not play an important role during the research. However, based on my observations, I can conclude that my status as a student from a US university played a significant role. For example, some participants said that they attended graduate schools and knew how important the research can be. By 24

32 establishing the shared experience of attending graduate school and the shared value of the significance of research, participants were more willing to talk more openly with me, especially since I was a student and not a journalist or a professional researcher. It is reasonable to assume that my gender influenced my interviews. However, I did not notice any gender-related behavior, such as male participants refusing to answer some of my questions because of my gender, for example. By providing my research setting, I wanted to indicate that my data collection and the entire process of my research could be different if some aspects such as gender, religious beliefs and a different time of a year (excluding Ramadan) were different. 25

33 Chapter 4. Between Ethnic Heritage, Islamic Values and the British (Scottish) Way While establishing the framework for my research, I read literature which was based on mostly two large cities in Scotland, Glasgow and Edinburgh (Saeed et al. 1999; Hopkins 2004, 2007; Hussain & Miller 2006). I knew that the Muslim community in Inverness was small, but I did not realize how small it was. When I arrived at Inverness, I did not immediately notice any Muslim presence on the streets, in contrast to Birmingham where it appears there are more Muslims than non-muslims due to the large Muslim population. However, after spending some time on the main commercial street, High Street, I began to recognize restaurants, barber shops and other places run by Muslims. Later that day, I went to the mosque and clearly saw that there was a Muslim population in Inverness. The street on which the mosque was located was completely packed with cars; many people were standing and talking outside. Although the Muslim community in Inverness makes up only around 1% of the total population of the Highlands council area, its presence is visible. This visible presence can serve as a clear sign to new Muslim immigrants that the Islamic community is already established in Inverness and that they (Muslims) are not alone. The existing community can provide necessary support for newly arrived Muslim immigrants or Muslims who have just relocated for reasons such as work or study from different parts of the UK. In this chapter, I argue that the size of a city and its distance from the major immigrant centers do not play a significant role in daily religious practices of Muslims in Inverness. Instead, two factors are significant: physical spaces that help immigrants continue with religious and dietary practices that connect them with other Muslims in the city and the prevailing attitudes toward Muslims. In this chapter, I explain why I draw these conclusions from my individual interview data and participant demographics. In addition to a discussion of my data, I also examine how participants view the coexistence of their Muslim and British/Scottish identities. Do they think of themselves primarily as British, Scottish, Muslim or a part of any other cultural heritage groups? Do participants negotiate their identity with the UK lifestyle? 26

34 Demographics: Who participated? The following analysis is based on interview data with thirty members of the Inverness Muslim community conducted during five weeks of my study. These interviewees represent the Inverness Muslim population in terms of gender, generation, national origin, and education. The main characteristics of participants are presented in Table 2. Table 2. Main characteristics of study participants (n=30) Characteristics Numbers Sex Male Female Generation First 1.5/Second Place of Birth Scotland (Inverness) England Pakistan Bangladesh Turkey Egypt Sudan Nigeria Indonesia Mauritius Kurdistan (Iraq) Education Secondary only Post-Secondary/University Post-Graduate (3) All participants were between 18 and 50 years old. During my study, I had to control the demographics of my participants a couple of times by asking them to introduce me to a person of a specific gender or generation since my sample size became disproportionate in terms of those two things. As a result, I interviewed approximately an equal number of male and female 27

35 respondents, 16 and 14 respectively. While preparing my questionnaire, I decided to use only two categories for generations, first and second, to simplify further analysis. If a person was born in a different country and moved to the UK under 10 years of age, I counted that person as the second generation instead of 1.5 (Ellis & Goodwin-White 2006). In terms of the place of birth, the largest group of people was born in the UK although in different regions, such as England and Scotland. Among those 13 (total for the UK) participants, only three people were born in Inverness; additionally, two more were brought to Inverness at the ages of 2 and 3. The majority of people in my study had post-secondary or university degrees, 16% had secondary educations and 6% had post-graduate degrees. The majority of participants thought of themselves as temporary residents and expressed a desire to relocate when they had a chance. Among desirable places were Glasgow, Edinburgh and London. They justified their choices of these by mentioning larger populations and more job opportunities. Figure 9. The Ethnic Composition of Muslim in Inverness. 28

36 According to the Figure 9, the largest group of people had Bangladeshi origin which constituted approximately 41% of participants. The second largest group had Pakistani heritage, 24%, followed by Turkish 11%, Iranian 6%, Kurdish, Indonesian, Nigerian, Egyptian, Mauritian, and Sudanese, 3% each. On a question What were your reasons to move to the UK? the majority of first generation of participants replied that they had moved to the UK following their relatives or husbands who had moved to the UK earlier and established some kind of ground for them, such as an opportunity to be easily employed. For example, one person from a family had moved to the UK and established a business when s/he invited relatives to work for the business. Another example was a family where a man lived in the UK for a long time before finding a wife back home, in Pakistan. In response to the question What were the reasons why you moved to Inverness? both generations of participants who were born and raised outside of Inverness cited job opportunities. Similarly, job opportunities was a common answer between both generations to a question If you would move out of Inverness one day, what would the reasons be for that? These two answers provide evidence for the previously discussed theme of being temporary workers in Inverness and their desire to move out one day. Many participants said that they probably would not stay/renew their contracts there for longer than 2-4 years. This time frame was an average for the majority of temporary residents in Inverness. Demographics of participants show that even though the Inverness Muslim community is small, it is very diverse and welcoming to everyone. The mosque not only serves the Sunni majority, but also other Muslim denominations, such as Shia, as well. The data shows that 3% of participants were Shia Muslims, all originally from Iran, home to the world s largest Shia population. These participants mentioned that when they lived in London, they had little experience with other denominations of Islam since the larger city offered more options for worship, so they attended exclusively Shia mosques. These participants were a little worried prior to moving to Inverness due to the possibility of a lack of Shia population there. They felt more comfortable attending Shia mosques back in London, whereas in Inverness, they felt comfortable attending the Inverness Masjid despite being Shia. 29

37 Back in London, we went every time to the Iranian mosque only where the majority or even everyone was Shia. My parents even didn t think of going to a Sunni one ever even though one was on our street. Highly impossible. And here, it doesn t matter what kind of Muslim you are, Shia or Sunni. More important that you are Muslim (Arash, 27, 2nd gen, July 2dn). This quote shows that for the Inverness Islamic community being Muslim is more important than being a particular denomination, even though the majority of Inverness Masjid are Sunni based on their countries of origin (Pakistan, Bangladesh, Turkey, Arab countries, and Indonesia). A Case Study: Inverness The Inverness Muslim community raised enough money to purchase a permanent place for the Inverness Masjid in It is the northernmost mosque in the UK and the only one in the Highland council area. In general, Muslims in Inverness lack a wide variety of resources, which could possibly lead to challenges to many Muslim residents as they try to maintain their identities or practice their religion. However, the majority of respondents in Inverness, regardless of whether they are recent arrivals or Scottish-born, opined that the city has enough resources for them to maintain some aspects of their Muslim identity. I find it pretty easy to maintain my identity here, in Inverness. In Inverness there are many halal meat places to eat, there is a halal grocery shop. And for me personally, it is enough. In Glasgow it is just more choices. Any other resources like Pakistani associations or communities are good for people who were born and raised in Pakistan and moved to the UK. (Karim, 25, 2nd gen, July 4th). You don t need much. There is a mosque here and a place where you can buy your halal meat. Yeah, it is small but seriously, you don t need a lot (Abdul 48, 1st gen, June 5th). Although, Abdul and Karim belong to different generations -- Abdul (1st generation) arrived at Inverness at the age of 25 and Karim (2nd generation) was born and raised in Scotland -- they agree that Inverness has enough resources for them to practice Islam. 30

38 Inverness is a place where Muslim residents can find the resources necessary to keep practicing their religion, to retain their identities and to construct new ones by future generations. Many respondents specifically stated that the mosque and the halal meat shop are the two most important cultural resources to help them practice Islam and maintain some aspect of their Muslim identity in Inverness. Physical Places: EurAsia, Halal Meat Shop Islam demands that its followers consume only halal meat. The term halal refers to something that is defined as permitted in traditional Islamic law. Specifically, it is applicable to food and drinks that are prepared in accordance with the Islamic teachings. There is a complex set of regulations that need to be strictly followed to keep food halal. EurAsia Cash and Carry is the only wholesale grocery shop in Inverness specializing specifically in halal food (Figure 10). This shop opened in 2008 due to the rapidly growing Muslim population and demands in the area. 31

39 Figure 10. EurAsia Cash and Carry. Photo by author The place employs a Muslim butcher who prepares halal meat for Inverness residents. The presence of the shop makes it easy for some residents to maintain their customs in Inverness. The shop serves predominantly Muslim customers. The hours of the shop are arranged for the convenience of its employees, most of whom are Muslims, so that they can attend Friday prayers (Friday is the Islamic holy day), ensuring the maintenance of religious identity. Since this is the only halal shop, it s likely that Muslims will encounter acquaintances there and engage in conversations, so the shop becomes a social space as well. We don t even need to go to Glasgow or Aberdeen anymore to buy your halal meat. You can buy it here, in Inverness. It became really convenient after the shop was opened like 6-7 years ago (Haris, 25, 2nd gen, June 2nd). Everything is here, even a halal meat shop (Ahmed, 41, 1st gen, July 1st). Although the majority of responders reported that buying halal meat from the EuroAsia shop makes their lives more convenient, some residents still prefer going to Glasgow and buying halal products there. Yes, there is a halal meat shop here, but my husband and I still go to Glasgow to buy our meat. We know an excellent place there and we have been their customers for a couple of years now. We came to Inverness from London where there was not a problem to go, choose and buy. I like Inverness, but maybe it is something that I truly miss living here, varieties (Jasminda, 37, 1st gen, June 18th). Among my respondents, only a few replied that they prefer to buy their meat in a different place, Glasgow. This could be interpreted that for some residents, Inverness lacks the variety of specific resources that Muslims use to observe the rules of Islam. However, those responders were originally from London where they had a large variety of many resources for their daily practices, and they did not believe Inverness provided this. 32

40 Physical Places: Inverness Masjid, the Mosque According to the official website, the mosque is not only a religious site, but also an educational and a community center. In addition to Friday sermons, the mosque offers religious lectures and Quran classes for women. It also sponsors open door community events. During these events, everyone can walk into the mosque and learn more about Islam by asking questions of the members of the community. The leadership of the mosque constantly invites leaders from different religions for Friday prayers. These invitations help the Muslim community to improve connections between different religions in Inverness. In addition to serving as an educational center, the mosque also functions as a community center. On the question How do Muslims share this place [the mosque]? 60% of respondents answered that they use the mosque as a community center because Inverness is a small town with no other Islamic community center. In my opinion, for Inverness, this place [the mosque] is predominantly a community center since Inverness is a small place and everyone is connected here. I have never been in this kind of environment before. It is different and so new to me (Kaif, 27, 2nd gen, June 6th). This quote shows that many people go to the mosque not only to pray but also to socialize with other Muslims. For example, they play ping-pong in between prayer times or discuss different current events or other topics of interests. A small number of people mentioned that the place feels like a community to them as well as a place of worship. So, even though the place acts as a community center for them, it still has its primary function as a worship site where they can practice their religion regularly. Those people were predominantly non-native to Inverness and have lived in Inverness about a year. I think I could say that it is a community center but it is a mosque at the same time. So, it is both. (Haazim, 28, 2nd gen, June 30th). Many participants in the study were temporary workers in Inverness. This type of residents usually stay for a short period of time, one or two years, and move to a different place. This could be a reason why people see the mosque not only as a place for prayers but as a community 33

41 center as well, since this type of resident usually lacks connections to the place. However, they arrive with already established religious identities and a system of practicing their religion. One of the most common activities for new arrivals in any cities was to find a local mosque. What you want to find at first in a new place if you are a Muslim is a mosque. The mosque is everything to Muslims. You always can meet people, make friends and introduce yourself to a new community. This is important. This will help you to feel like you are welcoming here and not alone (Muhammad, 22, 2nd gen, June 29th). This example shows that to Muhammad having an actual physical place in his new city is important. Not only Muhammad, but also other participants of the same age and generation replied in the same way. They need to know that a new place has a mosque or a place where they can pray daily, or at least on Fridays. Those participants were predominantly of Pakistani and Bangladeshi origin. This fact might be interpreted as that for the first and the second generations of people of South-Asian heritage, the idea of having an actual place is crucial for them to keep maintaining some aspects of their religious identity on a daily basis, more so than for people of other cultural heritages (Turkish or Egyptian) in my study. Despite being both an educational and a cultural center, the mosque still retains its primary function as a religious site. Approximately 40% of respondents replied that the mosque still remains mainly a place of worship to them. The participants for whom the place was mostly a worship site were usually the first generation immigrants and from the older age group. People go here to practice Islam, to speak with God, to pray and it is a main reason for them I think. At least what I can see right now (Afia, 47, 1st gen, July 2nd). In contrast, the participants who replied that the place was mostly a community center to them were usually second generation people and between 18 and 35 years old. Attitudes, Positions, Perceptions Historically, larger cities have more liberal views than smaller ones (Tausanovitch & Warshaw 2014). Those views are liberal towards almost everything: politics, religion, and issues of selfidentification. Many large cities in the UK are not exceptions to this. For example, London is 34

42 considered one of the most cosmopolitan cities in the world, where thousands of people with numerous backgrounds, ethnicities and religions live and communicate with each other in a daily basis, whereas Inverness is a medium size city whose population is less diverse and where the majority of residents have Anglo or Irish heritage (Census 2011). Since a big portion of the responders moved to Inverness from England and specifically, from large cities such as London, Manchester or Birmingham, they were worried whether they would be welcome in a small place like Inverness. The fear of being excluded from the local community because of being Muslim was on many people's minds prior to moving. One possible reason for that, as many respondents explained, was the size of the city. Before moving to Inverness, I searched the web if there were any mosques nearby and I asked all my friends and relatives any information about Inverness. I was slightly worried if we are going to be only one couple but of course I m exaggerating right now but I was concerned what people s attitude towards Islam up at north, in Inverness (Fatima, 35, 2 gen, June 23rd) Fatima was afraid that people in Inverness would be more conservative and thus less accepting of Islam since they (people) simply were not used to Muslims; this, they reasoned, could provoke a hostile response. It appears that respondents tended to generalize that small cities are usually more conservative than big ones because of the perceived lack of exposure to different cultures and because immigrant communities are usually small there. However, for many participants, Inverness turned to be an unexpectedly friendly place beyond their expectations. This was true for both the first and the second generations of Muslims. Inverness is different. It is quiet and liberal. I have never had any problems here by wearing a scarf. It is something, you know that makes you feel like you are welcomed here and not feel like being different (Amal, 28, 1gen, June 12th). People in Inverness are really nice to you and they don t mind your religion. They are very open minded and I didn t have any bad experience of being Muslim here. In general, 35

43 Inverness is more tolerant to Muslim than the rest of the UK and maybe the rest of Scotland but it is my opinion (Tarhan, 34, 1st gen, June 1st). Many participants replied that they had never experienced any signs of racism in Inverness, whereas in larger cities this had happened to them. Larger cities which participants mentioned were London, Manchester and Glasgow. I used to live in Glasgow and I had some issue there before because I was wearing a traditional Pakistani outfit a couple of times. Never here. I like Inverness better for its liberal attitude towards Muslim people. (Muhammad, 24, 2nd gen. June 14th) Some people who were native to Inverness, born and raised there, were especially positive about how Inverness differs from some other cities in Scotland. A few of them even returned to Inverness after graduating from universities because of its safety and liberal attitudes towards Islam. They wanted to pass this positive experience to the next generation. I had positive experience while growing up in Inverness. I did not have any problems with being a Muslim. I want my children to have the same positive experience and it is a main reason why I don t want to move out of Inverness. It is really safe here (Ali, 32, 2nd gen, July 2nd). All these narratives show that despite the small size of the city and its significant distance from main immigrant centers, Glasgow and Edinburgh, Inverness has enough resources for its Muslim residents to maintain their identity. Although some residents were concerned about its size and the attitude of local non-muslim residents towards Muslims, the city turned out to be a safe and liberal place. It seemed to me they were using those words in the generally-accepted sense, where safe could mean that they could follow their Muslim lifestyle (dress, food and religious practices) without worrying about being verbally harassed or physical danger. Liberal could mean to be open-minded acceptance of differences between Muslim and local lifestyles. Muslim Identities in Relation to British/Scottish Identities Views of Being British 36

44 According to Jacobson (1997), there exists a set of factors which immigrants tend to base their self-identities on. These factors influence which social group they identify themselves with and which country they consider their place of origin. Among these factors are place of birth, ancestry, place and length of current residence, cultural background, education, and even spoken accent. My research shows that participants mostly used two factors to describe their identities -- geographical place and their accents -- and that identities tended to evolve based on the length of their current residences. The majority of the first generation participants (12 people) in answer to the question Do you think of themselves as being British (Scottish)? replied that they would never identify themselves as being British since they had been born and raised in a different country. This answer was the most common answer even though some of the participants had lived in the UK for three decades. I am not British and never will. I live in this country. I raised my children here but I am always there, back to my true home. But it does not mean that I am not a good citizen. My children, they are British. Born and raised (Ahmed, 41, 1st gen, July 1st). Ahmed used a geographical place as a main indicator to identify himself. As he replied, his children were born and raised in the UK and these two things automatically made them British to him. However, 2 out of 14 people among first generation replied that they are British since they live in the country now. I can say that I am British. I have been living in this country for many years and this fact allows me to tell that yes, I am British (Amina, 49, 1st gen, June 3rd). I have been living in this country longer than in Pakistan. I think of myself as British now. My home is here (Raja, 50, 1st gen, July 1st). Amina and Raja used the length of residency in the UK to identify themselves as being British even though they were both born and raised outside of the UK and arrived to the UK as adults. 37

45 All second-generation respondents I interviewed replied that they were more closely connected to the UK rather than to their countries of ethnic origin, except for two young people who identified themselves as Irish. Follow up questions disclosed that they had been raised in Ireland and moved to Scotland for work and study. All second-generation respondents mentioned factors like place of birth, where they were raised, and their accents to identify themselves as being Scottish, British, English, or Irish. Table 3. How second-generation define being British (Scottish) and Irish What does being British (Scottish) mean to you? Numbers Being born (raised) in Britain (Ireland) - used in a geographical sense 11 To have a British (Scottish) or Irish accent 3 I don t know. It is hard to tell 2 Table 3 illustrates that eleven people among second generation of participants used a geographic place (within the UK specifically) where they were born or raised as a primary indicator of being associated with being British, English or Scottish. I was brought up in this country and this is the fact. I am British (Karim, 25, 2nd gen, July 4th). I was born in England and raised in Scotland. It is hard to tell. I guess I can use these two words together. So, I am British (Dabir, 28, 2nd gen, June 16th). Three people replied that they have a specific accent which helps them to associate themselves with being Scottish or British. Among these 3 people, one subject was raised in Ireland and explained that she has an Irish accent that makes her Irish. The other person replied similarly, saying that his Scottish accent that a main factor for him to say that he was Scottish. 38

46 I have a Scottish accent and it is enough for me to say that I am Scottish. (Ali, 32, 2nd gen, July 2nd) Additionally, two people had difficulties responding and felt that none of categories fit their answers. I don t know. It is hard to tell. I have never thought about this. (Fatima, 35, 2nd gen, June 23rd) However, the second generations of participants in the study did not hesitate to associate themselves with being British (Scottish) or Irish immediately. They did not see themselves any differently than those of British or Irish people of Anglo heritage. In terms of their social lives, all second generation participants replied that they did not see any differences between themselves (born and raised in the UK or Ireland but having a different ancestral heritage) and Britons of traditional Anglo-Saxon ancestry. I do everything that other people do in this country. Watching football, playing football, going to the cinema, hanging out with friends. Yes, I don t drink and I don t go to nightclubs but these don t make me less British, right? I follow the British politics and this is something (smiling). I am British! (Karim, 25, 2nd gen, July 4th). Views of Being Muslim Table 4. How both generations define being Muslim What does being Muslim mean to you? Numbers It is a way of life 20 Following my religion 3 Submitting yourself to God 2 How you think, how you make your decisions, how you see other people 3 It means everything to me 2 39

47 All participants, both generations, identify themselves as being Muslim. The majority of participants replied that being Muslim is a way of life for them. However, some participants were more specific citing following my religion, submitting yourself to God, the way how you think, how you make your decisions, how you see other people, and finally two participants replied it means everything to me. All the answers have a common theme, which is following Islam in their daily lives. All participants replied that they follow Islam rather than their cultural and ethnic traditions. If their traditions went against their religion, they would follow the religion. Views on Self-Identity Table 5. Preferred category for self-definition How can you describe yourself in terms of your ethnicity, nationality and Numbers your faith? To say I am a Muslim first 23 To say your ethnicity first (I am Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Turkish, etc.) or I 7 would not specify about my faith Many studies on Muslim identity have shown that Muslim people tend to identify themselves as being Muslim first with their ethnicity and nationality following (Nagel 1994; Jacobson 1997; Stroup 2017). In my study, a question How can you describe yourself in terms of your ethnicity, nationality and your faith? yielded the same pattern with the majority of participants identifying themselves as being Muslim first. Interestingly, some participants said that their answer would depend on who was asking this question. The ethnic background of those participants who replied Muslim first was mainly Southern Asian countries such as Pakistan and Bangladesh. On the same question, seven participants answered that their ethnicity comes first. For half of them, mentioning their religion is unnecessary, since it is highly visible in their dress, such as a headscarf or other religious symbols. For the rest of the participants, even though they are Muslim, stating their religion is not that important. 40

48 Yes, I m Muslim but I wouldn t say it upfront. Like other people wouldn t say Hey, I'm Jewish or Christian American. Right? It is the same. I would say British with roots from Bangladesh. Other participants indicated that as soon as they mention Bangladesh or Pakistan, many people automatically think they are Muslim since the majority of people from those countries are in fact followers of Islam. Table 6. How both generations define their identity Primary ethnic/national identities of both generations (self-identification) Numbers National origin (Pakistani, Bangladeshi, Turkish, etc) 12 Hyphenated identity (British - Pakistani, Pakistani-British, Scottish - Bangladeshi) 8 Assimilative national identity (British, Scottish, English, Irish) 10 Probably because my subjects were drawn from both first and second generations, my data shows that self-identification tends to differ according to their ethnicity. Almost all participants of the first generation used national origin to describe their ethnicity. I am Turkish with a British passport (Tarhan, 34, 1st gen, June 1st). The second generation participants data shows different results. The majority of participant preferred to say British, Scottish, English, or Irish only. They explained their choice by having been born and raised in the UK or moved to the countries at an early age. Those participants mentioned that their ethnicity is reflective more of their parents heritage than their own. I am British. Yes, my parents came from Pakistan and this is my heritage as well but I don t feel like saying Pakistani. I was born and raised here (Muhammad, 22, 2nd gen, June 29th). 41

49 My parents came from Bangladesh. We don t follow any special Bengali traditions. I don t speak Bengali. I speak English with British accent. I am British. I don t think I belong to that culture. It is my parents culture (Arundhati, 26, 2nd gen, June 30th). The rest of the participants answered that they use hyphenated identity while describing themselves in terms their ethnicity and nationality, such as British-Pakistani, Pakistani-British or Scottish - Bangladeshi. For those participants, it was important to indicate their heritage as well as their primary nationality. I am British but also Pakistani. So, I would say British-Pakistani (Kaif, 27, 2nd gen, June 6th). Bangladeshi-British or British-Bangladeshi. The order doesn t matter for me (Muhammad, 24, 2nd gen. June 14th). Conclusion Inverness is smaller than many other major centers of immigration in Scotland such as Glasgow and Edinburgh. Nevertheless, it is a home to a self-sustained Muslim infrastructure with a mosque and a halal meat grocery shop. The size of the city does not appear to affect daily practices of local Muslims. Existing resources -- the mosque and the shop -- help the local Muslim community to continue practicing their religion without significant obstacles in terms of places for praying or for buying halal meat. Because of the small size of both Inverness and its Islamic community, the city lacks many traditional amenities found in major metropolitan areas, such as Islamic community centers and other specific associations. For many Muslims those additional resources in Inverness are not important and they see them as supplemental to existing ones. The mosque and the halal shop not only serve in their primary capacity but as a local cultural centers. Additionally, the preconceptional attitude of Muslims turned to be positive towards Inverness despite having a perception of being the opposite. My research data supports previous findings on Muslim identity. The scholars from different social sciences fields have concluded that it is more important for Muslims to define themselves as Muslim rather to specify their ethnic backgrounds (Nagel 1994; Jacobson 1997; Stroup 2017). In line with those studies, 42

50 Muslims in Inverness also stated that their religious identity is more important for them that any other aspects of their identity. 43

51 Chapter 5. Negotiating Identities and the Challenges of Being Muslim It is hard to talk about the identity when you are somewhere in between (Saad, 25, 2nd gen, June 26th) This quote represents a common theme among several respondents, particularly those of the second generation who clearly see themselves as stuck somewhere between their parents world and their own. Generating a clear answer to the questions about identity was challenging for many of them. Previous studies makes the argument that second generation Muslims have difficulty determining where they belong (Kaplan 2007; Isakjee 2016); my data supports this argument. In this chapter, I discuss how my empirical data correlates with some of the concepts from the framework developed previously. I have argued that Muslim immigrants use shared spaces, such as the mosque and the local halal meat shop, to maintain and modify some aspects of their Muslim identity. Analysis of the empirical data gathered during the process of this research project reveals that Muslim identity (of some participants) tends to modify over time due to the new environment, the motivations of immigrants for changing their identities and short/long term living in a country. Additionally, the data supports the argument made by earlier scholars: that both generations of Muslims prefer to indicate their religious identity first, followed by their ethnicity or nationality. Both generations utilize a shared place - the mosque - as a community hub and an education center as their main resource to retain, adjust and pass their Muslim identity to the next generation. The data also illustrates that Inverness is a convenient place for many members of the local Muslim community to continue with their religion. Despite the size of the city and lack of variety of religious resources, local Muslims have a positive attitude towards the city, considering it to be very liberal and accepting towards Muslim immigrants and immigrants in general. Identities Change 44

52 By reading relevant literature and developing the framework for my study, I adopted the constructivist perspective of studying Muslim identity during the research. The constructivist perspective states that based on the environment of a receiving country, identities change over time even those that have been in place for many years, such as when immigrants arrive in a new country as adults. During my study, I obtained data that supports this argument. Based on some participants answers, I conclude that their identities have changed over time through accepting the western lifestyle and adapting to its traditions and customs. Those participants indicated that they currently describe themselves by using adjectives more suitable for their current location of living in terms of their cultural/ethnic/national identities than when they lived in their home countries. The causes of those changes are the new environment, the motivations to adapt to some aspects of different cultures and the length of being in a new country. Over time while living in the UK, they decided to blend their already formed identities with new inexperienced ways of western life. As a result, they adapted not only to new Western lifestyles but also kept their cultural/national identities. For example, in my study some participants mentioned that they changed their clothing style or accepted jobs which were considered to belong predominantly to a specific gender in the home countries, for example, to ba a female taxi driver. The participants expressed that they did not notice any adjustments until their first visit to their home countries. When I arrived to Pakistan after being absent for 5 years, I felt differently. Like it wasn t my place at all. But I am Pakistani. I felt really uncomfortable among people like me. Yeah, that was really weird and was glad to go back home. I guess now right to say my new home (Raja, 50, 1st gen, July 1st) What do you mean by uncomfortable? (The interviewer) I don t know. I looked at many things from a different angle. Like from my British kinda living angle. I guess I underwent some westernization. Hmm, can I say like this? (Raja, 50, 1st gen, July 1st) Another participant indicated that she was willing to adapt some new traditions outside of her culture and explained that her willingness was based on her new current environment. 45

53 I celebrate Christmas now. Personally, I don t think that it is bad or show you from a negative side. I buy Christmas presents for my children. I don t want them to be excluded because they are growing up here and they see where they are growing up (Amina, 49, 1st gen, June 3rd). Amina saw the necessity to adapt the celebration of Christmas in order to avoid possible tension and even exclusion of children at school. Additionally, she wanted to ensure that her children would be included in the lives of their non-muslim friends. In the interview, Amina continued with the description of her own experiences while growing up in Bangladesh. My father was open-minded while we were growing up. I didn t have many restrictions like I had male friends and I was a dancer. I try to be like my dad. Be more liberal and open-minded. We have to be this way, if we want to live here. We are not in Bangladesh anymore. It is different here (Amina, 49, 1st gen, June 3rd). Throughout her time as a member of the UK society, Amina has found that she needs to transform her lifestyle even though her Bangladeshi lifestyle was relatively liberal in comparison to other female Bangladeshi participants. According to Kahani-Hopkins and Hopkins (2002, p. 289), Muslim identity, as with every identity, is actively produced, reproduced, and transformed, through a series of social processes. This shows that the environment could affect identities of immigrants and the identities could undergo a transformation under special circumstances, such as a permanent relocation to a different country. In the case of Amina, she had moved to the UK and has been living there for many years. In the conversation with her, she mentioned that she does not want to be restrictive about religion to her children, which is unique among the Muslim community. If my children don t want to go to the mosque that often, I won t push them. They will come to it eventually when it is time for them or not. If it is not, it will be totally acceptable. Everyone has their own rights. And it is not bad (Amina, 49, 1st gen, June 3rd). In the literature, scholars who use the constructivist perspective to study identity have isolated several factors to analyze the process of identity change. Among those factors are the 46

54 social environment of the new country, immigrant s motivations to change/adapt, and the length of time in the new residence (Chandra 2012). In the case of Amina, her motivations were to better integrate into British society and to avoid unnecessary complications for herself and her children. These motivations pushed her to modify/adjust her identity. For example, she became opened to celebrations of other religions, like Christmas. Possibly, her motivation for her adjustments was inspired by her father s views. Constructivists argue that not only can ethnic identities change, but also that a person can have multiple ethnic identities. This constructivist theory is in opposition to that of primordialists, who argue that ethnic identities are singular. Additionally, in opposition to the primordialist point of view, ethnic identities can be in three forms: multiple, fluid and change endogenously (Chandra 2012). Those participants who believed that their ethnic identities have changed over time fall into the multiple ethnicity form, since they did not reject their origin, such as being Pakistani or Bangladeshi, but rather mentioned that they belong more to their new home county ( Britain) while still maintaining some attachments to their home countries. Faith and Ethnicity Much of the work on Muslim identity discusses the linkages between religion, ethnic or national identities and what position those identifiers take in the Muslim immigrant process of selfidentification, both first and second generations. This issue has been a subject of many studies within numerous social science disciplines such as geography, sociology and gender studies. Existing discourse suggests that some ethnic groups tend to emphasize their religious identity over ethnic or national (Jacobson 1997; Modood 1998; Ajala 2014, Stroup 2017). According to Ajala (2014, p. 124), Spanish, German, and especially British Muslims tend to identify first as Muslims rather than with their nationality, at a level similar to that in Pakistan, Nigeria and Jordan and at a higher level than Egypt, Turkey and Indonesia. Ajala summarizes that in general, people who follow Islam tend to identify themselves as Muslim first rather than to indicate their nationality or ethnicity. However, in some ethnic groups this tendency is stronger than in others. For example, Muslims with Pakistani and Bangladeshi 47

55 heritage are more likely to characterize themselves based on their religion in preference to any other identifiers. My analysis of the data from this research study illustrates that religious allegiance is a more important aspect of identity than ethnicity or nationality for the majority of Muslims in Inverness. Consequently, the findings support the research about prioritizing religious over ethnic or national identities during the process of self-definition. In my research, this prioritizing of religion, ethnicity or nationality is especially clear between Bangladeshi and Pakistani Muslims. These two groups most often expressed that to be a Muslim is more important for them than to be a specific ethnicity or nationality. In their study, Saeed et al. (1999) discuss that the importance of religion in a process of self-identification among Muslims is related to the concept of ummah where Muslim identity has two important aspects: belonging to a country and belonging to a faith. However, faith is more dominant and overturns any other aspects of identity. Additionally, they conclude that by choosing their faith over their ethnicity or nationality, their participants tried to illustrate their unity with other followers of Islam (Jacobson 1997, Saeed et al. 1999; Guest 2015). Aforementioned, some academic sources suggest that people of certain ethnic backgrounds, such as Turkish and Kurdish, cluster and form communities based on their ethnicity (Koopmans & Statham 1999; Ehrkamp 2005; 2016; Ajala 2014). Although all participants in my study identified themselves as Muslims, some respondents replied that their ethnic origin is more meaningful to them than their religious affiliations. Among those respondents were people of Turkish and Kurdish heritage. My findings on Muslim and ethnic identities are somewhat similar to previous research on this subject. The analysis shows that Muslims in Inverness follow the general trend of retaining their Muslim and ethnic identities and identifying themselves in terms of their religion, ethnicity and nationality that was discussed above. Since the majority of Muslims in the study were not native to Scotland, I cannot conclude whether being born and raised in Scotland, particularly in Inverness, could affect the general trend and create a different pattern in a process of self-identification. However, some literature provides evidence that Scottish nationalism 48

56 affects how Muslim people see and identify themselves within Scottish society (Hopkins 2004; Hussain & Miller 2006). Shared Place According to Cesary (2005, p. 1017), city mosques are a culturally significant aspect in an urban landscape. The mosque plays multiple roles in lives of its members from being a worship site where many member can find help with their various Islamic needs, to being a community center where immigrants can find other, non-religious support. For example, community centers can provide financial assistance, connect newcomers to the existing Islamic community and facilitate adjustments not only to a new mosque, but also to a new place for many people. Inverness Masjid was established in Before that, the city did not have a permanent building and people gathered for prayers at different small places. Many participants indicated that before the new building was obtained, it was hard for them sometimes to go to those small places, since they were always overcrowded. I didn t go to those places as often as I come here. They were all small and always crowded. I preferred to pray at home. Of course, Fridays were exceptions (Tarhan, 34, 1st gen, June 1st). The Islamic community of Inverness purchased the current building using donations and communal money. Previously, the building contained both a nightclub and a children s nursery (Figure 11) and went bankrupt. After purchasing and refurbishing it, the building became the mosque that the Muslim community had wanted for so long. 49

57 Figure 11. Inverness masjid in 2010 was a night club (Portland Club). Photo credit David Greenhalgh In academic literature, mosques that are located below the ground are referred to as cellar mosques or basement mosques. Since the mosque is located in the basement, it falls into the definition of a basement mosque. As Fridolfsson and Elander (2012) point out, basement mosques are mosques in a transition between prayer rooms and real mosques that are built above the ground. By looking at the building, both Muslims and non-muslims residents can deduce the size and the status of the local Islamic community. Having a real mosque in a city indicates that the Muslim community has gone through a transformation from a prayer room to a real mosque. This transformation might show how the community has also developed in the area from being closely private to openly public (Cesary 2005; Fridolfsson and Elander 2012). The data from my research did not reveal that the previous functionality of the building caused any distractions to the members of Muslim community. Although scholars use cellar mosques or basement mosques, none of the participants expressed that this place needed to be upgraded or it was not a real mosque. 50

58 It does not matter for me that it used to be a nightclub. It has a different meaning to me. I didn t know this building before. So, it is a mosque (Ali, 32, 2nd gen, July 2nd). I remember the club and I helped its transformation into the mosque. Many brothers helped. I don t care that it was a nightclub. Now it is a special place that this city has needed for so long (Kaif, 27, 2nd gen, June 6th). Based on the answers, a mental meaning of a building can be reconstructed. Interestingly, the access to the nightclub was restricted to Muslim visitors since Islam does not encourage its followers to visit nightclubs, but once the same physical space was converted into a mosque, the attendance became mandatory. The mosque is an important nexus that links all three dimensions of place by having a special mental meaning, being a physical building where people can attend for praying and additionally, functioning as a community and an educational center. Inverness Masjid has the same sacred meaning to all its members and Muslims can utilize the place as a major communication hub in their daily lives of practicing Islam despite having different backgrounds or customs. Reshaping Inverness According to National Statistics, the population of Scotland not only has increased for the last 20 years, but also has become more diverse. The last statistical data on demographics illustrate that there are three major foreign-born groups in Scotland: Polish, Indian and Pakistani. These statistical data are also relevant to Inverness. For the last decade, the population increased roughly by 6,000 people and it became diverse as well. The signs of diversity are become more evident on the streets of Inverness. There are three international food stores in Inverness. Two of them are particularly focused on the Polish minority group and even have names, such as Touch of Poland (Figure 12) and Pol-Ness. The third one has a broader name Highland International Food Store and has more varieties of goods including Turkish, Pakistani and Indians items. Interestingly, two of them ( Pol-Ness and Highland International Food Store ) have Kurdish owners. One of the owners mentioned that there is a high demand in the area for international groceries especially, Polish and Mediterranean. 51

59 Figure 12. The Polish Grocery Store in Downtown. Photo by author Existence of those places illustrates that the National Statistical data also might be applicable to Inverness which leads to the conclusion that Inverness has a large Polish community. The other two groups are also highly noticeable in the city and nearby areas. In downtown, there are many varieties of restaurants, such as Pakistani, Indian, Turkish, Bangladeshi, and Kashmir. Additionally, many bed and breakfast guest houses, barber shops and convenience stores belong to Muslim owners as well. 52

60 Figure 13. Pakistani (L) and Turkish/Mediterranean (R) Restaurants. Photo by author Demand creates supply is applicable for Inverness. Those places such as Polish groceries or many Southern Asian restaurants would not be opened without a demand from growing communities. The growing demand indicates that the population of Inverness has become more diverse and new residents has been trying to fulfill their needs and recreate a piece of their homeland by opening groceries, restaurants, community centers, and establishing new worship sites. This process of establishing new culturally specific places is especially relevant for the first generation of immigrants because those places help new residents carry with them some cultural traditions. In addition, these places can introduce cultures to the second generation of immigrants. Furthermore, these places offer to longtime residents the opportunity to explore ethnic diversity of the city. All those factors lead to a formation of new neighborhoods and communities within the city s boundaries and the areas closest to the city (Nagel 1994). The theory of pull and push factors that scholars widely discuss in the literature is highly applicable to Inverness (Nagel 1994; Zimmermann 1996; Jones & Ram 2003; Parkins 2010; 53