And here one would have to distinguish between saints of 'popular' and of 'learned' religion. And. distinct field of communication.

Transcription

1 CUAPTBR IY MONASTIC SAINT LEITMOTIVS OP IDEOLOGY In this chapter, one must emphasize the equivocal charater of many words, which have retained the problematic of ideology in the lexicon of Maratha history. They were directly transposed from religious vocabulary which induced psychological confusion. When it was said that Ramdas of Samarth Sampradaya contributed to the cause of Marathas by adopting 'Jayishnu' attitude it was in marked contrast with Warkari sect's path of devotion especially so, when it comes to the placement of ideological domain in this context. From a socio-cultural point of view, there are at least two very interesting domains of enquiry here. First, there is the question as to why certain specific virtues were selected as ones which revealed saintlines. Here one would need to start not with a particular virtue, but with social structures, so as to see how the structures explain the choice of virtue as models. If so, then why the same social structure could call Chokhamela and Tukaram too a saint when Tuka'sYnode of expression was diametrically opposite to Ramda~~ 4? If it is true that saints are saints for other people, then what is Ramdas's position in the context? To elaborate this question, one has to chart out the development of the Ramdasi sect and Rarndas in particular, 262

2 on the ground. And here one would have to distinguish between saints of 'popular' and of 'learned' religion. And one might find that like rukaram, Ramdas also had his distinct field of communication. Sant Ramdas, founder of the Samartha Sampradaya, who lived in the 17th century, coming in line with the other saints and poets forming the Warkari tradition, has been in a sense, the most controversial of all these saints. Mostly one can say that the reasons for these controversies lie in the way attempts have been made to understand certain issues at 17th century history of Maharashtra. The late Justice M. G Ranade in his "The Rise of the Maratha Power" was practically the first historian of the Marathas who linked up the religious movements in medieval Maharashtra with the rise of the political power of the Marathas. For Ranade, "the political movement itself was only a reflection, at the religious development which was going on all over the country"c 1 ) The social ideology of Bhakti which these religious movements propagated united the Maratha people thus providing a kind of background to their rise to political power. So for Ranade, "the political revolution was preceeded, and in fact to some extent caused, by a religious and social 263

3 upheaval which moved the entire population."< 2 > In this specific link which Ranade's nationalist interpretation formed between the ideology of the socioreligious movements and the political developments, he also assigned the Saint Ramdas a specific role. He writes, "Shivaji's Chief advisor was Ramdas, who gave the colour to the national flag and introduced a new form of salutation, which displayed at once the religious character of the movement and the independence at spirit which prompted it."(j) Apart from Ranade, a host of other scholars jointed this controversy regarding the exact role of Ramdas. Rajwade, another ultra-nationalist historian challenging Ranade separated sant Ramdas from the rest at the Warkari poets, amounting thereby that it was Ramdas alone who proved a source of inspiration to Shivaji. The Ramdar's chief purpose and the motives of the Ramdasi movement for Rajwade, "was to liberate the Maratha people from then spiritual indifference."c 4 ) For Rajwade and many like him, "it was Ramdas who converted the warkaris into Dharkar is or the pious pilgrims into fighters for freedom. The Sahishnu 2. Ibid p.4 ' 3. Ibid p.5 4. Rajwade, "The Object, Form and Origin of the Sampradaya" in V.v.; Vol.I, Sec

4 (tolerant) psychology was transformed into the Jahishnu (etching for victory) one by Ramdas."C 5 ) like s.s Oeo!!)a.v Bha~accepted Other writers Rajwades placing of the central role of Ramdas as the political guru of Shivaji. On the other hand, there are some others who not denying the importance of Ramdas, argue for his spiritual influence on Shivaji. For e.g Bhate, Shivaji had worked independently, but Ramdas was equally great in his own field, so "the king and the saint (like the Ganges and Yamuna, which flow independently and fertilize the delta) worked simultaneously but separately -the one striving for political independence of Maharashtra, and the other striving to reinforce the spiritual and pragmatic foundation of the society.n(g) For the English biographers of Ramdas like Rev. J. Abbott and Rev. II Demming, the political influence of Ramdas, was generally subordinated to the spiritual emphasis", as, "it was the religion of Maharashtra that weighed most heavily on him, and he looked upon Shivaji's conquests as a golden opportunity to extend the influence of Hindu Faith... np) \,... a) s.s Deo: Charita, b) B.V Bhat bsmdhi.!': N.H. Kulkarnee;,.3.oc1a.l Implicat1ons oj,. Religious Samartha Avatar, Samartha Rhyadaya and Atmaram Press, Dhul1a, Ramdas Ani Shivaji Yancha Anonya Sam 1928, Atm~~~ro Press, Dhulia :- -;;.-., -. -""'- - Movements in Medieval Maharashtra~ pp ~54-155, in N.N Bhattacharya (edj 'ttfedieval Bhakti movt. in India~ \ 1 6. Bhate, G.c.: Sa~jangad Wa Samarth Ramdas, Poona, Wil~Demmingt Ramdas and Ramdasi; (AOVP, Cal. 1928) (Reprint Vintage Books, 199o), p

5 The reason why one alluded to some names in the Maratha historiography, which now spreads out on a century was to bring to somewhat clearer forms the kind of surrounded the considerations on Ramdas as a saint. issues The positioning of the role of Ramdas becomes crucial because on it actually hinges the kind of argument one builds up regarding the relation between tradition, social ideology and politics in late 17th century medieval Maharashtra. In this respect it can be perhaps said that contrary to the way other saint-poets like Eknath, Namdev, Tukaram have been studied and understood, it looks that it is not the poetical genius of Ramdas which has attracted much controversy. Ramdas has attracted attention in academic controversies as well as caught the popular imagination of people because of his relation as a spiritual preception and political guru of Shivaji. As Demming writing in 1920's observes. "No one can read Marathi papers and magazines at the present time without frequently seeing the name Ramdas."(S).Whether Ramdas was more important or Shivaji is an issue which has dominated popular discussions and has been quite a favourite subject of public-speech making and of newspaper writings" ( 9 ) Maharashtra till now. Demming in his Introduction mentions, 'the centroversy a Ramdas vs. Shivaji or Brahmins vs. Non-Brahmans is very much in evide~ce Ibid, p. 2 in at the 9.' ' Shivaji & Ramdas, '' 'Studies in Martha History (ed:l I A.G Powar,, p

6 time of writing."(10) From the above discussion it is clear that any considerations on the role of Ramdas as a saint have to keep in mind these issues which surround him in particular and the history of 17th century Maharashtra in general; issues whose broad parameters were actually set in, and hence are more properly placed, in history of modern nationalism in late 19th-20th century Maharashtra. Movements of three times in their attempt to define natioanlism as their ideology sought for a certain relation with the medieval past of their own society. It is this relationship between what is then referred to as tradition as prevalent among people, a socially accepted set of values and beliefs and imperatives of modern politics which give to us a specific construction if Ramdas as a saint who comes to representing the ideal national hero of the people of Maharashtra. Kulkarnee perceptively makes the point that, "it is very strange but true that Ramdas misunderstood wielded a much more powerful influence on the 19th century and early 20th century freedom-fighters than Ramdas properly interpreted."( 11 ) Historiographically speaking, Ranade's nationalist interpretation looks crucial in the sense that it provides a certain 'frame of reference' which locates the relation between tradition, social ideology and politics in a 10.Demming, op.cit, p.2 11.N.H Kulkarnee, op.cit., p

7 specific way. It gives to us a specific understanding of one way social ideology, relates to politics, an understanding, whether one agrees with Ranade or not, looks to be an assumption which has proved to be quite enduring in the historiography of Maharashtra on this issue. Following from this kind of an assumption, bhakti as the social ideology of the otherwise socially divided Marathi people not only unifies them, but also a creates a kind of a backdrop on which Randas in his articulation of the concept of Maharashtra Dharma is able to give a political shape, that of putting the people under the rule of Shivaji. For historians for whom the Maratha movement had a "social background, was the result of a deep-seated ferment within the society, 'the bhakti movement provided an intellectual and ideological frame work" ( 12 ) of unification. From the above discussion, it becomes clear that any attempt to consider the role of Ramdas as a saint means responding to a certain construction of him as well as the medieval period in Maharashtra. It also means looking for a different understanding of the relation between what is considered as forming the tradition, the social ideology and politics, where then ideology, is not necessarily viewed as a kind of unifying factor, as a kind of social cement which binds people together, by making 12. Sat ish Chandra, ' Rise of Maratha Movement, '' in Sat ish Chandra(ed.) Medieval India (Macmillan, 1982), p

8 the 'living tradition' a kind of a background for a particular political articulation. BIOGRAPHY OP RAMDARS : As is the case with many other saints, it is not possible to string together a strictly historical life of Ramdas, which can give to us even a chronology of the life of Ramdas as he lived it in the 17th century. In the absence of references to him in the historical writings and secular documents of his period, one is left with a number of 'bakhars' of the Ramdas tradition which as Abbott argued have to be considered as 'traditional rather than historical'. Demming discussing the sources for the life of Ramdas groups means into two early and later. Among the early sources, he includes some poems of Ramdas which are of biographical value in the sense that more he talks about the condition of people in relations between Muslims and Hindus and the political conditions of the country. As "in are of his poems, found in the Takerli Math, near Nasik, he tells of the evil conditions prevalent in the land and of his desire to improve them." (lj) In his poetry, there are also references to various geographical names, which help us to locate the travels and wanderings of the saint. Among the early sources, Demming also 13. Sulabh Dasbodh, tedj. S. K. Altekar, Chapt. 6, sec. 6, line-35. It says several idols have been polluted, some being thrown into the water and some trodden underfoot. All the sacred places have been polluted by the wicked." 269

9 mentions some correspondence, some of which, have been used to fix some chronological points in Ramdas 's life. He also lists a diary maintained by Antan Gopall, four days after the Svamis death as well as a biography of the svami called Bhaktamanjali by Bhimasvami, the only one by an immediate disciple of Ramdas, who on Ramdas's instruction went to Tanjore in 1675 and established a math there. This biography may be more reliable as most other biographies were written a hundred years after the death of Ramdas. Another biography grouped in the early sources is Samarthapratap written by Giridhar, who died in He is supposed to have seen Ramdas as a young boy and his account has been considered important for the description of the appearance and habits of Ramdas.< 14 ) The later sources would mainly include numerous poetical and prose biographies of Ramdas, most of which base themselves upon oral traditions and thus incorporate a lot of legendar material which attributes lot of miracles to Ramdas. Important among them can be a poetical biography by Bhimasvami Sirgavakar, a prosebiography, by Hanumant Svami, a poetical account called Santavijaya written abou~ 1774 by Mahipati. (l5) Ramdas was born in A.D 1608 at Jamb, an attractive Sri Samartha Pratae; Sattkaryottejak Sabha; Dhulia; \introduction p.l J. F Edwards & J. N. Frarer, "The 1 ife and Teaching of Tukaram. "op.c.i t. L1'-'+Y~o"') 270

10 village situated among the fertile fields near Jalna in the Nizam's territory. Surayaipant and Ranubai, his father and mother belonged to the House of Thosars and were devort worshippers of sun. Their wish to have children was finally realized in the birth of two sons - Gangadhar born in 1605 and Narayan (later called Ramdas) three years later in < 16 ) Ramdas, developed into one of the liveliest of boys. He loved nature as he loved to climb trees, to wander in the forest, swim in the streams, and so aonkey-like were his wild pranks that it was not strange that he was declared to be an avatar of the monkey-god, Hanuman".(1?) Almost all his biographers assert that even as a boy, he developed a keen interest in religion and used to spend long hours in solitude away from others. At the age at 12, on his mother's pleading he consented to go through the marriage ceremony. Narayan's marriage was thus fixed with 'the daughter of Bhaj ipant Bodalapurkar, who lived two miles away in the village of Asagaon, and the wedding occured there in the house of the Deshmukh family. d 18 ) Oeser ibing the marriage ceremony, Mahipati writes, "A curtain was held between the bride and the bridegroom. Around stood the marriage panty, including the bro~hers of the bride. 16.Demming, op.cit. p.2 17.J.Abbot STOTRAMALA The Poet Saints of Maharashtra No.6, A Garland of Hindu Prayers ( 1929), p Demming, op.cit., p

11 Narayan turned to them'and said "the Brahman repeats again and again the words "Savadhana, Savadhana. Tell me whom they are for?" Hearing this question, his to-be-brothersin law jokingly remarked: "Listen attentively to the inner meaning of the word Savadhana" From today on, the shackles of domestic life will bind your feet. So quickly beware"< 19 ) Tradition tells us that on hearing this, Narayan sprang to his feet and with the 'swiftness of wind' disappeared into the forest. Narayan a boy of twelve, made a journey to Panchavati which took him eleven days. Demming says that "it is quite possible that he fell in with a group of pilgrims or wandering.sadhus and joined company with the."( 2 0) Panchavati which was situated on the banks of the Godavari river, near Nasik had a group of famous temples. There is a famous Rama temple, situated in an immense courtyard, with a Narayan probably spent some time. (21) Maruti temple at the entrance, where It is here at Panchavati, that Maruti who revealed himself to Narayan took him for a revealation of Ram and Sita. As Mahipati relates, that here Ram appeared to Narayan and told Maruti, "From now on his name is Ramdas. His mission is to save the world."c 22 ) From that time 19. Mahipati's - 'Santavijay' Aryabhusan Press, 1930, Poona, pp c..~.a.lso) 20. Demming, op.cit., p Ibid~ p Mahipati's sv, p.27 --, 272

12 onwards Narayan became Ramdas and went to Takerli, on the banks of the Godavari river, two miles away. The peaceful solitude and beautiful environment at Takerli so suited Ramdas that he is supposed to have lived here for 12 years, "deep in the study of the scriptures, performing penances, meditating and preparing for his life-work."(23) It is during these years, of which because of absence of records we hardly know anything, that Ramdas must have come in contact with a body of scriptures. These twelve years were met by Ramdas in becoming familiar with thoughts and doctrines of different schools. Ramdas's study of Dayanes'vari, the Gita made him familiar with the doctrines of Vedanta. It is here that he also felt the influence of Eknath, Namdev, Tukaram and other Warkari poets. He also studied here the Upnishadi and the Bhagvatha Purana. Devotion to Ram was stimulated by his frequent visits to Panchavati temple and by his reading of the Valmiki Ramayana.< 24 ) At Takesti, Mahipati tells us that 'Ramdas used to perform kirtans with the help of Maruti, and thus, "Ramdas had seen God in his saguna form and he kept that image in the respectable corner of his heart, and hearing the story of Rama's life, he kept it in the receptacle of his ear."(25) Demming, op.cit., p Ibid, pp Mahipatis op.cit, p

13 Thus spending his years at Takerli in devotion and study, Ramdas decided to set out on a pilgrimage to spread the devotion of Ram and with a longing to visit the important sacred places of India. Tradition tells us that "he wandered thus, up and down the peninsula of India for twelve years."(26) The chief source of information regarding these years of pilgrimage is the poetry of Ramdas and his disciples, especially Uddhav who has written in detail about these years. Hanumant, author of another biography mentions the following places "Benaras, Gokul, Mathura, Dvaraka, Srinagar, Badrinarayan, Kedaservar, the himalaya mountains, Jagnath, the southern coast, Ramesvar, Lanka, Gokarna Mahabeleshwar, Trimbakesvar, Jambgaon, takerli and Paithan."< 27 > In about 1644, Ramdas returned to Maharashtra and choose the Satara area for his activities. He made Chaphal, a village where he built a temple of Ram and installed his idol tere, as his head quarters. Ramdas now preached the devotion of Ram and soon his disciples grew. The years from 1644 to 1658 are looked at by Demming as years which were spent in laying the foundation for his movement and beginning the organisation."< 28 ) The Satara area, stretching along the Western Ghats, with its river valleys and fertile fields, appealed 26. Demming, op.cit., p ~ri Ramdas Svamiche Charitre by Hanumant Svami, ~dj by s.s Deo, Dhul1a, Demmin' op.cit, p

14 to Ramdas, who was a lover of nature. In this area, Ramdas wandered around from one village to other performing Kirtans, and interpreting the Hindu scriptures. It is during these movements in these villages and spending hours of solitude in the forests that his ideas to form a movement, a sect devoted to Ram probably took shape. There were certain places which he loved to visit were the village of Sahapur, Masur, Umbraj, Sirola. Padali. Paragaon. Managaon. Hinqanyadi and Batie.C 29 > At all these places, Ramdas established Maruti temples, and used to "perform daily the worship of Maruti, and gave food to the hungry.nc 30 ) Maruti occupied a sp~cial place in Ramdas' s beat as he singing average of praise, says, "Maruti is my life. I have no hearer relative than him. Maruti is my mother. Maruti is my father, my dearest friend, my brother, my uncle.... Maruti is my supreme sadawin. It was through him that I met Rama. 11 C 31 ) For Ramdas, establishing temples of Maruti, who also was the supreme dasa of Ram were ways of making the worship of Ram popular among people. In these years Ramdas formalized the Ramdasi movement. Establishing a different sect called the Samartha Sampradaya, he now acquired lot of disciples like 29. Demming op.cit., pp Mahipati's, op.cit., p Ibid, p

15 Jayaram, Uddhav and others all of whom he met during his visits to these places. Ramdas as Samartha was important as a person because he seems to have dominated these early years of the movement through his activities as the leader and an able organiser. It can perhaps be said that the Ramdasi movement begins with the Svami, "as it was clearly a personal movement, both disciples and maths being organised around the Svami's personality." ( 32 ) Raj wade lists 58 places and objects,.in which are included trees, stones, idols, fields and shrines, in and around Chaphal which are seen as connected with Ramdas, and so are objects of veneration. C 33 > In these early years, the sect organised itself, getting a formal shape mainly around the wanderings of Ramdas. Ramdas accepting the kirtans as his mode of worship evolved a method of worship of Rama (Shodasa'.Upachara), with which he popularized the worship of Ram. He established temples of Ram, Chaphal, Scjjangad, and Takerli. also at many places like As he went around these places, he performed kirtans and arouse interest among people, some of whom became his disciples. There are many legends and stories of the miraculous deeds of Ramdas associated with the joining of each of the disciples. These though make it difficult to exactly, locate each of the disciples as when and how he 32. Demming, op.cit., p Rajwade v.v, Vol. II, Sec

16 joins the movement, nevertheless give us an idea as to how a proximity to the figure of Ramdas was important as is emphasized in most of these stories. Hanumant, a biographer of Ramdas lists the names of 20 disciples who were close and intimate to Ramdas as well as another seventy-two, who were in charge of the various maths. < 34 > Along with forming disciples, Ramdas also established a lot of maths. In fact the story of these early years is the story of the disciples and maths, for they were the movement. 11 ( 3 5) Ramdas seems to have followed what semming refers to as a customary procedure in establishing these maths. The leading disciple of the group at a place was chosen by Ramdas to establish a math. Mostly the building of the math was also accompanied by the building of temples. The maths were placed in the charge of the mahants who were the chief disciples. They were authorised to initiate disciples and to give the vedic mantra to those who had fulfilled the conditions of discipleship. The maths of the Ramdasi movement were not places of retreat, drawn away from the world. Rather they were centres of influence, which spread the teachings of Ramdas among the people. The maths served an important role as they provided stability to- wandering saint like Ramdas. where people could gather and perform Ram listen to Kirtans. the movement of a They also provided space worship and 34. t ri Ramdas Svamiche Charitre: Hanumant Swami, OP-e..;+,. pp Demming, op.cit., pp

17 Ramdas established maths at Chaphal, Jamb, Domgaon, Miraj, Sujjangad, and many other places. At a number of these maths, Ramdas drew a list of instructions, a definite plan of worship and code of conduct for the disciples as well as the mahants. Apart from the mahants and the disciples, the maths were also visited by groups of wandering disciples, many of whom considered themselves to be mahants. Ramdas in his activities as the leader of the movement emerges as an efficient organiser as he was carefully able to regulate the movement by devising certain rituals and practices which enabled him to maintain a link between the settled centres (the maths) and the wandering disciples, with chaphal, where he stayed countries in the first math and later Sajjangad; where he spent the last years of his life. Each mahant was expected to visit Ramdas at frequent intervals and thus enabling him to keep in close touch with them all. Another way the link between the movement was maintained by Ramdas was the "constant travelling of groups of disciples from one math to the other.n(36) In 1654, some biographical accounts mention that Ramdas retired to Sivthar, a few miles from Raigad to live in solitude and to write poetry. Although Ramdas wrote poetry throughout his life as his poetry was often in response to given situations which could be the need for instruction of disciples, for his own religious moods, 36. Demming, op.cit., p.l59 278

18 practical conditions of the people and even political developments of his time. His many years of wanderings in the Satara area had also gave him lot of experience regarding the needs and feelings of the people, and had a fairly articulated. He felt at this time of his life to get down to -the task of writing poetry for providing instructions and guidelines for the movement. It is during these years that he started writing Dasbodh, Manache Sloka, 205 verses giving practical advice to mind, many hymns of devotion, chiefly addressed to Ram called Karunashtake. poetry based on two sections of Valmiki' s Ramayana. While writing poetry in these years, he constantly remained in touch with the activities of the movement through a correspondence with the disciples as there were uncertain times when he could not meet in person. (J?) Of these years many tradi tiona! stories and legends at the miraculous deeds which Ramdas performed are mentioned by the different biographies of Ramdas. These stories relate to us the way Ramdas met people, made disciples, performed feats of magic like raising people from the dead, curing physical ailments. Among these legends there are many which relate to us his meetings with Brahmans, who were well versed in Sanskrit. Like in one of the stories Bhimasvami Sirgavkar tells of the 37. Vividh Vfsaya_Vol.II (Sec.92j Satkaryottejak Sabha Dhulia, 'Two such letters were found in the Domagaon math, one from Keshav Svami to Ramdas and other from Ramdas to Keshav Svami~ 279

19 pandit from Benaras who comes and wishes to debate with Ramdas as he saw numerous people reading the Dasbodh. Ramdas called a low-caste man who answered all the questions of the Pandit to his satisfaction and the Pandit thus became the disciple of Ramdas. { 38 ) This and other such stories always emphasie Ramdas insistence on bhakti as the mode of devotion, his siding with the Ram worship of people as against the brahmans who claimed for scriptural superiority. At the same time, there are other stories where Ramdas miraculously feasted the Brahmans even in the forest. Mahipati tells us that once Ramdas decided to a feast of a thousand Brahmans, who were then called in the forest. The Samartha "worshipped them with expression of love, washed their feet, marked in them with divinely perfumed paster; with the kasturi paste on their foreheads", and then they were fed with delicious dishes of various kinds. Mahipati says that 'the fame and good deed {of Ramdas) now spread far and wide,... even among the evil doers, sinners and the crokked, on hearing this miracle."< 39 ) These and other such stories relating the encounters of Ramdas with Brahmins give us some clue to the idea of Brahman which Ramdas approved of. It can be said that in talking of a specific kind of Brahman, Ramdas was trying to achieve some relation between the fact that his movement "included many Brahmans and people from other 38. Hanumant Svami, op.cit, p Mahipatis SV, op.cit., pp

20 intellectual groups,"< 40 > with his mission of popularization of Ram worship among the people. Another set of stories telling us of Ramdass visit to Pandharpur also provide us insights into the way the worship of Ram was established in relation to the traditionally more popular worship of Krishna. Though the Ramdasi movement and the Warkari movement had no direct connection, "the relationship between the two movements was of friendly tolerance with occasional contacts" and yet without any direct interaction. < 41 > "Ramdas went down.. to the bank of Krishna to quietly spend some time. Just then a large band of pilgrims arrived, and encamped on that spot... They lovingly described the greatness of Pandhari and finally lost all bodily consciousness." They were pilgrims going to Pandhari when they pitched their tents at the banks of Krishna, in the night, Ramdas started relating to them the greatness at Ram. The pilgrims on hearing him requested him to come to Pandhari, telling Ramdas that he would see Ram also at the place where Krishna was worshipped, as Ram pervades every place. On reaching Pandhari, Ramdas saw an innumerable number of pilgrims singing hymns of praise as they walked along. Ramdas, puzzled in his mind, thought, "I have seen many sacred places in many wanderings. I never found a place where pride of heart had disappeared. 40. Demming, op.cit., p Ibid. I p

21 But here men and women seem without pride. Pandhari's filled with the loud repetitions of God's name." As he approached the temple, the Lord-of-Pandhari appeared to him in the form of a brahman, "cast a spell over him of Vaisnava maya and brought him there." At that time Maruti appeared to Ramdas, who often worshipping him asked, "where is our Rama?" Even Maruti related to Ramdas a long story in which Ram tells Maruti, that "in the avatara Krishna I shall meet you in a visible manifestation." So Maruti on reaching Owaraka is able to meet Ram and Sita. Thus relating Maruti tells Ramdas what Ram spoke in his sweet hectar voice, "I have said to you that during the avatara of Krishna, I would give you a direct manifestation of myself. Under the names Rama and Krishna, I have manifestated myself in two avataras. But we are essentially one. We are not to be considered separate beings." Ramdas on hearing this from Maruti thought of testing this assetion himself and so went to the assembly hall, where the image of Pandhuruga was placed. "Samartha stood with his hands joined together palm to palm and with his lips he pleaded. Moved by his pleading, the Vaishnava maya showed Ramdas the whole scene of Ayodhya as well as both Ram and Sita. Then on Ram's instruction, Ramdas goes to the Eagle platform, where the saints and mahants were seated and performed a kirtan there. C 42 ) 42. Paraphrased from Mahipati's SV, op.cit., pp

22 In this way the above story of visit of Ramdas to Pandharpur shows that how on the same pilgrimage to Pandhari, which for centuries people had been undertaking to worship Krishna, Ramdas goes and sees Ram, interestingly in the same way as Ram had revealed himself to Maruti at Dwarka. The legend in this same builds up a continuity with Ramdass desire to see Rama in Pandhari with the motives of Vaishnva worship of the centuries long Warkari tradition. This is how Ramdas seeks for a relation with the popular worship of krishna by telling the people that Ram and Krishna were alike and thus they should join him in his mission of Ram-worship. The story further tells us that Ramdas visits Pandharpur and performs kirtans of Ram-worship at many places and meets many saints. These saints, "God loving and wise, to whom Krishna was subservient, through Ramdas saw Rama between their eyes. The others of the pilgrims saw Pandhari just as it always was, but to the saints it seemed to be Ayodhya... To the eyes of the ordinary people Pandhuranga was sitting on his throne but to the saints he seemed Rama." After this event, the saints remarked, "In him Maruti has appeared as an avatara for the salvation of the world. Seeing his unlimited worship and loving bhakti Pandhuranga became Rama and manifested the deeds performed in his former avatara." The noble Vaishnavas, so pleased they were with Ramdas that they took him around the city, singing alound as they walked. 283

23 Ramdas performed mans kirtans "praising especially the greatness of bhakti, and that the name of god was a saviour, able to save the ignorant man." Ramdas recounted lot of tales from the Puranas where the goodness of the merciful Krishna is proclaimed. Ramdas then participates in the celebration of the Gopalika festival and then asks Keshva for leave. Krishna then performed a miracle and revealed himself to Ramdas and listening to Ramdas' s is pleading words, exclaimed, "I, the giver of Final-Bliss, an always with you, whether you are in the Purushshrestha among the men."c 43 ) So Ramdas not only goes to Pandhari to see Ram, but also as the above story tells us is able to see Krishna also, as they were really one. In Pandharpur among the Vaishnavas, he was able to spread the message of Ram worship. At the same time what he took from the Warkaris was the Bhakti mode of devotion, there by relating both the saguna as well as nirguna form of God in his preachings and message. An interesting feature of Ram worship thus in the Ramdasi movement was the idol-worship of Ram, showing an influence of the bhakti tradition of idol worship of Vithoba, although not being consistent with the Vedantist position of Ramdas. But this was became he had to present Ram as the "Nirguna Brahman", and had to attract the attention of people."< 44 > 43. Ibid~ pp.l

24 Apart from these stories, there are manay other regarding say his love for the forests and nature, his meetings with Shivaji, his meeting with Tukaram, us ing people firm.. incidents about testing the loyalty of the disciples, his miraculous feats of saving people etc. In fact, as we had earlier in our discussion on the sources for the biography of Ramdas, most of the biographies are collections of such legends built around various moments of Ramdas's life. Thus the biography as a kind of genre in the discussion on the life of the saints perhaps provides us with a specific kind of evidence. A biography 1 ike the one Mahapati writes in the 18th century tells us not merely of the life of Ramdas as he lived it in the 17th century, but also tells us the way he was remembered in the later Ramdasi tradition. As a source, which is internal to the Ramdasi tradition od a biography by Mahapati, who was granted land by the Peshwas in the 18th centurv, for his poetic activities. < 45 ) Mahapatis santivijaya, a poetical account of the life of Ramdas written about 1774, the way it narrates the life of Ramdas "gives us the atmosphere in which he lived." < 46 ) Asking for God's blessing on his book Mahipati says, "yet I, Mahipati, dull of mind, of a little intellect in every respect, have become a vessel containing the gift of thy 45. V. K Bha~e; Peshvaka 1 in Maharashtra pp , J.E.Aboott; Stotramala No.6, Pune, 1929, p Demming op.cit., p

25 assurance. So now being proud of that fact, give my mind the power of rememberance, so most I may properly relate in Marathi the stories of thy saints." ( 4 7) Mahapati 's biography served as an important text in the formalization of the Ramdasi tradition in the 18th century. The way it narrates the life of the saint, the mere listening to which fulfills the lovings of the heart, and thus constantly implores saints and disciples to listen to the story. Mahipatis biography is largely a collection of legends and stories about Ramdas, which must have been prevalent in earlier times, and which Mahipati thus arranges in the loth century, ar~1nd a biography of the saint. Much as a response to his own. Mahipati's biography is in a sense a representation of Ramdas. Ramdas emerges as a saint who though his of Ram worship, also politically prepares the ground for the Maratha. In the biography Ramdas plays the role of a political guru to Shivaji. In the way Mahipati arranges the around the biographical moments of Ramdas, like the revealation of Ram in the childhood, his association with Maruti, as another dasa of Ram as an avatara; his advice to Shivaji on the duties of the king; and other, the biography gives us lot of insights into the thoughts of Ramdas as brahman, the king and the state, the plight of the Maratha people. 47. Mahipati, SV, op.cit., p.6 286

26 Looked at his way Mahipati's Santavijaya is also important as a transmitter of Ramdasi tradition. RAKDAI AND lis THOUGHTS ; The teaching of Ramdas cannot be seen as forming one whole as might be inferred from his biographical' sketch. The seint' s site in one 17th century and his teachings were a response to the social conditions of Maharashtra in the 17th century. He founded his own sect, Samartha sampradaya, which drewtrous different tradition of the might. He was a vedantist, as he accepted Sankar's interpretation of religion and philosophical truth, the Vedantic notices at uncertain recently. He was not a Warkari, but the bhakti element was equally pronounced in his worship of Ram. Ramdas, for this reason is also remembered differently by different people. To some he is a bhakta like Ramghander, to some a Vedntist and to many others he is a poet-polition, a saint who blended politics with his teachings. < 48 > As we have earlier recounted in the section on biographs, Ramdas seems to have read the Upanishaada and Bhagavadgita, and also Jnaneshweri commentry on it, during the years he spent at Takerli in studying. He was a follower of the Advaita school and felt "that the real can only be reached by emptying ones self into the world. For him the ultimate reality is the Brahman. In Manache Sloka, he tells, "Brahman, the form of which cannot be 48. Demming, op.cit., p

27 known by one mind, and which is unmost a second. All illustrations fail to supply a symbol, for in him there is neither attachment non- detachment, and he cannot be described by the Vedas, Sastras and Puranas. He is neither and is W.Lthout a witness."< 4 ~) As there is only one infinite, all-pervading. God, the visible world is thus Maya. In implying the Mind, Ramdas says "What is seen by the Eye does not last eternally, and that which is involved in sudden changes disappears in the course of time therefore, 0 Mind, seek the everlasting and the Eternal one. That Being which exis.ts in one form cannot tolerate the angst of dnality; therefore o Mind, seek the enduring and the Eternal one.u(so) The Brahman, who alone is real according to Ramdas can only be known by the eye of knowledge. Ram in his Dashbodh preaches how to reach this goal as it was not easy as egoism (ahankara) which produces division in that which is indivisible and one, "Only by disseminates, experience and the giving up of desire can Brahman be realized by pondering over experiences over and over, we should first know ourselves and then only can we obtain real knowledge.n(sl) In seeking for one's unity with Brahman, Ramdas thought man could attain salvation. "A wise man.is not known by his bodily form, because he is Brahman himself. Those who know themselves to be are with Brahman become eternal 49.,Manache S'lok~, Nos. 192, 193, Dabodh, op.cit. 50. Ibid, Nos. 146, Dasbodh, ch.ix, sec.2 288

28 and are free from life and death."c 52 > Ramdas didn't preach salvation by knowledge alone. In fact what is characteristic of Ramdas' s thought, is the theme of salvation by work. In this sense, Ramdas makes possible the attainment of knowledge by all, by insisting on the respective work done by different people, swadharma, meant Dharma of vocation. < 53 > Ramdas often used the tour fold classification of the seekers of salvation, "baddha, or conferred to this world; amenuksa desiring release; sadhaka, or achieving release and siddha, or released achieved... ( 54 > Even in the way Ramdas practised the preaching of Ram, the Nirgun Brahman, he differed from the earlier Vedantic and also other traditions of Ram worship. Ramdas's Ram was also a response to the social life in Maharashtra which had a tradition of vedantic bhakti tradition. In Ramdas devotion of Ram, the bhakti element was pronounced as he ruled math on the kirtan mode which was much popular among the Marathi people. He respected the idol worship of Rama and taught that there were few classes deities namely "idols, incarnation god in the human soul and in the supreme spirit.n55 Thus Ramdas in trying to achieve a kind of relationship between the 52 Ibid, ch.ix, sec.3 53 Here Ramdas elaborates the concept of 1 Swadharma', in accordance with inborn capacity rather than with casterestrictions. V.L Bhave: Ramdasanchi Bhajane, Vidypith Prakashan, pp Manache Sloka Dasbodh, op.cit, chpat.5, sec.? 55 Dasbodh, Ch. XI, Sec.2 289

29 Saguna and Nirguna form of God, placed Ram worship on a popular level, and was in this manner responding to the social conditions of his time. This might be the reason why the teachings of Ramdas in actuali tya, social work, justice and telling people to take interest in men respective social life.c5 6 ) In forming a different sect, Ramdas also stressed on the importance of the sadguru, who was absolutely essential in the attainment of salvation. According to Ramdas, : The sadguru is the one who removes our ignorance by teaching us pure knowledge, explaining how we should restrain our senses. The chief qualities of such a man are that he should have great self-possessive power of concentration and be able to teach the way of salvation."< 57 > For the disciple, the guru is essential as "he is useless without a guru no matter how virtuons he may otherwise be, and the guru is of little use unless he has a disciple.n(58) This instance of guru disciple relationship gave the Ramdasi movement a contain stable and a formal shape. Ramdas role as a guru here overlaps with the being an absolute organiser. The importance which Ramdas accords to the role of a guru becomes important as he himself has been. represented in the 56. Ramdas swaminche Samagra Grantha, \,ed.) L. R. Pangarkar, 1930, Bombay, pp Dasbodh, ch.v. sec Ibid, ch.v. sec.3 290

30 Ramdasi traditions as playing the role of a spiritual preceptor and guru of Shivaji, who was advising him in political matter. In Ramdas teaching, one finds a political articulation of the concept of king, the state, society and social justice. In his work Dasbodh, he spends some more time discussing the role of king, the nature of state. In fact the reason why Ram as a king of Ayodhya becomes important in Ramdas' construction of the worship of Ram, as the fighter for people (Hindu against evil, Ram as a dutifal king who is able to make a just and benevolent society. SBIYAJI AND BAMDAS: Attempts have been made to link the ideas of Ramdas as the guiding ideology of Shi vaj i and Marathas' rise to power. One must counter the reduction of the hagioqraphical literature which give these kind of articulation. The articulations of Ramdas and his treatise Dasbodh have always been in the light of hagiographical archives of memory and reason. Ramdas reiterated the superiority of the Brahmins. He insisted that the Brahmin was everybody's preceptor and even if he neglected his duty, he had to be revered without any qualm. Ramdas believed that since Brahmins were the preceptors of the whole of society, it was wrong to be slow upon even the most studious of untouchables the honour and respect that was due to the Brahmin.< 59 ) When we compare his attitude with Tukaram's beliefs, one graps 59. Ibid, chapt. 5, sec

31 almost immediately the difference in their articulation of society. For Tukaram said "He who utters the name of Rama in good faith and cherishes the dark form of Hari is a true Brahmin, though born among untouchables. ( 60 ) In the Warkari sect a devotee could be initiated by a preceptor of any caste. But Ramdas stated quite categorically that the guru had to belong to one's own caste. < 61 ) In the realm of ideological plank it is clear that Ramdas was different from Warkaris. So if Shivaji had mustered the support of small Watandars to raise a state, how it could have been plausible that Ramdas became his spiritual adviser. Including Warkari' s and Ramdasis hagiographical texts have provided the levels of generalisations, which speak of the ideological alignment of Ramdas with Shivaji. In the traditions of Bakhars and Charita, Shivaji was deified by the Maratha chroniclers as avatar of Lord Shiva and made active to work super human miracles in human form to serve and protect the cows and Brahmans.< 62 ) Two approaches have contributed towards its elaboration. know, The first to examine hagiographical works, as we where chroniclers anxious not to prof are the traditions of saints by doing honour to apocryphal persons; to this precise concern corresponds a 60. Tukarama gat~ abhanga no. 1235,' Ind~ Prakash edition' op. u Dasbotiha, op.cit., chapt. 5 no B.K Apte, ~1983, p.286 rigid and 292

32 limited pre-occupation with assessing authencity. Later when historians decided to exploit the whole mass of texts; authenticity carne to be seen in a new light; from this point of view, it was sufficient to establish the date of a work and, if possibl~, the place where it was written. But both types of approach are all too often based on the supposition that the texts were popular' in context just as their production and consumption were reserved for the lower order of society. Scholars, therefore, felt free to manipulate the texts to pluck concrete information from a hagiographical context, which was itself ignored; the latter was seen, it seems, as a mere stringing together, with some variations in their order, of a limited number of themes. Such a method of picking and choosing certainly seems to be the only feasible for amassing a series of texts on a specific ~oints; but, when used to the exclusion of any other, it substitutes for the dynamic coherence of a living work a fictive chimera in which lock-and-bull stories and reliable observation are inexplicably mingled. the latter also be respect in such a context? Should not Quite the opposite, it appears; for paradoxically the critical approach in question takes them quite literally, precisely because it does not examine th criteria by which the hagiographical authors selected and classified the facts which they represent. Moreover the hagiographical account of Rarndas is not simply 'popu 1 ar' 1 i tera ture. It was written by 293

33 Mahipati and it was addressed to the whole of society as it has been demonstrated earlier in Ramdas's hagiography diversified in response to needs that had become complex: and divided into two main genses: collection of exemplary stories, on the one hand, and his life proper on the other. The related miracles of Ramdas were sometimes incorporated into the life. And these two genres have a certain number of themes in common; and the same types of miracles and one total illustration of moral, religions or scripturala truths occur in both. Ramdas whose 800 monasteries had an emblematic zonal influence. Because both the life of Ramdas and miracles were usually linked to a region. Ramdas's maths at, Sajjangad, Chaphal, Jamb, Domgaon, Miras.Tanjore, Dadegaon etc. If the look at Ramdas' s early period he was settled in the Jagir of Baji Ghorpade, who was not on good terms with Shivaji. And as Prof. N. R. Phatak says that Ramdas had some influence with Bijapur court. The territories of Mudhol came under Shivaji in the year 1972; and the in it was Ramdas having lost support of the Ghorpades of Mudhol moved towards Shivaji. (6J) Sir Jadunath Sarkar granted a view that "an attempt has been made in the present generation to prove that the Maratha national bero' s political ideas of an 63. N.R Phatakj Shri Samarth Charitra, Poona In which he dis~-es at length about Ramdas. 294

34 independent Hindu morarchy was inspired by Ramdas; but the evidence produced is neither adequate nor free from suspicion. The holyman 1 s influence on Shivaji was spiritual and not political. C 64 ) Shri V.K Rajwade published in 1 Ramdas and Ramdas 1 journal a 1 Wakenasi Tippan' dated 1682 in which he tried to demonstrate the possible meeting of Ramdas with Shivaji. He says "Divakar Gosawi was keeping daily diavies of Ramdas... The tippan was prepared on the basis of what was actually seen or heard. ( 65 ) No doubt can be raised as regards its reliability and honesty." Though the linguistic style of the Tippan is in the manner of Bakhars. And this tipan is full of legends. The dialogu of run-god to Ramdas 1 s father coming of Lord Rama to Ramdas. And during his southern pilgrimage Ramdas meets Bibhisan 1 the brother of Ravati. In this tippan 1 Ramdas is assigned a pre-destined role; he is to help Shivaji. In a way the question of Ramdas being Shivaj i 1 s formal or informal guru does not arise much in the light of the various generalisations. But at the same time like Warkari's 1 Ramdasis too had influence in Maharashtra. Shivaji's administrational matters also concerned Muslims as much. Because Shivaji also continued the existing grants in favours of musalmanpirs mosques etc. for keeping 64. J. Sarkar; Shi~aji and his Times, 3rd ed. pp V.K Rajwade, "WakenaGi Tippan" Sri Sampradayik vividha vishya, Vol. I pp

35 up lights. < 66 ) Parmanand, the author of 'Shiva Bharat' says that Shivaji personally asked him to write the history of royal family right from the days of Maloji. < 67 > He has not been able to mention Shi vaj i. The same can be said about Sabhasad the first biographer of Shi vaj i. Contemporary writings like J'edheshakawali, Jedhe Kareena and Bhusan's poems do not.ention Rarndas. Had there been any close relations between the king and the saint, the linkage would certainly have been made between Shivaji and Rarndas. Then the question arises, how Rarndas's articulations have to be taken. Rajwade's< 68 ).explanation that the other Guru were "temporary" whereas Rarndas was "permanent guru" is based on Rarndasi traditions. And these traditions were invented by the followers of the sect in the form of legend. Wakeniri Tippan, through which Rajwade could establish a connection between Rarndas and Shivaji, is replete with legends. This tippan is replete with legends and myths. One has to creatively select the real authentic aspects, which are in consonance with the general historical reality. Here two points hqve to be made; in terms of differentiating legends from myths. Myths in the folklorist sense of narratives about how things first carne 66. Qr. Fryer's Travels: :::.;New Account of the East I"ndia and Persia, (_ed;) William Crooke, Haklyut Society -P. 1~ J.N Sarkar; House of Shivaji, Pf V.K Rajwade;vRarndas & Rarndasi, Vol. 15, Shri Sarnpradayik Vividh Vishaya, Vol.I, p