c [President Bush and Mr Blair] will be taking even more [risks] if, and when, a land

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1 Main clause phenomena and temporal adverbial clauses Part I: English adverbial clauses: a descriptive inventory The intention of this first part is descriptive. It presents a range of empirical data that motivate a distinction between adverbial clauses both in terms of external and internal syntax and it sets the scene for the discussion that follows. The empirical data are mainly drawn from English but the contrasts can be reproduced crosslinguistically. Often attested examples are used because often acceptability depends on a plausible discourse context being accessible. By using attested examples it is hoped that such a context is more salient. 1. Central adverbial clauses vs. peripheral adverbial clauses (Haegeman 2003, 2006) 1.1. Central adverbial clauses ( event structuring) vs. peripheral adverbial clauses ( discourse structuring) (1) a According to Smith, a group of Arkansas state troopers who worked for Clinton while1 he was governor wanted to go public with tales of Clinton s womanising. (Guardian, G2, , page 3, col 2-3) ('during the time that') b While2 [Dr Williams ] support for women priests and gay partnerships might label him as liberal, this would be a misleading way of depicting his uncompromisingly orthodox espousal of Christian belief. (Guardian, 2.3.2, page 9, col 1-2) ('whereas') c While2 [the lawsuit challenging the legitimacy of lethal injections] probably won t stop the use of lethal injection altogether, it will certainly delay its use while1 the supreme court decides what to do. (Guardian G2, ,3, page 4, col 4) (2) a The Germans have been trying to get the Rubens back since1 a consortium of businessmen offered it for sale last year. (Guardian, page 10, col 2) 1 b His second is also placed in a recognisable world, but since2 this world is perceived through the eyes of Sunless, a man with complex psychological disorders, the reader is entirely at the mercy of his delusions and reality is an elusive prospect. (Observer, review page 11 col 1) 1.2. Conditionals: event conditional (central) vs. premise conditional (peripheral): EVENT CONDITIONALS/CENTRAL ADVERBIAL CLAUSES ( IF AND WHEN) (3) a. If your back-supporting muscles tire, you will be at increased risk of lower-back pain. (Independent on Sunday, Sports, , page 29, col 3) b If last week you had shown me the piece of pipe system that Laila and I built on Tuesday, I would never have believed it. (Guardian, G2, page 8, col 3) c [President Bush and Mr Blair] will be taking even more [risks] if, and when, a land war starts. (Independent on Sunday, Comment, , page 25, Col. 2) 1 Often temporal since can be modified by ever, rationale since cannot be so modified: (i)(=2) a The Germans have been trying to get the Rubens back ever since1 a consortium of businessmen offered it for sale last year. (based on Guardian, page 10, col 2) 1 b His second is also placed in a recognisable world, but (*ever) since2 this world is perceived through the eyes of Sunless, a man with complex psychological disorders, the reader is entirely at the mercy of his delusions and reality is an elusive prospect. (Observer, review page 11 col 1) Thanks to Andrew Radford (p.c.) for pointing this out to me. 1 d Air support for the marines will come from US navy fighter bombers, some of which may be based at Kandahar airport if and when it is considered secure. (Guardian, , page 3, col 8) PREMISSE CONDITIONALS/PERIPHERAL ADVERBIAL CLAUSES (* IF AND WHEN) Kearns (2006) conditional assertions. (4) a If I m no longer going to be arrested for possessing cannabis for my own consumption ('Cannabis laws eased in drugs policy shake-up', October 24), shouldn t I be able to grow my own? (Jason Cundy, Letter to the editor Guardian, , page 9, col 8) b If we are so short of teachers ( Jobs crisis grows as new term looms, August 30), why don t we send our children to Germany to be educated? (Letters to the editor, Eddie Catlin, Norwich, Guardian, , page 9, col 5) c We are seeing a fall in the incidence of crime, particularly serious crime, and I think we re right to say What s going on? If crime is falling, why are we seeing a continuing rise in the prison population. (Guardian, , page 2, col 6) 2. External syntax: central vs. peripheral 2.1. Coordination A coordination of α and β is admissible at a given place in sentence structure if and only if each of α and β is individually admissible at that place with the same function. (Huddleston and Pullum, in Aarts and McMahon, A Handbook of English linguistics, 2006, Blackwell, italics LH) (5) a. We invited [the manager and several staff members]. b. The article was [very long and of little relevance]. c. *He left [the country and this morning]. He left the country (this morning). (6) a. The party is also in danger of alienating older people above the poverty line, Mr Cable argues. Both these groups will swing to the Conservatives if1 the Tories are smart enough and if 1we have nothing much to offer them. (Guardian, , page 6, col 5) b. [Not only has [Sir Richard] failed to keep his warring department in check but he is claimed to have swerved from readiness to do a deal with Mr Sixsmith to fury at a government complete cock-up, before finally throwing in his lot with Mr Byers ] But if2 Sir Richard has been tainted by the affair, and if2 Mr Sixsmith s role may not have been as entirely well-intentioned as he claims, the individual most damaged by the row remains Stephen Byers. (Guardian, , page 4, col 3) c. [The Phoenix project] works with women while1 they are still with an abusive partner, and while1 they are seeking alternative accommodation during resettlement. (Guardian, , page 7, col 1) d.(1c) *While2 [the lawsuit challenging the legitimacy of lethal injections] probably won t stop the use of lethal injection altogether and while1 the supreme court decides what to do, it will certainly delay its use. e. When1 I was playing at fly half in and if1 something went wrong behind the scrum, he'd turn and have a go at me. (Observer page 13, col 5) f. After1 The Three Birds opened, and while1 I wrote my second play, Five Gold Rings, I began to watch more theatre. (Guardian, G2, , page 11, col 3) Proposal (informal): central adverbial clauses and peripheral adverbial clauses cannot coordinate because they do not occupy the same place, i.e. they do not have the same position in the structure, central clauses are more integrated with their host, peripheral clauses are less integrated. (section 2.4) 2.2. Scope phenomena 2

2 A range of patterns suggests that central adverbial clauses are within the scope of TP-internal operators while peripheral adverbial clauses are outside their scope TENSE RELATIONS Central adverbial clauses are temporally subordinated to matrix domain (7) a(=2a) If your back-supporting muscles tire (present tense = future time), you will be (future) at increased risk of lower-back pain FUTURE (your muscles tire -> you be at risk of lower back pain) b(=2b) If last week you had shown me the piece of pipe system that Laila and I built on Tuesday (past perfect = IRREALIS), I would never have believed it. if clause [central type ] is temporally subordinated the two clauses form one hypothetical domain (Declerck 1991, italics lh); will deletion (Jespersen 1909, Palmer 1965, /1974, Zandvoort 75, McCawley 1971, Leech 1971, Close 1979, Wekker 1976, 1977, Declerck 1991 for references): the speaker makes a single (but complex) prediction: she presents the contents of the two clauses as forming a unit. [this] is therefore a sign that the two situations must be interpreted as related to each other. This relation may be purely temporal, but in most cases it is also a logical one: if there is no logical relation between two situations, there is as a rule no reason to relate them temporally to each other. (Declerck and Reed 2001: 131, italics lh) (7) c While2 [the lawsuit challenging the legitimacy of lethal injections] probably won t stop the use of lethal injection altogether, it will certainly delay its use while1 the supreme court decides what to do. (Guardian G2, ,3, page 4, col 4) temporal adjuncts headed by temporal connectives such as when, while, after, before, as, until, and since interact with the tense of the matrix clause. There are rather specific tenseconcord restrictions that obtain between the tense of the matrix clause and the tense of the modifying clause. These restrictions can be largely accounted for structurally in terms of the C[onstraint] on D[erived] T[ense] S[tructures] and the rule that combines these clauses into complex tense structures.' (Hornstein 1993: 43) Peripheral adverbial clauses are not temporally subordinated to matrix domain (8) a If2 Tony Blair is worried about public confidence already, in this bright weather, he should think about what it s going to be like when we are huddled into the December winds. (Independent, Comment , page 5, col 1) b I ve always said that we wouldn t see real success until Athens. And while2 I m not going to promise gold medals in 2004 or event 2008, I will say that we re beginning to see the emergence of a generation of swimmers who might make the podium in Athens and will be among the medals in Bejing. (Guardian, , page 2, col 4) c (7c) while2+ won t, while1+present [=future] (8a-c) the speaker makes two independent predictions: there are, as it were, two illocutionary speech acts. (Declerck and Reed 2001: 131, italics lh) (8) d But if2, in the past, the fungus-carrying beetle and the elm managed to co-exist, what happened in the Seventies to upset the balance? (Independent, , Review, 13, col 7-8) e While2 on Sunday Dr Abdullah said the alliance had not discussed with Washington the possibility of US ground forces being deployed on alliance-held territory, 3 yesterday he said that both sides were discussing possible US air cover for a mohajedin ground offensive, probably on Kabul. (Guardian, , page 3, col. 3) There is a secondary conjunctive interpretation that all these connectives (as, while, when) shade into. They get an interpretation similar to and in these contexts. And is not a temporal connective, and these conjunctive interpretations do not tell against the theory [of temporal subordination and complex tense structures] (Hornstein 1993: 206: note 19) Peripheral adverbial clauses are not coordinated clauses: subject ellipsis and gapping (9) a John is doing a Ph.D. in Oxford but Ø did his first degree in Cambridge. b * John is doing a Ph.D. in Oxford while Ø did his first degree in Cambridge. (10) a John reads the Guardian and Mary Ø the Times. b *?John reads the Guardian while Mary Ø the Times FOCUS (CLEFT/ONLY) (11) a It is only if your children refuse to come home that you will realise you miss them. b It s only when fashion tries to pass itself off as some sort of relevant real world art for, or even worse as caring, that its practitioners are in danger of becoming offensive and practically asking for a good, classic kicking. (Guardian, G2, page 5, col 1 c It s only while [TIME] you re alive that human selfishness, or whatever, is held against you. (Independent on Sunday, Review , page 9, col 1) d *It is (only) while my mother is a doctor that my father used to work in a brickyard INTERROGATIVE SCOPE: (12) a Did you get to know Mary while1/*2 you were in Canada? (or did you meet her later) b When did you meet Mary? When1/*2/while1/*2 I was staying with my sister in Canada. On tags: H&T 1973: Prosody (comma intonation, break) & orthography (13) a Today the party s Treasury spokesman, Matthew Taylor, will commit the Liberal Democrats to entering the next election with a promise to pump more money into the NHS, possibly with a special health tax. While an emergency debate this weekend is likely to reaffirm Liberal Democrat scepticism about British involvement in a war with Iraq. (Independent, 9.3.2, p 8, 8) b Maybe Tyson should redirect his energies towards a sport less likely to bring out his violent side. Figure skating for example, or synchronised swimming. Because this week s ugly scenes probably won t be the last and every time the moral commentators become even more outraged: these boxers they are behaving in a violent and aggressive manner! (Guardian, , page 8, col 3) Peripheral adverbial clause: independent phonological phrase. Central adverbial clause: part of matrix phonological domain (= matrix focus domain) 2.4 A syntactic account? NO SYNTACTIC ACCOUNT? a subordinate clause is a syntactically dependent clause. Such questions as the scope of negation, focusing, modality, etc.; in the head clause are immaterial to this, as they pertain, not to syntactic, but to semantic integration (Declerck and Reed 2001: 37-8) 4

3 DEGREES OF SUBORDINATION: A REPRESENTATION (HAEGEMAN 1984A,B, 1991) A tentative proposal: 2 (14) a Central adverbial clauses: event structure (cf Thompson 1994, Nissenbaum 2000) CP C C TP TP central adverbial clause DP T vp I vp central adverbial clause b Peripheral adverbial clauses: CP CP1 CP2 Peripheral adverbial The fact that central adverbial clause cannot be coordinated with a peripheral adverbial clause follows from this representation (see 2.1.) 2.5. VP substitution/ellipsis and strict/sloppy identity (15) a John will leave the meeting before/if his paper is discussed and so will Bill. (i) Bill will also leave the meeting before/if John s paper is discussed. (strict identity) (ii) Bill will also leave the meeting before/if his (own) paper is discussed. (sloppy identity) b Jane has a well paid job, while her husband is unemployed, and so does Mary. (i) Mary also has a well paid job (ii) NOT: Maryi s husband has been unemployed for a while (16) We don t put on a funny accent when we mention European place names- or, at least, most of us don t [put on a funny accent when we mention European place names], so why should broadcasters do it [put on a funny accent when they mention European place names]? (Independent, Review, , page 2, col 6 (Christine Vincent, Stevenage, Hertfordshire, Letters to the editor)) 2.6. For future research: Scope effects: some examples (17) a No studenti would be at ease if hisi parents turned up at his digs. b No studenti will be at ease while hisi parents are visiting campus. c??*no studenti will accept this job, while/whereas hisi would have jumped at the opportunity. d No female student could take time of while her father was in hospital. e??*every female student wanted a career in medicine, while/whereas her fatherr opposed it. 2 Given an articulated TP structure along the lines of Cinque (1999) and an articulated CP along the lines of Rizzi (1997) many more fine-grained distinctions are obviously needed. I leave this aside here. 5 f Every secretary cried after an executive resigned. (ambiguous) (Kusumoto 2009) g Every secretary cried, whereas an executive resigned. d A secretary cried after/before/when each executive resigned. (ambiguous) (Kusumoto 2009) e A secretary cried, whereas each executive resigned. (unambiguous) 2.7. Subordination (cf ) revisited (18) a The daughters of Marian Bates claimed: While in the past they knew their local bobby well, nowadays they do not set eyes on a police officer from one week to the next.' b As the home secretary, David Blunkett, announced record police numbers, the daughters of Marian Bates claimed that while in the past they had known their local bobby well, nowadays they did not set eyes on a police officer from one week to the next. (Guardian, , page 6, col 1) temporal subordination c Each interviewee declared that while her mother had been supportive, her grandmother was opposed to her pursuing a career in medicine. bound variable: each her her 3. Internal syntax: Main clause phenomena in peripheral adverbial clauses 3.1. Illocutionary force Central conditionals: (conditionals) the speaker makes a single (but complex) prediction: she presents the contents of the two clauses as forming a unit...the two situations must be interpreted as related to each other. This relation may be purely temporal, but in most cases it is also a logical one. (Declerck and Reed 2001: 131, italics lh) Peripheral conditionals: there are, as it were, two illocutionary speech acts. (Declerck and Reed 2001: 131, italics lh) closed P-clauses [ peripheral conditional clauses, lh] are always echoic in one sense or another. They can echo straightforward statements about the actual world, or they can echo Q- propositions about a nonfactual world. However, the claim that closed P-propositions are echoic need not mean that they have to be echoes of actual utterances. They may also be echoes of an internal or mental proposition (thought) such as the interpretation of an experience, perception etc. (Declerck and Reed, 2001:83) (19) If we are so short of teachers ( Jobs crisis grows as new term looms, August 30), why don t we send our children to Germany to be educated? (Letters to the editor, Eddie Catlin, Norwich, Guardian, , page 9, col 5) (20) a. She was thinking of how Phillip had buttoned up her fur coat on the platform at Paddington, saying that she mustn't catch cold because what would they do then? (Ellis, Alice Thomas. The other side of the fire, Penguin 1985, 1986: 93) b. It surely says something- although who knows what about our media-saturated culture that the topless shots in question are not of Jordan but the Prime Minister's wife.( Observer page 10 col 3) c. Oil and electricity are useful, while gold what s the point of that?( Independent on Sunday, Business, page 4 col 2) 3.2. High adverbials 6

4 SPEECH ACT ADVERBIALS AND ADVERBIAL CLAUSES (21) a.??*if frankly he's unable to cope, we'll have to replace him. b. * If they luckily /fortunately arrived on time, we will be saved. (Ernst 2007: 1027, Nilsen 2004). c. *If George unfortunately/oddly comes, the party will be a disaster. (Ernst 2009: his (55c)) d. * John will do it if he may/must have time. (Declerck and Depraetere (1995: 278), Heinämäkki (1978: 22), Palmer (1990: 121, 182)) Cf. Lahousse (2003) on French, Ernst (2009) on French, Chinese and Dutch. (22) MoodPspeech act>moodpevaluative>moodpevidential> ModP epistemic> TP (Past) > TP (Future) >MoodPirrealis >ModPalethic> AspPhabitual>AspPrepetitive>AspPfrequentative> ModPvolitional> AspPcelerative>TP (Anterior)> AspPterminative >AspPcontinuative>AspPretrospective > AspPproximative >AspPdurative >AspPgeneric/progressive > AspPprospective> ModPobligation> ModPpermission/ability> AspPcompletive >VoiceP>AspPcelerative >AspPrepetitive >AspPfrequentative (Cinque 2004: 133, his (3), I, Section 5, (108)) HIGH ADVERBIALS IN PERIPHERAL ADVERBIAL CLAUSES (23) a If it might be heads or it might be tails, then you should not place a bet. (Faller 2002: 217) b Some appear to have been utilitarian knives and show evidence of use and resharpening, while others probably circulated as items of status and were included in burials. (John Charles Whittaker: Flintknapping: making and understanding stone tools (google)) c [A referendum on a united Ireland ] will be a good thing, because frankly they need to be taken down a peg and come down to earth and be a little bit more sober in their approach to things. (Guardian, , page 4, col 4) One can also find occurrences of probably in antecedents of conditionals which are not that bad. [23] [d] If Le Pen will probably win, Jospin must be disappointed. I take the slipperiness of some these [sic] intuitions to be comparable to that found with relative adverb ordering. Consequently I will try to stick to phenomena for which intuitions are sharper. (Nilsen 2004:811, note 5) slipperiness : due to fact that (23d) is peripheral, and allows high modals THE CHALLENGE (SEE HO 2 FOR A PROPOSAL) The F-Spec account [such as Cinque s (1999) account, lh] has nothing to say about why Sp[eaker]O[riented]A[dverbials]s are usually bad in the antecedents of conditionals. (Ernst 2009: 504). Such facts may be treated as a purely semantic matter ( ) but for the F-Spec approach a semantic explanation must be an add-on to the basic syntactic account. (Ernst 2009: 504) The left periphery of adverbial clauses THE SPLIT CP Information structure: topic /focus: The topic is a preposed element characteristically set off from the rest of the clause by 'comma intonation' and normally expressing old information, somehow available and salient in previous discourse; the comment is a kind of complex predicate, an open sentence predicated of the topic and introducing new information (Rizzi 1997: 285). 7 The preposed element, bearing focal stress, introduces new information, whereas the open sentence expresses contextually given information, knowledge that the speaker presupposes to be shared with the hearer. (Rizzi 1997: 285) (24) The high CP periphery: a. ForceP >TopP >FocP >TopP >FinP >TP (Rizzi 1997) b. [FocP Il TUO libro [FinP ho letto (, non il suo). ]] the your book have-1sg read-part (,not the his) Your book I have read,( not his).. [Italian] (Rizzi 1997 : 286, his (4)) c. [TopPP Questo libro [FinP non lo conosco. ]] the your book non it know-1sg Your book I have read,( not his).. [Italian] (Rizzi 1997 : 286, his (4)) d. [TopP A Gianni, [FocP QUESTO, [TopP domani, [FinP gli dovrete dire]]]]. To Gianni, this, tomorrow him must-fut-2pl say This you should tell tomorrow to Gianni e. [FocP Which book did [FinP you prefer?]] CENTRAL ADVERBIAL CLAUSES: ARGUMENT ADJUNCT ASYMMETRY No argument fronting: (35) a When she began to write her regular column again, I thought she would be OK. a *When her regular column she began to write again, I thought she would be OK. b While I was revising this paper last week, I thought of another analysis. b *While this paper I was revising last week, I thought of another analysis. c I won t take time off until I have finished this handout. c *I won t take time off until this handout I have finished. d If you don t pass these exams, you won t get the degree. d *If these exams you don't pass, you won't get the degree. Adjunct fronting is available (and very easy to come by): (36) a If on Monday the share price is still at the current level then clearly their defence doesn t hold much water. (Observer, , business, p. 22 col 5) - b When last month she began to write a regular column for the Times (at a reported 250,000 a year), I thought, that s it the parachute she and Harry are bailing out and going home. (Guardian, G2, , page 8 col 5) c Part of me thinks that when in times of crisis the police urge people not to travel unless absolutely necessary, theatres should help by closing down. (Independent page 37 col 6) d I used to listen to them dutifully in the car until one day the car was stolen and I thought: 'Well, I'm sorry to lose the car but there is one consolation ' (Observer, page 1 review col 3) e It recently took me 21 days to get round to replacing the lightbulbs in my kitchen, which for several weeks had been blowing one-by-one until finally the room was plunged into darkness. (Guardian, G2, , page 14 col 1) f Next it was Kent Wood's turn, and we had yet more waffle about "ambiguous" evidence before finally 3 he too put the point that there was no evidence for an effect beyond the placebo effect. ( g After finally he reaches Alaska, he enjoys the wilderness for a while. But as he gets poisoned and dies in the wilderness, he realizes that he wants to go back, not just because he is sick but because he is lonely. 3 Observe that with before and after, only ly adverbs are possible; PP & DP adjuncts are not possible, for reasons which I don t (yet) understand: (i) a * before last week he put the point that b * before during the meeting he put the point that 8

5 ( h Her daughter she was glad to part from; her son now in his fiftieth year, her pet since first he lay in her arms as an infant Mrs Connulty had wept to leave behind. (William Trevor, 2009, Love and Summer, Penguin p. 1) i. Fr Quand samedi dernier j ai mis France 2 vers 16h20, when Saturday last I-have put France 2 around j ignorais ce que j allais vivre. I-ignored that what I was-going-to live When last Saturday I tuned into France 2 around 16.20, I did not know what I had coming to me. ( (37) VP preposing: He told me to pass the exams and pass the exams, I did. a *When passed the exams you have, you ll get the degree. b *You won t allowed in until passed the exams you have. c *If pass these exams, you do, you ll get the degree. d *When [fix his last faucet], you do, I will send you a check. (Authier 2011: 209, (57c)) (38) Preposing around be: Present at the party were also a number of under age children. a *While present at the party were some under age children, they showed X-rated films. b *If present at the party are under age children, they won t be able to show the X-rated films PERIPHERAL ADVERBIAL CLAUSES: ARGUMENT FRONTING (39) a It is amazing how this view could have spread about someone who changed the image of causes like Aids and landmines, and in doing so showed a possible new role for the royals. It is particularly ironic since so much of what Diana did for her fellow humans she did with no concern for publicity whatsoever. (Guardian, G2, page 9 col 2) b. His face not many admired, while his character still fewer felt they could praise. (Quirk et al 1985: 1378) c. And yet some popular things are so brilliant, like The Simpsons and the Angel of the North. While other brilliant things hardly anyone buys I d put my friend s first novel and sherry in this category. (Observer , page 34, col. 2) d. Sophie would put Len between two women who would have to bear his halitosis, while Gillian she buried mid-table among the also-rans. (Sebastian Faulks, A week in December, London: Vintage 2010, page 40) f I think we have more or less solved the problem for donkeys here, because those we haven't got, we know about. (Guardian, G2, , page 3, col 2). g Naturally, my carrots, peas, beans, potatoes, lettuces and tomatoes have a taste beyond compare, although whether it is because they are organic or just mine I am not sure. (Guardian page 2, col 1) h You d see me naked when I m forty-five; and you d be thinking: Hmm, Do I still want him? I don t think so. Whereas Walter you never have to get tired of because you don t feel like kissing him. Freedom, 2010, Fourth Estate Jonathan Frantzen, 182 i If some precautions they did indeed take, many other possible measures they neglected FOCUSSING DEVICES IN CENTRAL ADVERBIAL CLAUSES In situ focus (40) a He was always there ready with money but when I needed ADVICE he was nowhere to be found. 9 b. He promised us his support but as soon as we needed CASH, he was no longer interested. c. Of course I wanted a left wing government. If I had wanted a RIGHTWING government, I would not have voted Labour. d. When CLINTON was involved in messy affairs we were supposed to forget it, but now that it is a Roman Catholic bishop we are all shocked It cleft (41) a He was always there ready with money but when it was ADVICE and HELP I needed he was not to be found. b. He promised us his support but as soon as it was CASH that we needed, he was no longer interested. c. If it had been a RIGHT WING government that I wanted I would not have voted Labour. d. When it was CLINTON who was involved in messy affairs we were supposed to forget it, but now that it is a Roman Catholic bishop we are all shocked HNPS (42) a. I have two types of mosquito lotion But I found that if you put in your pockets [dryer sheets], it keeps them away. (Wallenberg 2009: 218: (14)) b I had another shock more recently when I read in the papers that my weakness for the odd square of dark chocolate was not shortening my life but prolonging it. And yet another upset when I read somewhere else [ the good news about crosswords]. (Observer page 4 col 3.) c. I was quite surprised when I discovered among the documents[ a paper on adverbial clauses which he must have written when he was only 18] Central adverbial clauses: English argument fronting vs Romance CLLD (43)Fr a. Dès que ton texte je l'aurai lu, je t'appellerai. as soon as your text I it have-fut-1sg read-part, I you call-fut-1sg As soon as I ve received your text, I ll call you. b. Quand cette chanson je l ai entendue, when that song I it have-1sg heard-fem, j ai pensé à mon premier amour. I have-1sg think-part to my first love When I heard that song, I thought of my first love. c. Quand cette chanson, il a dit qu'il l'aimait, when that song he have-3sg say-part that he it like-past-3sg, j'en ai été très surprise. I of it have-1sg be-part very surprised-fsg. When he said that he liked that song, I was astonished. d. %Si ce livre-là tu le trouves à la Fnac, achète-le. 4 (Fr) if this book there you it find-2sg at the Fnac, buy-it. If here you find this book at the FNAC, buy it (Haegeman 2006: (25)) It e. Se gli esami finali non li superi, non otterrai il diploma. (It) if the final exams non them pass-2sg, non obtain-fut-2sg the diploma If you don t pass the final exams, you won t get the diploma. (Haegeman 2006: (22a)) Cat f. Si aquest examen no l'aproves amb un cinc, perdràs el curs sencer. (Cat) if this exam no it pass-2sg with a five, lose-fut-2sg the course entire If you don't pass this exam with a 5, you'll miss the whole year. (Haegeman 2006: (23a)) Sp g. Si este examen no lo apruebas con un cinco, perderás el curso entero. (Sp) 4 There is considerable variation among informants 10

6 if this exam no it finish-2sg with a five, lose-fut-2sg the course entire If you don't pass this exam with a 5, you'll miss the whole year. (Haegeman 2006: (24)) MGr. h. An afto to vivlio to vris stin dhimotiki vivliothiki, 5 (Gr) if this the book it find-2sg in-the local library boris na to paraggilis stin kentriki vilviothiki. could-2sg- PRT it order-2sg in-the central library If you find this book at the local library, then you can order it in the central library. (Haegeman 2006: (26)) - CLLD is not movement to SpecTP; contra Jiménez -Fernández (2010) (i) Control ( CLLD di ) vs. raising complements (*CLLD): (44)It. a Mi sembra, il tuo libro, [Fin di conoscerlo bene]. (Rizzi 1997: 309) me seems, the your book, di know-it well b *?Gianni sembra, il tuo libro, conoscerlo bene. Gianni seems the your book know-it well (45)Fr. a??je pense, ton livre, pouvoir le comprendre. (Rizzi 1997: 331, n 24) I think, your book, can it understand b *Marie semble, ton livre, pouvoir le comprendre. Marie seems, your book, can it understand (ii) No CLLD with che deletion (Cardinaletti 1997, 2004, 2010, (16a)) (46)It. a. Gianni crede (che) Maria abbia fatto quella proposta. Gianni believes (that) Maria has make-part that proposal b. Gianni crede *(che) la stessa proposta la fece il partito di maggioranza. Gianni believes (that) the same proposal it-make-past the party of majority (iii) No CLLD with Aux-to-Comp (Cardinaletti 1997, 2004, 2010, (16b)) (47)It. a Avendo Maria fatto quella proposta, having Maria make-part that proposal, b *Avendo(la) la stessa proposta fatta il partito di maggioranza, having(it) the same proposal make-part-fsg the party of majority 4. Summary tables 5 Thanks to Anna Roussou for the MG data. For similar observations see also Anagnostopolou (1997). 11 Table 1: Two types of adverbial clauses Central adverbial Peripheral adverbial If=If and when + - Temporal subordination + - In scope of matrix adverbials + - In scope of matrix negation + - In scope of matrix interrogative/focus Prosodic domain with associated clause + - Affected by VP ellipsis/substitution (Eng) + - Matrix quantifier can bind pronoun in + - adverbial clause Illocutionary force - + High adverbs - (esp conditionals) + Argument (+VP, etc) fronting: Eng - + Adjunct fronting + (* while McCloskey 2006) + In situ focus + + Cleft + + HNPS + + CLLD (Romance) + + French Stylistic inversion without extra + - factor (Lahousse 2003) Antecedent for VP ellipsis (Takahashi) - + SAI (Engl) + - Putative should (Eng) + - Table 2: The double asymmetry in central adverbial clauses Central adverbial Argument (+VP, etc) fronting: Eng - Adjunct fronting + CLLD (Romance) + Part II: A movement derivation of temporal adverbial clauses This section attempts to provide an account for the restricted distribution of argument fronting (and MCP in more general terms) in central adverbial clauses. The main claim is that no stipulations are needed with respect to the size of the left periphery such clauses but that the absence of argument fronting/mcp follows from intervention effects on movement. The non availability of part of the structure of the LP follows from the analysis. The discussion will account for some of the phenomena displayed in HO1. 1. MCP and temporal adverbial clauses 1.1. Starting point: the double asymmetry (1) a. *When this column she started to write last year, I thought she would be fine. b. Quand cette chanson je l ai entendue,. when this song I it have-1sg heard-part-fsg, j ai pensé à toi. I have-1sg think-part on you When I heard this song, I thought of you. c. When last year she started to write this column, I thought she would be fine. (2) a. Eng *when- - argument... b. Rom when- - CLLD.. 1 c. Eng when- - adjunct

7 Observe: the fact that CLLD (1b) and adjunct fronting (1c) are available goes against the hypothesis that adverbial clauses lack a left peripheral space The truncation analysis (Haegeman 2003 etc): a (very) brief summary 2. A first proposal: structural truncation (Haegeman 2003, 2006) 2.1. Survey Table 3: the LP of adverbial clauses CL LD Initial adjunct Argument fronting Central adverbial clauses * * Peripheral adverbial clauses High modals 2.2. Earlier proposals It is well known that -un/-nun marked topics in Korean and -wa marked topics in Japanese are restricted in most embedded contexts modals are also blocked from appearing in the embedded contexts which disallow topics. (Whitman 1989: ms. P. 5) this form of [emphatic, lh] topicalization is the grammar s reflex of the speech act to be performed and is as such on a par with German constructions involving modal particles like aber, denn, doch, ja etc. Modal particles supply features which interact with other features such as [WH] yielding a wide range of illocutionary forces. Bayer 2001: 14-15, my italics) if emphatic topicalization belongs to the class of grammatical means of force projection in the sense of Rizzi (1997), its root clause property and strict left-peripherality [in Bavarian] are not surprising. (Bayer 2001: 14-15, italics mine) As a positive environment we can say that [root] transformations operate only on Ss that are asserted. some transformations are sensitive to more than just syntactic configurations. It does not seem possible to define the domain of an RT in terms of syntactic structures in any general way. However,, even if it were possible to define in syntactic terms the conditions under which RTs can apply, the question of why these transformations can apply in certain syntactic environments and not others would still be unanswered. (Hooper & Thompson 1973: 495, my italics) Topic selection is a speech act itself, an initiating speech act that requires a subsequent speech act like an assertion, question, command, or curse about the entity that was selected. (Krifka 2001: 25) Though RTs may apply in some complements that are full sentences introduced by the complementizer that, they may never apply in any complements that are reduced clauses. By reduced clauses we mean infinitives, gerunds 6, and subjunctive clauses, i.e. those complement types which have uninflected verbs. (Hooper and Thompson 1973: 484-5, my italics) Reduced clause : Structural deficiency? cf. Kuroda (1992: 350), Benincà & Poletto (2001), Grewendorf (2002: 53), Emonds (2004), McCloskey (2006), Meinunger (2004); Haegeman (2003a, 2006) (explored by Carrilho (2005: 244-5, 2008), Munaro (2005), Hernanz (2007a,b), Bentzen et al (2007), Abels & Muriungi (2008: 693-4), Basse (2008), Cardinaletti (2009), Wiklund et al (2009) A deficient left periphery: Haegeman 2006 (4) a. ForceP >TopP >FocP >TopP >FinP >TP (=Part I: (24a)) Rizzi 1997) 6 See (8) for gerunds. 13 Haegeman 2006: Modifications to Rizzi s original LP (1997) 7 - SubP: ForceP is split into subordinating projection and Illocutionary Force projection - ModP: adjunct position in the LP (Haegeman 2003b, Rizzi 2004) - TopP1*: high TopP English argument fronting & CLLD TopP2*: low TopP *English argument fronting, OK CLLD (4) b. (SubP) ForceP TopP1* FocP TopP2* ModP FinP c. SubP TopP* ModP FinP ( truncated ) Hypothesis Haegeman 2006: Availability of FocP and TopP1: depends on ForceP High modals: licensed by ForceP (Zagona 2007) 3. Problems 3.1. Illocutionary force is not sufficient for licensing of argument fronting: (5) a. *That book about shrimp, did you actually read? (cf. Sobin 2003: 194) b. *Those petunias, when did John plant? (Bianchi & Frascarelli 2010: 12, (44f)) c *This book, to whom should we give? (Chomsky 1977: 94) d *John, who do you think saw? (Chomsky 1977: 94) (5) a. *That book about shrimp, did you actually read it? (cf. Sobin 2003: 194) c This book, to whom should we give it? (Chomsky 1977: 94) d John, who do you think saw him? (Chomsky 1977: 94) Rizzi (1997): root wh-constituents: Spec FocP; If FocP is licensed in these examples (?through (interrogative) Illocutionary Force), why is high topic *? - Adverbial adjuncts in LP may precede (= be higher than) FocP (cf. also Benincà & Poletto 2004) (6) When you were in France, which language did you speak? Adjunct > FocP, Adjunct is not always in a low ModP. Where is adjunct in (6)? (4) a SubP ForceP TopP1* ModP FocP TopP2* ModP FinP Asymmetry CLLD/high topic: (7) a.fr. Ton texte, quand l auras tu terminé? your text, when it have-fut-2sg you finish-part. Your texte, when will it be ready? b.it. E la famiglia, dove la lasci? and the family where it leave-2sg And where do you leave your family? (Frascarelli 2000 : 152, (184a)) CLLD can also be > FocP: higher TopP is also available in root questions; still: English argument fronting is *?? in (13) English adjuncts /argument asymmetry is not (only?) due to variable size of LP CLLD/argument asymmetry is not (only?) due to variable LP 7 Rizzi (2001: 288) gives Italian examples and Authier (2011: 208) gives French examples for FocP>TopP. 14

8 Revised proposal: argument fronting in English is licensed by assertive illocutionary force, [uass] 8 But: - movement to FocP is not always dependent on assertion (cf. wh-fronting); - English gerunds allow argument fronting (perhaps marginally) and high modals and are usually taken not to be asserted (cf. Kiparsky & Kiparsky 1971) (8) That solution Robin having already explored t and rejected t, she decided to see if she could mate in six moves with just the rook and the two pawns. (Culicover & Levine 2001:297, n.14, (i)) From Ledgeway (2010): Southern Italian dialects: (9) a. Chellai [DP a fibbia]i s è rotta. That one.f the buckle.f self-is broken b. Chellai s è rotta [DP a fibbia]i. That one.f self-is broken the buckle.f The buckle has broken. (Ledgeway 2010: 259, his (1b,c)) The double-subject construction typically proves felicitous in contexts where it serves to announce a new topic or mark a shift from one topic to another, a pragmaticosemantic interpretation transparently betrayed in the structural combination of a pronominal with a coreferential lexical DP. In particular, pronominals represent the prototypical topical expression, whereas full DP coding is generally reserved for the expression of discursively new (unidentifiable or inactive) referents. (Ledgeway 2010: 264) (10) [FrameP HTop [ForceP che/ca [TopP/IntP (LD-Top, si) [SubjP Subj1] (LD-Top, si Subj2i) [FocP ConFoc [FinP [IP [SubjP Subj2/proi] ]]]]]] (Ledgeway 2010: 285, his (30)) If it was the case that conditional clause had a truncated left periphery in which the Focus domain and the high topic projections were unavailable, then we would predict that Ledgeway's high SubjP1 would also not be available in conditional clauses. This prediction is not borne out: in (9) the double subject pattern is available in a conditional clause: (9) c. Se chella saglie a signora, If that-one.f ascends the.f.sg lady.f ammu passate nu guaie. we-have passed a problem If the landlady comes up, we are in trouble. (Ledgeway 2010: 284, 28b) The only way to rescue patterns such as (9c) in terms of the truncation account would be by adopting some selective truncation which allows for the high SubjP to survive the structural deficiency. Such an account seems stipulative. In terms of the Assertion account and assuming that conditional clauses are not assertions, one would then have to specify that the specific information structural function of the doubling pattern illustrated in (9c) is independent of assertion Assertion in the syntax At this point, there exists no operational definition of the required Force (assertion / declarative ) and often there is danger of circularity: where MCP occur in a particular clause type, the clause will be labelled assertive on a post-hoc basis. 8 See Emonds (1976: 7, note 5) for an early suggestion of the use of [+ASSERTION] assertion (vs. presupposition ) It is a general problem for work in this area that definitions given are vague and independent evidence for the validity of the concepts used often weak (Heycock 2006: 190). (cf. Bentzen et al (2007a: 9) and Wiklund et al (2009)). It is likely that factive predicates, which presuppose the truth of their propositional complement, contain an Ass(ertion) operator in its CP. This operator is lexicalized by the complementizer, which explains why it must be obligatorily present [cf. John regrets *(that) Mary is bald]. Complements of propositional attitude verbs lack an Ass operator, therefore, their complementizer may be absent in some languages [cf. John thinks (that) Mary is bald] (Zubizaretta 2001: 201). a factive (assertion) operator Since the assertion operator is a positive operator ( it is truly a fact that ), factives indicate that positive operators induce weak island [sic] to the same effect as negative operators. (Starke 2004: 260). Neeleman & Vermeulen (2011: 5, (29)): in (ia), John invited Pia is asserted. This use of even -and the associated assertion - is compatible with embedded clauses that resist MCP and are often taken to not be assertions: (i) a. John invited even Pia. b. When John invited even Pia, we knew there was something wrong. Force? factive clauses can trigger [wh] movement 9 to SpecForceP because Force is complete and may be assigned an EPP feature. On the other hand, propositional clauses are defective in that they lack Force (Barbiers 2002: 51) The double asymmetry Table 4: A double asymmetry (i) 1 2 CLLD Argument Initial adjunct fronting Central adverbial * Root wh-question * RELATIVES (10) a. *These are the students to whom, your book, I would recommend in the next semester. c. *There was a time when such courses they did not teach at university level. (11) a. These are the students to whom, in the next semester, I will recommend your book. b. *There was a time when because of financial constraints they did not teach these courses. (12) a.it? Ecco lo studente a cui, il tuo libro, lo darò domani. this is the student to whom the your book it give-fut-1sg tomorrow b.fr Voici l étudiant à qui ton livre je le donnerais. this is the student to whom your book I it give-cond-1sg This is the student to whom I would give your book EMBEDDED WH-QUESTIONS (13) a. *Robin knows where, the birdseed, you are going to put. (Culicover 1992: 5, (6c)) b. * The device could tell when these texts I had written. 9 As in John knows/*thinks which books Mary has bought. 16

9 c. Lee forgot which dishes, under normal circumstances, you would put on the table. (Culicover 1992: 9, (17d)) d No one cold explain to me how in just fifteen minutes two children could make such a mess (Culicover 1996: 460, his (47b)) e. The device could tell when during the year I had written these texts. Impressively, it really could tell when during the night I d been awake. (Observer , page 3 col 3). f.it. Non so proprio chi, questo libro, potrebbe recensirlo. non know-1sg honestly who, this book, can-cond-3sg-review-it I honestly don t know who could review this book. (based on Cinque 1990: 58, (1b)) g.fr Je me demande quand cette chanson je l ai entendue. 10 I myself ask when this song I it have-1sg heard-part- FSG I wonder when I heard this song before LONG MOVEMENT (14) a. *Who did you say [that to Sue Bill introduced]? (Boeckx & Jeong 2004: (3)) b. Which book did Leslie say [that for all intents and purposes John co-authored with Mary]? (Bošković 2011: 34, note 34, his (i), cf. Culicover 1992) c.it?chi credi che Maria la voterebbe? Who think-2sg that Maria her vote-cond-3sg (Alexopoulou et al 2004: 350: (64)) d.it.?non so a chi pensi [che, tuo fratello, non know-1sg to whom think-2sg that your brother lo potremmo affidare.] him can-cond-1pl entrust(rizzi 2004: (64a)) I don t know to whom you think that, your brother, we could entrust. (15) a. Mary said that to those patients, we should not give any frozen vegetables for the time being. b. *??These are the vegetables which Mary said that to those patients we should not give for the time being. c. These are the vegetables which Marty said that for the time being we should not give to those patients MULTIPLE CONSTITUENTS IN THE LP (16) a. *This book, to Robinj I gave. (Culicover 1991a: 36, (117a)). 11 b. *Bill, that house, she took to for the weekend. (Emonds 2004: 95 (27b)) c This is the man who I think that, this book, around Christmas, should buy (Rizzi 1997: 332, n 26) d. Last week, in Paris, after a hard day s work, he met his agent again. e. Deep down, as I grew up, I rued the fact I hadn t taken that path. (Guardian , page 2, col. 5) f.it. Il libro, a Gianni, glielo darò senz altro. the book, to Gianni him-it give-fut-1sg without doubt I will give Gianni the book without doubt. (Rizzi 1997: 290, (21)) Not all speakers accept such examples. See Breul (2004: ) for discussion of multiple fronting in English. The English examples are much improved if the first constituent is a topicalized constituent and the second is focalized. This follows from a feature based account on intervention as in Starke (2001), Rizzi (2004). 17 Table 5 : the double asymmetry (ii) 1 2 CLLD Argument Initial adjunct fronting (a) Central adverbial clauses * (b) Root Wh-question * (c) Embedded wh-question * (d) Wh-relative * (e) (long) Wh-extraction * (f) Multiple * (17) a. Eng wh INT/REL -constituent - adjunct t.. b. Eng wh INT/REL -constituent [CP adjunct t.. c. Eng * wh INT/REL -constituent - argument t... d. Eng * wh INT/REL -constituent [CP argument t... e. Rom wh INT/REL -constituent CLLD.. t.. f. Rom wh INT/REL constituent [CP CLLD t... g. Eng * argument - argument h. Eng argument - adjunct i. Eng adjunct - adjunct j. Rom CLLD CLLD Typically, accounts for rows (c-f) in Table 5 are phrased in terms of locality conditions on movement: fronted arguments in English lead to island violations, LP adjuncts and CLLD do not. If (c-f) in Table 5 can be made to follow from locality conditions on movement, then it is tempting to try to capture (a) [and (b)] also in terms of locality conditions on movement. The effect of truncation would then be a byproduct of movement: in order not to hinder the movement a number of positions in the LP cannot be filled. 4. Temporal adverbial clauses: a movement derivation Taking stock: (18) a. Eng *when- - argument. t.. b. Rom when- - CLLD t.. 1 c. Eng when- - adjunct t.. 2 According to a tradition started by Geis (published as Geis 1970, 1975, but already cited in Ross 1967: 211) and continued in work by Larson (1985, 1987, 1990), Declerck (1997), Demirdache and Uribe- Etxebarria (2004), Stephens (2007), Bhatt & Pancheva (2006), Tomaszewicz (2008), Zentz (2011, 2012) and many others, temporal (and conditional) adverbial clauses are derived by movement of an operator from a TP-internal position to the left periphery. (19) a. I will leave when you leave. b. I will leave [CP when [TP you leave twhen]] b. I will leave [CP when [TP you leave when]] Two ingredients of the movement account: (i) OP in LP (cf. when); (ii) movement from TP internal position to account for *MCP 4.1. Support for the movement derivation of when clauses: Low construal WHEN CLAUSES (20) a I saw Mary in New York when she claimed that she would leave. 18

10 (i) high construal: I saw her at the time that she made that claim. I saw Mary in New York [CP wheni [IP she claimed [CP that [IP she would leave]] ti]] (ii) low construal: I saw her at the time of her presumed departure. I saw Mary in New York [CP wheni [IP she claimed [CP ti that [IP she would leave ti]]]] b We know now that Oliver must have died shortly after eight, when you say you were testing the launch. (PD James, The lighthouse Faber&Faber 2005, Penguin 2006: 358) (21) I saw Mary in New York when she made [DP the claim that she would leave]. OK (i) high construal: at the time that she made that claim; I saw Mary in New York [wheni she made [DP the claim that she would leave] ti]. (ii) * low construal: at the time of her presumed departure. *I saw Mary in New York [wheni she made [DP the claim that she would leave ti]] OTHER TEMPORAL CLAUSES (22) a. I can t leave until John says I can leave. (based on Larson 1990: 170: (2b)) Mittie drove until Daniel said she should stop. (from Geis 1970, Johnson 1988: 586, his (6e)) b. I saw Mary in New York before John said that she left. (Larson 1987: 261: (45a)) Liz left before you said she had. (from Geis 1970, cited in Johnson 1988: 586, his (6a)) c. I saw Mary in New York after John said that she left. (Larson 1987: 261: (45a)) Sam fell after you said he would. (from Geis 1970, cited in Johnson 1988: 586, his (6b)) d. I haven t been there since I told you I was there. (Larson 1990: 170: (2d)) Betsy has used eye shadow (ever) since John said she has. (from Geis 1970, Johnson 1988: 586, his (6c)) (23) a. I can t leave until John makes the announcement that I can leave. high construal b. I saw Mary in New York before John made the claim that she left. c. I saw Mary in New York after John made the claim that she left. d. I haven t been there since I made the claim that I was there. (24) a. Gary left before you asked whether he did. (Johnson 1988: 587, his (9a)) b. *Bob left before [you woke up at three] and [she fell asleep ]. (Johnson 1988: 587, his (9d)) (CSC) c. Bob left before you woke up and she fell asleep. ((Johnson 1988: 587, his (9a), from Ross 1986:229) These data suggest that temporal clauses introduced by the prepositions until, after, before and since are also derived by movement of an operator from a TP-internal position to the left periphery. (25) a. [PP until/before/after/since [CP OP [TP Sue went to hospital top]]] b. [PP until/before/after/since [CP OP [TP Sue went to hospital OP]]] Remaining problem: while (and temporal as? ) does not allow low construal, for reasons that I don t (yet) understand. Obviously saying that there is no movement does not make much sense since while clauses too are incompatible with MCP Comparative support In many languages the conjunction introducing temporal clauses is isomorphic with an interrogative (or relative) wh-operator. French: quand, Italian: quando, Spanish: cuando, Catalan: quan, Dutch: wanneer, Germann: wenn (Bhatt & Pancheva 2002), Norwegian: når (Stephens 2006). Lipták (2005: 139): Hungarian temporal clauses are derived by a wh-strategy; Zribi-Hertz & Diagne (1999) show that Wolof temporal clauses are (free) relatives Old English before clauses were light headed temporal relatives (in the sense of Citko 2004), with the D head overt. The conjunction before has developed from a PP of the form before the time that (variously realized in Old English as toforan þam timan þe, foran to þam timan þe, and toforan þam þe) (Declerck 1998: 97-8) - Zentz (2011, 2012/GIST5): in Akɔɔse, a Bantu language, the finite verb in temporal clauses displays wh-agreement, also found in relative clauses. (26) Terwijl (dat) hij hier was (Dutch) While that he here was Terwijl : te (P)+der (Det) + wijl (while, N) (27) a. Ik heb hem toen gezien. (Dutch) I have him then seen b. Toen (dat) ik hem gezien heb, (Dutch) Then that 4.3. Temporal clauses as free relatives: one proposal Demirdache and Uribe Etxebarria (2004): temporal clauses: (28) a Zooey had arrived at three o clock b TP (adapted from D&UE 2012) UT-t T (NOW) T AspP REF-T Asp AsP VP EvT V (i) arrive > 3o clock > NOW Event time reference time (ii) arrive = 3o clock >Reference time > NOW Event time (29) a When Zooey arrived b. PP P ZeitP CP ZeitP TP when T AspP twhen 20