CHAPTER: 2. Establishment of Sur Empire

Transcription

1 CHAPTER: 2 Establishment of Sur Empire

2 When Sultan Bahlol Lodi, family of the Sahu- Khail, of the tribe of Lodi Afghan, came to the throne of Delhi, 1 condition of the country was pathetic. There were many persons in the various kingdoms of Hind wanted to find the kingdom of Delhi and wanted to struck the coins in their own names, and the rulers were also opposed to the Sultan Bahlol. 2 So Sultan Bahlol invited more people came from Afghanistan and got settled in Hindustan. In this chapter, I have attempt to describe the circumstances leading to the establishment of Sur Empire. While discussing this chapter I have taken information from the work done by historian Abbas Khan Sarwni in his book Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi. Abbas Khan Sarwani says: It was during the time of Sultan Bahlol, that the grandfather of Sher Shah, Ibrahim Khan Sur, with his son Hasan Khan Sur, Sher Shah s father, came to Hindustan from Afghanistan, from a place which is called in the Afghan tongue Shargari, but in the Multan tongue Rohri. 3 Ibrahim Khan Sur joined a group of Afghans at Roh, who were packing their bags for the migration to broad and rich country of Hind. This extraordinary man was the grandfather of Sher Shah, the founder of second short- lived Pathan dynasty, who migrated to India in the reign of Sultan Bahlol Lodi. 4 Ibrahim Sur who was a petty- horse trader, but as he could not succeed in his business, so at the invitation of Sultan Bahlol, migrated from his country to Hindustan in search of employment during the early years of the reign of Sultan Bahlol. Soon 1 Abbas Khan Sarwani, Tarikh- i- Shershahi, Tr. Henry Miers Elliot, History of India as told by own historians; the Muhammadan period, Vol. IV, Sushil Gupta Publication, Calcutta, 1906, p Ibid. 3 Ibid. pp Zulfiqar Ali Khan, Sher Shah Suri Emperor of India, Civil and Military Gazatte Press, Lahore, 1925, p

3 after his arrival in Hindustan, Ibrahim Khan Sur entered the service of a Lodi noble, Muhammad Mati Khan Suri, a jagirdar of Haryana and Bhakra in Hoshiarpur district of Punjab, and took up his residence at Bajwara. 5 Sometimes after, Ibrahim Khan and Hasan Khan joined the service under Jamal Khan Sarangkhani at Hisar Firoza. 6 Jamal Khan gave Ibrahim Khan Sur several villages in pargana Narnaul 7 as Iqta (assignment of land) for the maintenance of forty horsemen. 8 Later, Sher Shah s father joined the service of Masnad- i- Ali Umar Khan Sarwani Kakbur, a close confident of Sultan Bahlol. 9 Nizamuddin Ahmad and Abdullah write that Hasan s father Ibrahim came to the Hindustan in the wake of Sultan Bahlol s call, and joined the service of his nobles. He was appointed at Hisar Firoza for sometimes and later at Narnaul. 10 The official Mughal chronicler Abul Fazl suggested that Ibrahim Khan was an ordinary horse s dealer, who resided in a village called Shamla in the territory of Narnaul. 11 Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui had suggested that Ibrahim Khan Sur came along with his son, Hasan Khan Sur to India in 1452 A. D., but was not cited any specific evidence from the sources to this effect. 12 For this chapter Establishment of Sur Empire I have covered Sher Shah s period into three phases. 1. In the first phase discuss the early life and rise to the power. 5 Located in the Haryana, tract Bajwara was particularly known for the cavalry horses which were reckoned equal to the Iraqi breed, Habib Atlas, 4A & B notes. 6 The name Hisar Firoza is derived from Sultan Firoz Shah Tughlaq who is said to have founded the place, see M.M. Juneja, History of Hisar from inception to independence , Modern Book, Hisar, Headquarter of the Sarkar of the same name, suba Agra under Akbar. Area: 4,125 square miles, jama: 5,10, 46, 711 dams, Habib Atlas, Table I and 4A & B notes. 8 Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, Tr. Brahmadeva Prasad Ambhastya, K. P. Jayasawal Research Institute, Patna, 1974, pp Abbas Khan Sarwani refers to him as Khan- i- Azam Umar Khan Sarwani Kakbur, Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, p Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabqat- i- Aakbari, Vol. I- II, Munshi Nawal Kishore Press, Lucknow, 1875, p. 222; Abdullah, Tarikh- i- Daudi, Ed. Sheikh Abdur Rashid, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh,1954, p Abul Fazl, Akbarnama, Tr. H. Beveridge, Vol. II, Low Price Publications, Delhi, , pp Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui, Sher Shah Sur and his dynasty, Publication Scheme, Jaipur, 1995, pp

4 2. In the second phase Sher Shah Sur became independent in South Bihar and expanded his kingdom of South Bihar at the expense of the neighboring kingdom of Bengal. 3. In the third phase he defeated Humayun in the battle of Chausa and Qannauj, and drived him out the Hindustan and tried to establish his own hegemony in Hindustan by conquering its various regions. Farid s Birth: Farid as originally called Sher Shah, was the grandson of Ibrahim Sur, a native of the mountainous region of Roh near Peshawar at the bank of the river Gomal. But there is a great deal of confusion among historians regarding the date of birth of Farid. The first biographer of Sher Shah was Abbas Khan Sarwani. The author tell us that Sher Khan was born in the reign of Sultan Bahlol and was named as Farid. شیر خان درعہد سلطان بہلول متول د شده نام او فرید نہادند Sher Khan dar Ahad- i- Sultan Bahlul mutawalid shudah wa nam- i- u Farid nihadand. 13 Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui suggests that, Farid was born sometime after 1486 A. D. and 1490 A. D. may be suggested as the approximate date of his birth. 14 Qanungo presents a more precise date of birth 1486 A. D. 15 because he was born three years before the death of Bahlol Lodi in 1489 A. D. Then his Date of birth consider 1486 A. D. But Anjum Sultan give different opinions of writers according to their works. He mentions that Tarikh- i- Rohtas gave Sher Shah s date of birth 1486 A. D. Naqsha- Jam- e- Jam mention 878 A. H. (1473 A. D.) but Mr. Saran add 877 A. H. (1472 A. D). In Humayun Nama, Mr. Beveridge also give the same years. 16 Furthermore, there is some controversy concerning the place of birth of Farid. Nizamuudin Ahmad refers to Farid as from an Afghan mother, but does not mention 13 Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, Vol. I, Ed. Syed Muhammad Imamuddin, Zeko Press, Dhaka, Pakistan, 1964, p Ibid. p Kalika Ranjan Qanungo, Sher Shah and His times, Oriental Longmans, Bombay, 1965, p Anjum Sultan Shahbaz, Sher Shah Suri: the lion King, Iqbal Library Book street, Jhelum, p

5 as to when and where he was born. 17 Naimatullah in his book says that Farid was born at Hisar Firuza, but does not mention the date/ year of birth. چند گاه در حصار فروزه بود فرید درا ن جامتولد شد Chandgah dar Hisar Firuza bud wa Farid dar an- ja mutawalid shud. 18 Ahmad Yadgar has also written that Farid was born in Hisar. 19 Modern scholars are increasingly inclined in favour of Narnaul. 20 The local tradition at Sasaram claims that Farid was born there. In Anjum Sultan Shahbaz s book a new place of his birth found that Sher Shah was born in the place of Mandi near Jhelum where Rohtas Fort is situated at present time. 21 Early life of Sher Shah and rise to power Hasan Khan married four wives and had eight sons. Hasan Sur got married firstl after joining Umar Khan s service. Farid and Nizam were the sons by his first wife. Anjum Sultan Shahbaz says that Sher Shah s mother name was Fahmida Banu or Faiza Banu who was an Afghan lady whom called with the name Khanam Bibi. 22 Hasan Khan s fourth wife was a Hindu concubine name was Chandni but after marriage she accepted Islam. She had born two sons Sulaiman and Ahamd. From his second and third wives, he had four sons Yusaf, Ali, Shadi Khan, Khurram. 23 Hasan has great love and affection with his last wif and bestowed his attention on her to the neglected of his older wife. 24 Consequently, Farid spended his boyhood without any happiness. His father neglected him, at the time of assigning the responsibilities for administering the Parganas. Abbas Khan Sarwani mention that Farid disappointed in the service of his father and went to serve Jamal Khan. Mian Hasan learning that Farid had gone to Jaunpur, he wrote a letter to Jamal Khan and said: 17 Tabaqat- i- Akbari, Vol. I- II, p Naimatullah, Tarikh- i- Khan- i Jahani- wa- Makhzan- i- Afghani, Vol. I, Ed. Syed Muhammad Imamuddin, Zeko press, Dhaka, Pakistan, 1960, p Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh- i- Shahi, also known as Tarikh- i- Salatin- i- Afghana, Ed. M. Hidayat Husain, Royal Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1939, p Sher Shah Sur and his dynasty, p Sher Shah Suri: the lion King, pp Ibid. p Ibid. p Ibid. p

6 "Farid Khan, being annoyed with me, has gone to you without sufficient cause. I trust in your kindness to appease him, and send him back. 25 Jamal Khan insisted Farid s to go to his father in Sasaram and pursued his education. But Farid did not agreed. He said, Jaunpur is a city in comparison to Sasaram, and there are more learned men here. 26 Farid spent many years for studying religious work, Arabic, history, etc. at one of the well- known Madrasa there. 27 According to Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, he studied thoroughly the Kafia (a treatise on grammar) with the commentaries of Qazi Shahabuddin, and the biographies of most of the kings of ancient times. He had got by heart the Sikandernama, the Gulistan, the Bostan 28 and other books, which the people of Hindustan used to read in those days, and he acquired knowledge from the book of travel and histories. 29 Tarikh- i- Khan- i- Jahani- wa- Makhzan- i- Afghani generally have agreed with this. 30 When Mian Hasan came to meet Jamal Khan after several years, in Jaunpur was reproached by his friends and relatives for having sidelined Farid out of consideration for a slave-girl. He was persuaded to appoint Farid as the Shiqdar of the two Parganas held by him. Farid agreed to meet his father and accept the assignment. 31 Nizamuddin Ahmad mentions Hasan's arrival at Jaunpur after two or three years, and the patch-up between the father and the son led to the latter getting the charge of the parganas. 32 Ahmad Yadgar refers to the bestowal of kingship to Farid by a ragged Darwesh at Jaunpur. The dervish is said to have asked Hasan as to 25 Elliot, History of India as told by its own historians; the Muhammadan period, Vol. IV, p Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabqat- i- Akbari, Tr. Brajendranath, Low Price Publications, New Delhi, 1992, p Satish Chandra, Medieval India: from Sultanate to the Mughals ( ), part II, Har- Anand Publications, New Delhi, 2005, p Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, p Tabqat- i- Akbari, tr. pp Naimatullah, Tarikh- i- Khan- i Jahani- wa- Makhzan- i- Afghani, Tr. Dorn, History of the Afghans, Oriental Translation Committee, London, 1829, p Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, pp ; Makhzan- i- Afghani, Vol. I, pp ; Tarikh- i- Daudi, p Tabqat- i- Akbari, Vol. I- II p

7 time. 36 This was a period of Farid s training in administration. His aim was to Chapter 2 why he was terrorising the King (Badshah) of Delhi. The Afghans present there were astonished and Hasan handed over the administration of the Parganas to Farid. 33 Mian Hasan accepted their advice and had assign Farid with the charge of two Parganas. Farid was very pleased and came to his father. His father also became happy and kept him with himself for some months. 34 Modern historians have generally neglected such anecdotes in both the chronicles and the Sufi sources. It is claimed that these anecdotes were mostly fictional without any grain of truth. 35 Qanungo has suggested that Hasan had appointed Farid not because of any 'persuasion' or the competence of the latter, but because the political condition required his absence from the parganas for a long administer justice to all and in this he showed no concession to the unruly Afghan soldiers. Little did he realize that he was preparing himself as an apprentice for his future role as a mighty ruler of Northern India. After assuming charge, He suppressed the rebellious zamindars, kept the people. His chief work at this time was the establishment of a good, revenue system based on the measurement and classification of the land and the ascertainment of its actual produce. He went to take special care to protect the interest of the peasants and punished the unscrupulous revenue officials. Farid held a series of meetings with the muqaddams, the patwaris, the cultivators and the soldiers in different parts of the Parganas. Abbas Khan Sarwani suggests that Farid held a joint meeting of the cultivators, chiefs and the village officials which may not have been possible. Nurul Hasan suggests that thousands of peasants could not have gathered together along with the village dignitaries, and thus Farid did not make any direct contact with the 33 Tarikh- i- Shahi, p Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, pp Sher Shah Sur and his Dynasty, pp. 4, 88. For an appreciation of such anecdotes see, Simon Digby, Dreams and Reminiscences of Dattu Sarvani a sixteenth century Indo- Afghan soldier, The Indian Economic and Social History Review, Vol. II, No. 1, January 1965, pp & Vol. II, No. 2, April 1965, pp. l Sher Shah and His Times, pp

8 region. 42 But at that time the successful administration of Farid, however, arose the Chapter 2 cultivators. 37 If it is assumed that Farid made a tour of the parganas and held meetings with the cultivators, officials and chiefs, separately or village-wise, the confusion will be over. 38 In these meetings, he announced that he would take measures for augmenting the agrarian economy in which the profit would be theirs, while the good name would be his. He fixed the revenue to be paid by the raiyat, to the tune of 1/3 of the produce. 39 The soldiers and tax-gatherers were warned that if they forced the raiyat to pay more than the agreed share, he would punish them severely. 40 He acted in such a way, that after that all the turbulant men of the neighbourhood became submissive and obedient and paid their rents. His pargana became rich and populous and he became powerful and healthy. 41 After some time, when Hasan came to the jagir, and saw the prosperity of the Parganas, and the way in which Farid had managed and superintended everything, he was delighted and his achievement was appreciated by him and other notable of the jealousy of his stepmother and want to removed him from his position. She persuaded Hasan to dismiss Farid from his position, and gave the responsibility to her own son, Sulaiman. When Farid heard the order to dismiss him, he himself sent his resignation letter, and left home for the second time. According to the sources, Farid proceeded towards Agra to Daulat Khan Lodi who was one of the greatest Amir and complained against his father. Daulat Khan appraised Sultan Ibrahim of the activities of Mian Hasan and suggested that the Parganas be allotted to Farid. But the Sultan of Delhi did not form a good opinion of a young man who complained against his own father, 37 Nurul Hasan, Revenue Administration of the Jagir of Sahsaram by Farid (Sher Shah), Proceeding of Indian History Congress, Ranchi, 1964, pp. l Sher Shah and his Times, p P. Saran suggested that the land was divided into several classes and the rate was fixed accordingly, Revenue System of Sher Shah, Studies in Medieval indian History, Delhi, 1952, pp , For a discussion of how 1/ 3 rd of the produce and not 1/ 4 th was levied by Sher Shah, except in the case of Multan, see also, Satish Chandra Misra, Revenue System of Sher Shah, PIHC, 15 th Session, Gwalior, 1952, pp , especially, pp Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, pp Tabqat- i- Akbari, p Ibid. 37

9 and rejected the request. 43 Daulat Khan Lodi, however, assured Farid not to lose heart, increased his daily allowances and tried to keep him in good mood. 44 Meanwhile Mian Hasan passed away 45 Farid found the letter with his brother Nizam and told Daulat Khan about his father s death and matters relating to Sulaiman. Daulat Khan informed the king of Hasan s death and secured his father's parganas as a Jagir for Farid and his brother. Daulat Khan Naib got the royal farman in favour of Farid. Farid with the firman for the government of Sasaram and Khawaspur Tanda with the rank of 500 sawars went to the jagir and devoted himself to the management of the soldiers and the raiyat. 46 The ambitious youth returned to Sasaram (South Bihar) with the royal farman and settled down at Sasaram in about A. D. His entire kinsmen came out to meet him and obeyed the Farman. 47 Mushtaqi does not mention Hasan s death or Ibrahim s farman. 48 Political background of India before the rise of Sher Shah in Bihar Sulaiman his step- brother, who was commanded the jagir during the later days of his father s life, fled with his brother to sought the intercession of Muhammad Khan Sur of Chaund (Modern Chainpur ) in the Shahabad District in Bihar. Muhammad Khan was not on good terms with Hasan. He took this opportunity of profiting by the quarrel among the brothers and proposed a division of the jagir between Farid and Sulaiman. 49 Muhammad Khan Sur asked Sulaiman to wait for the outcome of the first Battle of Panipat (1526). If that the Mughal emerged victorious, he would snatch the pargana from Farid and gave them to him, in case, Ibrahim Lodi turned out triumphed, he (Sulaiman) will have to go to the Sultan and lodge a complaint against 43 Tabqat- i- Akbari, Vol. I- II, p. 224; Tarikh- i- Daudi, p. 109; Tarikh- i- Farishta, Vol. I- II, p Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, p Siddiqui has suggested that Mian Hasan died 1524 A. D. Sher Shah Sur and his dynasty, p Elliot, History of India as told by own historians; the Muhammadan period, Vol. IV, p Ibid. 48 Raziqullah Mushtaqi, Waqiat- i- Mushtaqi, Tr. & Ed. Iqtidar Hussain Siddiqui, Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi, 1993, p Elliot, History of India as told by own historians; the Muhammadan period, Vol. IV, p

10 Farid, 50 but Afghan defeated at Panipat and after Daulat Khan s death, Farid went to take service under Bahar Khan, son of Darya Khan Lohani and was praised here for his capabilities. 51 One day Farid had gone for hunting with Bahar Khan Lohani when a Sher (Tiger) was sighted there, Farid confronted the animal, and slew it with a bow of his sword. Bahar Khan who had the title of Sultan Muhammad and had struck coin and led the khutba to be read in his name, showed him great favour and conferred upon Farid the title of Sher Khan and appointed him as the vakil (agent) of his son Jalal Khan. 52 Ahmad Yadgar adds that the lion went on a rampage killing or injured most of the men in the hunting-party. 53 Local lore in modern day Narnaul claims that it was while hunting in the neighbuorhood of this Southern district of Haryana that Farid had killed a lion (Sher) and was thus called Sher Khan. 54 Mushtaqi differs with other authorities cited above. According to him, one day Darya Khan ordered Daulat Khan Nuhani, his uncle's son, to lead a military expedition. He expressed his unwillingness to do so. Upon it Darya Khan called Farid and told him about Daulat Khan's refusal to undertake the expedition, adding that he was now being deputed to do so. If carried out successfully the title of Daulat Khan's father, Sher Khan, who was killed by the Rajput zamindars of Kara 55 in 1495 A. D., would be granted to him. Farid gained victory in the campaign, and in return got the title of Sher Khan. 56 Also, S.H. Askari draws attention to an inscription which suggests that Darya Khan Nuhani was among the earliest patrons of Farid Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, pp ; Tarikh- i- Daudi, p. 110; Tarikh- i- Farishta, Vol. I- II, p Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab- ut- Tawarikh, Ed. Maulvi Ahmad Ali, Vol. I, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1868, p Elliot, History of India as told by own historians; the Muhammadan period, Vol. IV, p Tarikh- i- Shahi, p Gyan Swarup Bhardwaj, Maharishi Chywan ki Tapobhumi raha hai Shahar Narnaul, Dainik Tribune (Hindi), Chandigarh, 1997, p With the foundation of Allahabad under Akbar, Kara, more frequently referred to Kara- Manikpur, ceased to possess any political significance. It is now a small village, about 8 km. North of the Grand Trunk Road, 66 km. Nort- West of Allahabad and 10 km. North- East of Sirathu. 56 Waqiat- i- Mushtaqi, p. l S. H. Askari, Bihar in the Time of the last two lodi Sultans of Delhi, PIHC, 18th Session, Calcutta, 1955, pp

11 In the service of Sultan Muhammad of South Bihar: a period of adversity Sher Khan enjoyed a good reputation under Sultan Muhammad. He has risen to be the Deputy Governor of South Bihar. Sher Khan s rapid rise excited the jealousy of the Lohani and other Pathan nobles of South Bihar. When Sher Khan was absent from the court in ordered to attend to some matters in his jagir, Muhammad Khan Sur took this opportunity to uphold the cause of Sulaiman, and requested the Sultan that the charge of the two Parganas would be taken away from Sher Khan, and allotted to Sulaiman. The Sultan, however, rejected the proposal in respect of Sher Khan. Another report has it that comes back to Chaund, Muhammad Khan Sur sent a representative to Sher Khan directing him to do justice with his younger brothers, in accordance to the Afghan laws and customs. Farid rejected this, arguing that the traditions of Roh could not be continued in Hindustan and the jagir should go to whomsoever the Sultan desired. 58 But on behalf of Sulaiman, Muhammad Khan Sur took forcible possession of the parganas and drove Sher Khan out of his home. Once again, Sher Khan became a fugitive, wandering in search of employment. His only hope was to secure the help of Babur, who had established his empire in northern India, and get back his jagir from the jealous hands of Muhammad Khan Sur. With this intention, he contacted Junaid Barlas, the Mughal Governor of Kara and Manikpur and through him secured a post in the Mughal service. 59 Abbas Khan Serwani writes that Sher Khan had fled to Patna and had sent, from there, his wakil to Sultan Junaid at Agra. 60 Badauni says that Sher Khan had invoked support of Sultan Junaid, who was holding the government of Kara- Manikpur on behalf of Babur. 61 Ahmad Yadgar mentions that Sher Khan went to the Mughal governor of Jaunpur. 62 During his stay with the Mughals, Sher Khan came to know about their methods of warfare, their style of governance, and the ways of their nobles. Often in the gathering of the Afghans, he would talk about his capabilities and intention to drive the Mughals out of Hindustan. Senior Afghans would dismiss him. Sher khan 58 Dorn, History of the Afghans, p Ibid. p Tarikh-i - Sher Shahi, tr. pp. l Muntakhab- ut- Tawarikh, Vol. I, pp Tarikh- i- Shahi, p. l78. 40

12 replied that the Mughals have no firmness and stability in warfare. Their king did not pay attention to the administration of the dominion which was in the hands of his nobles who could be purchased by gold. Therefore, it was easy to drive the mughals out of the Hindustan. 63 As we shall see further Sher Khan exploited these weaknesses of the Mughals during the period of his conflict with Humayun. Siddiqui denies that detail about Sher Khan s observation on the Mughals. 64 Amongst the highlights of Sher Khan s exploits in the Mughal camp is included the story of Babur. One day Sher Khan being seated at dinner with king and his nobles. Farishta writes that some solid dishes placed before him, but had only a spoon to eat with; he called for a knife; but the servants, not supplied him, he drew his dagger and cutting up his meat, and ate it easily. 65 Babur watched the whole proceeding, and was surprised at his ingenuity. He ordered the Wazir immediately to arrest Sher Khan as he was a man of expedients. Sher Khan, however, realized that Babur wanted to harm him. Shortly after the meal was over, Sher Khan fled in the direction of Bihar. After reaching Sasaram, Sher Khan promptly sent huge presents to Sultan Junaid with a letter couched in apologetic terms. 66 Abbas Khan Sarwani explained the letter of Sher Shah. Deputy Governor in Bihar Sher Khan became hopeless and suspicious about the Mughals, once again, he went into the court of Sultan Muhammad of South Bihar aware of his competence, the Sultan was pleased to have Sher Khan in his service and re-appointed him as the tutor and guardian (Ataliq) of his Son Jalal Khan. 67 I. H. Siddiqui suggested that Sultan Muhammad died in about the time, 1527 A. D. Jalal Khan, who was young was placed on the throne of Bihar. His widow, Dadu Bibi, became regent of the new Sultan. She has appointed Sher Khan as his deputy or wakil Raziuddin Aquil, Sufism, Culture, and Politics: Afghans and Islam in medieval north India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2006, p Sher shah Sur and his dynasty, p Tarikh- i- Farishta, Vol. I- II, p Sufism, Culture, and Politics: Afghans and Islam in medieval north India, pp Dorn, History of the Afghans, p Sher Shah Sur and his dynasty, p

13 After his appointment, Sher Khan applied himself heart and soul to the task of rehabilitating the province and improving its administration. A deputy Governor Sher Khan reorganized the administration, purged the army of its defects and strengthened his own position by loyal and devoted service of his young sovereign. At the sometime he was not oblivious of his own interests and gathered around him a band of tried and faithful Afghan followers, mostly of the Sur clan, who were always ready to sacrifice there all for his sake. When Dudu Bibi passed away Sher Khan became the virtual head to the government of South Bihar, while Jalal Khan was still a minor and a titular ruler. Under these circumstances, Sher Khan got a good opportunity of strengthening his hold upon the army, and won it over to his cause. He appointed his trusted followers to the key position in both civil and military administration and took steps to increase his power and prestige in every way possible. Mushtaqi writes that after Sultan Muhammad s death, Sher Khan began to plan the annexation of Bihar, and soon brought the reign under his control. 69 During this period, Sher Khan also allied with a rebellious Makhdum Alam, who held the Government of Hajipur. 70 His friendly terms with Sher Khan, the Sultan of Bengal and a brother- in- law of the Sultan of Bengal Ghiyasuddin Abul Muzaffar Mahmud Shah, son of the more illustrious Sultan Alauddin Shah became displeased with him. The displeased Sultan not only wanted to remove Makhdum Alam, but also seize Bihar from the Afghans. He sent a large force under Qutub Khan one of his great amirs, for conquering the country of Bihar and completely uprooting Makhdum Alam. Sher Khan wrote to the Sultan to use soft behavior and avoids a fight without success. Raziuddin Aquil says that Mushtaqi however provides a different reason for the Bengali attack. 71 Gulam Hussain Salim suggests that after Qutub Khan was killed in the battle, Makdum Alam rebelled again with a view to capture the throne of Bengal and was killed in fighting with Sultan Mahmud Shah Waqiat- i- Mushtaqi, tr. p Hajipur, Area: 2, 479, squre mile; jama: 2, 73, 310, 30 dams, was a sarkar of suba Bihar under Akbar, beams, Contribution to the political geography, Habib Atlas, table I and 10A notes. 71 Sufism, Culture, and Politics: Afghans and Islam inmedieval north India, p Ghulam Husain Salim, Riyaz- us- Salatin, Tr. Abdus Salam, Idara- i- Adabiyat- i- Dilli, New Delhi, 2009, p

14 But at the same time, the jealousy of the Lohani nobles roused and they could not tolerate the domination of one whom they looked upon as a mere servant of their chief. They poisoned Jalal Khan s ear and turned him against Sher Khan. They hatched a plot to murder Sher Khan and decided to approach the Sultan of Bengal for help. But the conspiracy failed due to the latter s vigilance. As part of his plan, Jalal Khan sent Sher Khan towards his pargana of Sasaram, while he himself went over to the Sultan. When Sher Shah heard about it, he was pleased and remarked that the kingdom of Bihar would be now come into his hand. 73 The King of Bengal joined Jalal Khan with a large army. Meanwhile Sher Khan recruited a large number of Afghan soldiers and marched towards Bengal. The two armies met at a place identified at Surajgarh. 74 Ibrahim Khan saw many of his nobles fleeing but decided to fight on and was slain. Jalal Khan who was seriously injured in the fight fled back to Bengal. Sher Khan who emerged victorious seized huge amounts of treasures, elephants, equipages and artillery. The Afghan leader now became the uncrowned king of Bihar. 75 After this victory over the army of Bengal, Sher Khan employed himself in the development of his provinces so that in a short time, they surpassed their previous condition and reached perfection, for the good reason that Sher Khan personally superintended every buiseness and showed no favour to any precise even though they might be his own relatives or dependants; and if any one entered his service he said to him from the first: The stipend and the maintenance, which I may agree to give you, I will pay you in full, and not diminish this by a single falus ( copper - coin), but you shall not practice 73 Ibid. pp Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, p. l21. 'Surajgarh' has been mentioned by Abul Fazl, which according to him is the boundary of the territory of the ruler of Bengal and where Sher Shah won a victory against the Bengalis, Akbarnama, Vol. I, p Tarikh-i-Sher Shahi, tr. pp , Makhzan- i- Afghani, Vol. I, p. 280; Tarikh- i- Farishta, Vol. I- II, p. 222; Tarikh- i- Daudi, pp. ll

15 violence or quarrel with anyone. If you do I shall visit you with such punishments as shall be an example to others. 76 In a short reason Sher Khan acquired a good reputation among the people of God, and it was everywhere known that Sher Khan paid his troops regularly and neither oppressed anyone himself nor let others to do so. 77 Abbas Khan Sarwani s statement that soon after his occupation of Bihar, his reputation as a gifted administrator reached far and wide. It was only his improved position that who attracted the young, but wealthy widows of Taj Khan Sarang Khani and Nasir Khan Nuhani to seek protection under him by the ties of marriage. 78 For example, Lad Malika, the beloved wife of Taj Khan Sarang Khani decided to marry Sher Khan after the murder of her husband by one of his sons, born of another wife. 79 She agreed to the proposal and invited Sher Khan to Chunar. When Sher Khan reached there, Lad Malika married him. This marriage, however, helped Sher Khan in building up a position of strength in India in more than one way. As a result of this marriage Sher Khan got hold over the impregnable fort of Chunar with all its dependent Parganas, and a huge amounts of gifts, a part from the Lodi treasury. Thereafter, Sher Khan acquired the treasures of Chunar and brought the whole Chunar Sarkar under his own control. 80 Sher Khan had another marriage with Hurgusain, the widow of Nasir Khan Nuhani. She also gave him three hundred mans of gold. 81 Like Lad Malika, Hurgusain was a young lady married to an old man, who possessed vast treasures, accumulated in the form of gold. Now Sher Khan had enough gold, build up a huge army to serve him, yet he did not have sufficient time to take necessary steps in this direction. Soon afterwards he was faced with a critical situation, caused by Babur s death in 1530 A. D. Badauni rightly says that the occupation of an impregnable fort 76 Elliot, Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, Vol. IV, p Also see, Abraham Eraly, Emperors of the Peacock Throne: The Saga of the Great Mughals, Penguin Books India, New Delhi, 2000, p Ibid. 78 Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, tr., pp Ibid. p Ibid. pp ; see also, Sher Shah and His times, pp. 95-6; Sher Shah Sur and his dynasty, p Makhzan- i- Afghani, Vol. I, p

16 like Chunar made Sher Khan an ambitious man and led him to aspire for a sovereign status. 82 The king s ambitions Despite these successes, Sher Khan rose to power not to be an easy one. The Afghans divided the territory of Bihar among themselves. Sultan Mahmud assured Sher Khan that he would grant him the kingdom of Bihar after capturing Jaunpur from the Mughals. A farman was also issued to this effect, after receiving which Sher Khan took permission to leave for Sahsaram. 83 Naimatullah says that Sultan Mahmud was enthroned for the second time during Babur's reign. Babur, however, died before the Sultan's march towards Jaunpur. 84 Sultan Mahmud, marching towards Jaunpur, issued a farman to Sher Khan asking him to turn up immediately. Sher Khan wrote back that he would do so after arranging his forces. The nobles were aware of his "false pretences" and "fox-like stratagem," suspected his intention. They suggested to the Sultan not to believe in his statement, and rather advanced to Sasaram and compelled him to accompany the army. The advice was approved. Thus, Sher Khan's trick was failed. Then he now ordered his men for the march and himself went to receive the Sultan and his seige offering them a warm welcome and a good deal of hospitality. Sultan Mahmud soon marched towards Jaunpur with Sher Khan in his company. When they arrived near Jaunpur, the Mughals fled away without a fight. Lucknow and other regions also came under the Afghans. 85 At that time, Humayun before marching south against bahadur shah, but after the defeat of Mahmud lodi at Dauroh in the Nawabganj Tahsil of the present Barabanki district in Awadh and well- contested battle was fought there in August 1532 A. D., encountered Sher Khan for the first time. There give the following account of this event-: 82 Muntakhab- ut- Tawarikh, Vol. I, p Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, tr. pp ; Muntakhah- ut- Tawarikh, Vol. I, p Makhzan- i- Afghani, Vol. I, pp ; Tarikh- i- Daudi, p Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, tr. pp ; Muntakhab- ut- Tawarikh, Vol. I, p. 361; Tarikh- i- Daudi, p. 119; Makhzan- i- Afghani, Vol. I, pp ; Tarikh- i- Farishta, Vol. I- II, p Farishta notes that the Afghans obtained possessions of the whole country as far as Manikpur. 45

17 When humayun had overcome Sultan Mahmud, and had put the greater number of his opponents to death, he send Hindu Beg to take over Chunar from Sher Khan. But Sher Khan refused to hand over Chunar. Humayun himself marched to seize the Chunar...The army of Humayun besieged Chunar Sher Khan knew that the emperor would be unable to delay long in those parts, left the fort in the and went away with his family and followers towards Bharkunda. 86 But at the same time, Humayun received the alarming news of the hostile movement of Bahadur Shah of Gujrat, who was preparing to have a trial of strength with the Mughals. Under this circumstance, Humayun decided to make a hurried peace. He agreed to Sher Khan proposals. Sher khan was delighted and sent his third son Qutub Khan, and his chamberline Isa Khan for service in the Mughal army. These terms were acceptable to both and hence a peace was made and in January 1533 A. D., Humayun returned to Agra in order to settle his scores with Bahadur Shah. 87 Ishwari Prasad criticizes Humayun for lifting the siege. He writes that by capturing Chunar he would have destroyed the very foundation of Sher Khan s rising power. Thus, he adds, the Mughals would never have been expelled from India. 88 Sher Khan returned to South Bihar from the vicinity of Chunar after the departure of Humayun for Agra. The result was that Sher Khan took the opportunity of Humayun s absence to recruit a large number of Afghan soldiers, trained them and paid a monthly salary in cash. Impressed by his triumph a large number of Afghan chiefs, who had earlier scorned him, came to join him. Emboldened by his success and the recognition of his capabilities by the senior Afghan, Sher Khan assumed the title of Hazrat- i- Ala. 89 Based on a coin preserved in the AMU library, Iqtidar Husain 86 Dorn, History of the Afghans, p S. R. Sharma, Mughal Empire in India ( ), Karnatak Printing Press, Bombay, 1934, pp Ishwari Prasad, life and times of Humayun, Oriental Longmans, Bombay, 1955, p Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, tr. pp

18 Siddiqui has suggested that Sher Khan had assumed the titles of Sultan and Shah' and had begun to strike the coins in that capacity in 1535 A. D. 90 It may be pointed out that the period of A. D. in Sher Shah s career was that of a struggle, involving the issue of life and death. During this period he was confronted with critical situation at several times, but he ultimately rose from obscurity into prominence overcoming all hurdles in the way. His difficulties multiplied every time, yet his tact and indomitable courage helped him in getting over them. It was really Sher Shah, who with his success, achieved against his enemies, showed the Afghans the political setbacks, suffered by the old Afghan aristocracy were due to their selfishness, disunity and the absence of the singleness of purpose. 91 When Nasib Shah, the ruler of Bengal died, the nobles enthroned Sultan Mahmud. Mahmud Shah proved an incapable ruler. That gave further opportunity to Sher Khan to strengthen his power at the cost of Bengal. He attacked Bengal in 1536 A. D., besieged its capital Gaur and forced Mahmud Shah to pay thirteen lakh dinars. He busied himself in conquering Bengal and brought the entire region west of Garhi under his control. 92 In 1537 A. D., he again attacked Bengal. Only then Humayun realised that it was necessary to subdue Sher Khan. Thus, leaving the Gujarat campaign incomplete, Humayun had to rush to Agra as Mirza Askari and Yadgar Nasir Mirza had rebelled. 93 In Agra, he was informed of the mobilisation of the Afghans under Sher Khan, who had by then captured the whole of Bihar and large parts of Bengal. In July 1537 A. D. Humayun proceeded towards Bihar and first laid the siege of Chunargarh. Humayun could capture the fort after six months. In the meantime Sher Shah had captured Gaur and looted all its treasure which he kept safe at the Rohtasgarh fort. Humayun, thus, lost valuable time in the siege of Chunargarh. Humayun reached Varanasi and negotiated with Sher Khan for peace. It was agreed that the province of Bengal would be handed over to Sher Khan 90 Sher Shah Sur and his dynasty, p Ibid. 92 Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, tr. pp Gulbadan Begum, Humayun Nama, Tr. Annette S. Beveridge, Low Price Publication, Delhi, 1902, p. 39; Jauhar Aftabchi, Tazkirat- ul- Waqiat or Private memoires of the Mughal Emperor Humayun, Tr. Charles Stewart, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1904, pp. 5-6; Mirz Haidar Dughlat, Tarikh- i- Rashidi, Tr. N. Elias, Ed. Denison Ross, Patna, Reprint l973, p

19 under the suzerainty of the Mughals and would pay ten lakh rupees annually while Bihar would be taken over by the Mughals. But Humayun broke off the negotiations with Sher Khan and proceeded towards Bengal. Sher Khan deputed his son Jalal Khan to delay the advance of Humayun. Jalal Khan successfully achieved his mission and returned to his father who had successfully finished his campaign in Bengal and returned to Bihar. Humayun therefore faced no difficulty in capturing Bengal. During these months, Sher Khan captured Kara, Bana, Sambhal etc. He blocked the way of return of Humayun to Agra. Mughal writers could claim that Humayun had conqur Bengal and Sher Shah fled from there fearing the imperial army. 94 Humayun stayed in the city of Gaur which is known as Lukhnouti for three months, which he passed in the pleasure and enjoyment. Abul Fazl explains that actually Humayun stayed back enjoying Bengal's agreeable climate. 95 He also renamed Gaur as Jannatabad (paradise). 96 Sher Khan, on the other hand, gained time not only to consolidate his position, but also to capture Mughal territories. 97 When circumstances necessitated Humayun's return, 98 It was too late for him to check the Afghan onslaught. Afterwards, Sher Khan gave a rude shock to the Mughals, who received two successive drubbings at Chausa and Qannauj. The ambitious Afghan's dream of driving the Mughals out of the country came true. From Bengal to Punjab and Agra to Mandu, several small time chieftains were subjugated. Sher Khan from a petty chieftain had become the Badshah of Hindustan. The Mughals attributed their shocking defeats to the hands of God or the treachery of the Afghans. They ignored Sher Khan's cool, calculated use of opportunities and resources which came in his 94 Tazkirat- ul- Waqiat, tr. pp , Humayun Nama, tr. p.40, Tarikh- i- Rashidi, tr. p Akbarnama, Vol. I, p Humayun Nama, p. 40; Rise and fall of the Mughal Empire, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1977, p. 93. R. P. Tripathi writes that after reaching Gaur in September 1538 A. D. the Mughal emperor utilized his three or four months of stay in establishing law and order. The fall of the Husaini dynasty must have brought chaos and confusion in Bengal, For this statement Tripathi does not indicate any particular evidence he has used and there is no support for this in the sources which we have consulted. 97 Waqiat i- Mushtaqi, tr. p. l Humayun Nama, pp

20 way. He not only recruited and mobilised the Afghans, but also led them to victory employing strategies and tactics which were truly ingenuine. Chausa:- assumption of royalty Humayun stayed in the city of Gaur for three months, which he passed in pleasure and enjoyment. At this time news was came that Hindal Mirza raising the standard of revolt and opposition in Agra and Mewat, Humayun turned back, leaving Jahangir Quli Beg with five hundred selected sawars in Gaur. As owing to excessive rains and mud the royal army had been left without any equipment, and the horses of many soldiers had perished a great distress overtook them. Sher Khan welcoming the opportunity, with an army more numerous than ants and locust intercepted their way; and alighting opposite to them at chausa built a rampart around his camp. Humayun crossed the river Ganges and reached Chausa, a place at the boundary between Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Sher Shah also reached there. Ultimately, in 1539 A. D. Sher Khan had to face Humayun at Chausa, 10 miles South- West of Buxer, on the frontier between Bihar and Orrisa. Sher Shah tactics in this was to tire out the Mughal first, then to put them off their guards by some deceptive moves, and then to inflict a surprise on them by making a sudden predawn attack. After an exchange of messengers he sent a person named Shaikh Khalil, whom he considered his spiritual teacher, to Humayun with the message, "I will hand over the possession of Bihar upto Garhi to the officers of the state, and have Your Majesty's name in the Khutba and on the coins. Accordingly when the preliminaries of peace were settled, the royal soldiers became more careless than in the preceding days. They formed a bridge over the river Chausa and were thinking of crossing over. Sher Shah finding them negligent marched hastily at night and near dawn in the year nine hundred and fortysix, with his army drawn in battle array and accompanies by huge elephants came forward to fight. The royal armies having no time to fall in line were defeated. Humayun in great distress started for Agra. This battle was completely won by Sher Shah. Humayun could somehow save himself. This operation of Sher Shah may 49

21 possibly be compared with the swiss attack on the French army of Prince Louis De La Tremoille at Novara on 6, June, 1513 A. D. 99 The victory of Chausa proved to be momentous, and it produced for reaching results. Its first consequence was to bring about a radical change in Sher Khan s objective in life. Dr. Qanungo rightly observes that one year before Chausa he would have contented himself with the position of a Mughal vassal, if he had been left unmolested in Bengal. His ambition was to drove away the Mughals from India and to suceed the throne of Delhi. The victory at Chausa made Sher Khan a De facto King of Bihar and Bengal. Persian chroniclers of the 16 th and 17 th centuries are nearly unanimous in stating that Sher Shah ascended the throne after the battle of Chausa. Abbas Khan Sarwani, Abdullah and Ahmad Yadgar write that it was a victorious field of Chausa that Sher Shah assumed the royal dignity among the rejoicing of the Afghans. 100 Badauni support this and mentions a chronogram which gives the year. 101 In his rather rambling account Mushtaqi too suggests that the accession took place after this battle. Mushtaqi says that sher khan gained the victory in the battle (over humayun at Chausa) and assuming the title of Sher Shah, the coins struck and Khutba recited in his name. 102 Qannauj (Bilgram):- establish his power over northern India Next year with full strength and grandeur Sher Shah started for Agra. At a time when strangers should be made friends, Kamran Mirza leaving Humayun, went to Lahore, and the Chughatai amirs on the ground that the king was favouring the 99 P. Sesnsarma, Sher Shah Sur- Biography; The military profile of Sher Shah Sur, Naya Prokash, Calcutta, 1976, pp Tarikh i- Sher Shahi, pp ; Tarikh- i- Daudi, P. 126; Tarikh- i- Shahi, pp Muntakhab- ut- Tawarikh, Tr. G. S. A. Ranking, Vol. I, Asiatic Society, Calcutta, 1884, p According to Badauni this chronogram, salamt bawad badshah kase, which gives the date 946 A. H. This chronogram counted with Arabic Qamri Numbers. I counted this as:- 90+ سلامت باود بادشاه کسے =946 A.H. (1539 A. D.) 102 Waqiat- i- Mushtaqi, tr. p

22 Rafzi (Shia) Turkmans and striving to honour them turned into traitors and laid the foundation of opposition as has been described. Inspite of these circumstances Humayun hurried from Agra to Qannauj and crossed the Ganges. At this time the Mughal army numbered a hundred thousand and Afghan army fifty thousand sawars. Sher Shah encounted with Humayun was at a place opposite the city of Qannauj some three miles away from the bank of Ganges near Bilgram. The Mughal army was defeated without a battle and Humayun rode his horse, went into the river, crossing it with a great difficulty and fled for Lahore. 103 Though this was a decisive battle in which Sher Shah established his superiority completely over the Mughals, the historians differ much about the place of war and in other details. According to Jadunath Sarkar the war took place at Bilgram but Qanungo says that the battle took place at Bhojpur. However the battle is known as the battle of Bilgram alias the battle of Ganges. Qanungo feels that Sher Shah s plans was to prevent any crossing of the river by the Mughals from Qannauj side except when it would suit his convenience, but in Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi, Abbas Khan Sarwani says that Sher Sher Shah sent an agent to Humayun to convey that if Humayun desired to cross the river, Sher Shah would move away from the river to ensure a safe crossing by Humayun; and ultimately Sher Khan withdrew to a little Kurohs leaving the passage of the fort. Tarikh- i- Sher Shahi further states that Sher Shah gave a clean battle this time. Mirza Haider however writes in the Tarikh- i- Rashidi that before the Mughal forces could be settle in the higher ground, Sher Shah army advanced him in battle array, but before an arrow was discharged the camp followers of the Mughal camp created such a confusion and make that the entire Mughal army was disrupted under their pressure. In spite of the divergence in the historical account regarding this battle, it may be concluded that Sher Shah knew the importance of the river as an obstacle of battle. 104 As regards the battle of Qannauj which finally settled the dispute over the throne of Hindustan between Humayun and Sher Shah on the 17 th May 1540 A. D. 103 Mohammad Mukhtar Ahmad, Foundation of Mugal Empire, Ph. D. Thesis, Maulan Azad Library, AMU, Aligarh, 1940, pp Sher Shah Sur- Biography; The military profile of Sher Shah Sur, pp

23 The Sur Empire ( A. D.) Sher Shah became an emperor of India and established a new empire which is known as Sur Empire. After the establishment of a new empire, his first task was nipped in the bud signs of a rebellion in Bengal, where the local Governor had married a daughter of the late Sultan Mahmud, and started reviewing troops sitting on a raised platform like the former Bengal rulers. Thereafter, Sher Shah s campaigns were confined to Malwa, Rajasthan, Multan and Upper Sindh. His last step was to assert his suzerainty over Bundelkhand. He had planned to invade the Deccan, Khandesh and Ahmadnagar. 105 But unconsciously death of Sher Shah left his task incompleted. Khizr Khan, the Governor of Bengal, who had married a daughter of Ghayasuddin Mahmud Shah, the ex- Sultan of the province, raised a standard of revolt in march 1541 A. D. Sher Shah took the field in person, gave a crushing defeat to the rebel and threw him into the prison. In order to eliminate the danger of future revolts there, Sher Shah abolished the governorship of Bengal and divided it into 47 sarkars or districts which were put under the direct control of the imperial court. 106 Conquest of Malwa From Bengal, Sher Shah returned to Agra. In 1542 A. D. he invaded Malwa whose possession was essential for the integrity and safety of the Kingdom, because he had also failed to fulfill his promise of supporting Sher Shah s son Qutub Khan, against the Mughals and Qutub Khan had been surrounded and slain by Askari and Hindal in 1540 A. D. For these reasons Sher Shah considered it necessary to undertake and expedition to Malwa. Malwa was ruled over by Mallu Khan, who had become an independent ruler of Malwa in 1537 A. D. after the death of Bahadur Shah, under the title of Sultan Qadir Shah. He submitted to Sher Shah without a fight and accorded him a warm reception in his capital Ujjain. 107 Sher Shah invaded and 105 Medieval India: from Sultanate to the Mughals ( ), p J. L. Mehta, Advanced Study in the history of medieval India, Vol. II, Sterling Publishers Private Limited, New Delhi, 1981, p Ibid. 52

24 conquered Malwa in 1542 A. D., but allowed many of the Hindu Rajas to continue in their principalities. 108 Conquest of Raisen The following year, he returned to Malwa to crush a rebellion there, and used the opportunity to oust the powerful Rajput chief Puranmal from Chanderi, 22 miles from modern Bhopal. 109 The principality of raisen in central india had risen to a place of importance during the later days of humayun s reign. 110 Sher Shah laid siege to Raisen in central India; its ruler Puran Mal Chauhan was falsely accused of illtreating the Muslim subject of his principality. Sher Shah swore on the Quran that the lives and property of Puran Mal and his followers would be respected. But Sher Shah broke his promise in the most shameless manner and massacred all the Rajputs including Puran Mal and his relatives 111 because of the appeal made by the widow of the Muslims of Chanderi who had suffered at Puran Mal s hands, he changed his mind. 112 This victory encouraged Sher Shah to liquidate other Hindu principalities of Northern India one by one. 113 Marwar and almost whole Rajasthan After the death of Rana Sangram Singh of Mewar, the state of Marwar with its capital, at Jodhpur, had risen to occupy the first place among the independent kingdoms in Rajasthan. Its ruler Maldeo ascended the throne after the death of his father, Rao Gangaji, in 1531 A. D. 114 In his mad policy of expansionism, Maldeo came into conflict not only with the thikanedars (hereditary fief, holders) whom he had ousted from their thikanas, but also with the Rana of Mewar, the Kachhawahas, the Shaikhawati chiefs etc. These internal divisions played a big role in the subsequent defeat and downfall of Maldeo. 108 Medieval India: from Sultanate to the Mughals ( ), p Ibid. 110 Ashirvadi Lal Srivastva, Sher Shah and his successors, Banwari Lal Jain Moti Katra, Agra, 1950, p Shailesh Chandra, Medieval India , Alfa Publications, New Delhi, 2009, p Srivastva, Sher Shah and his successors, p Advanced Study in the history of medieval India, pp Srivastva, Sher Shah and his successors, p

25 It is difficult to say what the true ambitions of Maldeo were. That he wanted to establish a Rathor hegemony over the whole of Rajasthan is understandable. 115 Battle of Sammel Towards the end of 1543 A. D., however, when Sher Shah was free from the Raisen expedition, he marched against Maldeo from Agra at the hand of 80,000 horses, the largest and most magnificent army that he had ever led into the field. 116 Maldeo had an army of 50,000 but the Rajputs lacked artillery. The two armies lay opposite one another for a month, at the village of Sammel near Jantaran, about thirty miles South- West of Ajmer. 117 In his usual fashion, Sher Shah had dug trenches and earthworks around his camp to protect his position including his artillery. It would have been suicidal for Maldeo to attack the well fortified Afghan camp. it seems that Rao Maldeo wanted to retreat to Jodhpur and Siwana where he could prepare a better defence. But this was not to the liking of Maldeo s sardars who considered retreat, even a strategic one, to be dishonourable. Difference of opinion, or forged letters from Sher Shah sowing doubts in Maldeo s mind about the loyalty of some of his sardars, led to disunity in the Rajput camp of which Sher Shah took advantage. While Maldeo retreated with the bulk of his army, Sher Shah had little difficulty in overcoming the small gallant band of Rajputs. Maldeo took shelter in the fort of Siwana, but Jodhpur and Ajmer fell to the Afghans. After establishing his outposts there, Sher Shah turned to Mewar. The Rana purchased peace by surrendering Chittor. Sher Shah set up his out- posts from Ajmer upto Mt. Abu. Thus, he became master of all Rajasthan except a tract in the west. Having left Khawas Khan and Isa Khan Niyazi to reduce Marwar, Sher Shah proceeded to chittor the capital of Marwar. But Marwar, however did not remain for long in Sher Shah s possession within two months of his death, Maldeo returned from Siwana, drove away the Afghan Governor from Jodhpur and reoccupied his lost territory Medieval india: from Sultanate to the Mughals ( ), p Srivastva, Sher Shah and his successors, p Ibid. 118 Ibid. p

26 Next he occupied Ranthambor and appointed his son Adil Khan its Governor. Thus most parts of Rajasthan except Jaiselmer came under the suzernity of Sher Shah. 119 Conques of Kalinjar and Death of Sher Shah Immediately, after the consummation of the successful campaign in Rajasthan, in October 1544 A. D., Sher Shah advanced towards Kalinjar. 120 There were several reasons for that immensely strong fortress to invite his wrath. 121 When Sher Shah marched on Kalinjar Raja Bir Bhan Baghela of Rewa, who was summoned to the court, had taken refuge with Raja Kirat Singh of Kalinjar. Kirat Singh turned down Sher Shah s request to surrender the fugitive, and thus gave offense monarch. On 22 nd May 1545 A. D., Sher Shah ordered an assault on the fort and himself advanced to the fort attack. He ascended the tower and ordered his men to bring a supply of rockets in order to throw them into the fort. While besieging its fort, Kalinjar, Sher Shah died from burns when a rocket rebounded from the wall, and set fire to a bundle of rockets where he was standing. 122 There was a huge explosion and Sher Shah was most severely burnt. He was immediately carried to his tent, but he ordered his men to continue the attack. The assault succeeded and the fort of Kalinjar was taken by storm at about sunset when news was of the capture of the fort and slaughter of the garrison was reported to Sher Shah marks of joy and satisfaction appeared on his countenance. Soon after this he expired. 123 This verse give the date of death of Sher Shah: شیر شاه ا ں کہ از مہابت او شیر و بز ا ب را بہم مے خورد از جہاں رفت و گفت پیر خرد سال تاریخ او ''ز ا تش مرد'' 119 Ibid. pp Ibid. p Basheer Ahmad Khan Matta, Sher Shah Suri- A fresh perspective, Oxford University Press, London, 2005, p Medieval India: from Sultanate to the Mughals ( ), p Srivastva, Sher Shah and his successors, p

27 Sher Shah was that person from whose fear, Tiger and goat drink water from one river, When he gone from this earth, one rational man says, His date of death found from Za Aatish Murd. 124 This period of his military command was of fifteen years and of his Sultanate was of five years. 125 To conclude we notice that Sher Shah ruled for a short period of five years in which times he holds a very high place among medieval Indian warriors and empire builders. He was born in a very ordinary family and considered himself unfit for high office despite his extra ordinary talents. But he never lost faith and acted with prudence and courage even in the most trying circumstance. He built up his power by all possible meansand finally secured sovereignty by his decisive victories at Chausa and Bilgram. In course of five years Sher Shah captured the Punjab, Bengal, most of the Rajputana, Malwa, northern Sind and Bundelkhand. He was a practical and far sighted ruler who was ahead of his contemporaries. He is remember in history for the numerous reforms that he under took the strengthen the government. He was in truth the greatest ruler that sat upon the throne of Delhi. Two remarkable achievement first his own personality and second political condition of that time (tussle between Humayun and his nobility) gave him a chance to establish a dynasty and made him an emperor of Hindustan. 124 Foundation of mughal empire, p I counted this chronogram, Za Atish Murd, with Arabic Qamri Numbers. ز ا تش مرد =952 A.H. (1545 A.D.) 125 Muntakhab- ut- Tawarikh, Vol. I, p

28 57 Chapter 2