American Jewish Archives

Transcription

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2 Volume XLI FallIWinter, 1989 Number 2 American Jewish Archives A Journal Devoted to the Preservation and Study of the American Jewish Experience Jacob Rader Marcus, Ph.D., Editor Abraham J. Peck, Ph.M., Managing Editor Ruth L. Kreimer, Editorial Associate Published by The American Jewish Archives on the Cincinnati Campus of the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion Dr. Alfred Gottschalk, President

3 American jewish Archives is indexed in The Index to lewish Periodicals, Current Contents, The American Historical Review, United States Political Science Documents, and The Iournal of American History Information for Contributors: American Jewish Archives follows generally the University of Chicago Press "Manual of Style" (12th revised edition) and "Words into Type" (3rd edition), but issues its own style sheet which may be obtained by writing to: The Managing Editor, American lewish Archives 3 I o I Clifton Avenue Cincinnati, Ohio Patrons 1989: The Neumann Memorial Publication Fund Published by The American Jewish Archives on the Cincinnati campus of the Hebrew Union College-lewish Institute of Religion ISSN ooz-9o~x Or989 by the American jewish Archives

4 Con tents I43 From Wiirttemberg to America: A Nineteenth-Century German-Jewish Village on Its Way to the New World Stefan Rohrbacher The small German village of Jebenhausen in Wiirttemberg was known for the picturesque beauty of its surroundings. But, as the author demonstrates, it is also famous for the detailed history of the emigration of hundreds of its Jewish citizens to America between the years I 83 o and I I73 The Zionist Influence on American Jewish Life Allon Gal There can be no doubt that Israel and the Zionist idea exert a profound influence on the self-identity of the American Jewish community. Allon Gal's essay probes the origins and meaning of that influence and finds that there was more to this influence in the years before 1948 than first meets the eye. Perhaps the most important difference between American Zionism and its European counterpart was the former's willingness to be influenced by American Jewry rather than simply wishing to "conquer" it. 18s Her "Scandalous Behavior": A Jewish Divorce in Charleston, South Carolina, 1788 James W. Hagy Unlike today's "quickie" divorce, the process of ending a marriage in nineteenth-century America was a far more difficult process. This was

5 especially true in the South, and even more so in South Carolina, which did not have a divorce law until What then does one make of a Jewish divorce in Charleston, South Carolina, which took place nearly a century before it was possible to have one? And what does one make of the fact that the divorce was legally recorded by South Carolina's secretary of state? I99 Jewish Street Merchants and Mass Consumption in New York, Andrew Heinze The image of the poor Jewish immigrant peddler, with a bulging pack on his back and a few words of English in his vocabulary, is part of the folklore of the American Jewish experience. Andrew Heinze's sophisticated reinterpretation of the role played by Jewish street merchants in the commercial life of New York City allows us to understand how "the Jewish commercial tradition might expedite the adoption of an American lifestyle and enrich the quality of urban consumption in the United States." 21 S American Jewish Personalities Thomas Seltzer: Publisher, Fighter for Freedom of the Press, and the Man Who "Made" D. H. Lawrence Alexandra Lee Levin 225 Review Essay Talkers in the City: The New York Intellectuals as Historical Past Stephen J. Whitfield Wald, Alan M. The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s. Cooney, Terry A. The Rise of the New York Intellectuals: Partisan Review and its Circle,

6 23 3 Book Reviews Eisen, Arnold. Galut: Modern Jewish Reflections on Homelessness and Homecoming Reviewed by Benny Kraut Hindus, Milton. Essays: Personal and Impersonal Reviewed by Stanley E Chyet Ausrnus, Harry J. Will Herberg: From Right to Right Reviewed by Jakob J. Petuchowski Podet, Allen Howard. The Success and Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry Reviewed by Stuart E. Knee Meyet; Michael A. Response to Modernity: A History of the Refom Movement in Judaism. Reviewed by W. Gunther Plaut Patai, Raphael. Nahum Goldmann: His Mission to the Gentiles Reviewed by Shlorno Shafir Shargel, Baila Round. Practical Dreamer: Israel Friedlaender and the Shaping of American Judaism. Reviewed by Kerry M. Olitzky 267 Brief Notices 27 I Index to Volume XLI

7 The post office and stage-coach station, starting-point for Jebenhausen's emigrants. The projecting part of the attic story could be turned into a sukkah for the Feast of Tabernacles, a peculiarity the building shared with many other houses in the Jewish village. (Courtesy of Mr Dlerer Dehnerr. Jcbenhausen) b p p i n g en. ('UuB~vanEtrung.) %acf)f@lyrnbe 34rae11ten uon 'jebcnbaufcn, bic: figcn DDcra~ntS., fiub na@ 2trner1fa au6@cloanr btrt, unb habcn auf Sat)redfrip bic qefc(i1idle %6rsf&aft grlcifict : 1) BamucI %crcn~cim, Jizanbtlejubr, rnit Srau u~lb 4 Rinbern. 2) 6aubcl mil ifrau unb B Rinberll. 5) "Jar?bra 2[rnoIb, 5?anbeI6jubef rnit %rail UIID 5 At~lbcrn. 4) D a r ~ %rnois, $cndel6iube, rnit ifrau n~;b 6 fiinbcrn. 6) 2lnrat)am bnoib ei~~fiein, Jizanbcrsjuac,' rnit Pcau ~IIIS 3 hinbern. G).bm, Btraiif, S>anbtIbiube, mit 8rau unb i RutP. 7 ether %flficnba@er, IcEig. 8j Builel Dbrito@cr, Ieb~g. DCII 25, : a. Dbemn~t. ~cmincjer, 2iml$r%erro. -. Official notice of the emigration of a group ofjews from Jebenhausen. Wochenblatt fur die Oberamtsstadt und den Bezirk Goppingen, I 83 9 (Courresy of Stefan Rohrhachcr)

8 From Wiirttemberg to America: A Nineteenth-~entur y German- Jewish Village on Its Way to the New World Stefan Rohrbacher Before the mass immigration of Jews from Eastern Europe toward the end of the nineteenth century, the vast majority of America's Jewry was of German descent.' The bulk of the German-Jewish immigrants in the period prior to 1880 apparently came from small towns and villages in southern Germany. Apart from reports on individual careers, however, we have comparatively little source material concerning the influx of German Jews into America.= There is also relatively little material regarding the background of these immigrants. We have a general idea of their living conditions and of the economic, social, and political factors which may be seen as having led them to emigrate. But only in rare instances do we have sufficient information to give us a more coherent and detailed picture of the development of German-Jewish mass emigration to Ameri~a.~ The well-documented case of Jebenhausen, a village in Wiirttemberg, therefore certainly deserves some attention. Between 1830 and 1870 no less than 317 Jews from Jebenhausen went to Ameri~a.~ Their emigration was not only recorded by the state authorities,* but was also, and more regularly, noted in the family register of the Jewish community,6 and sometimes it was even publicized in the local and regional newspapers.' Thus almost all of Jebenhausen's Jewish emigrants are known by name, and in most cases we are able to give their professions and their assets as well. We learn of entire families sailing to the New World, and of young children and elderly widows leaving on their own, of young women going overseas to contract prearranged marriages, of artisans fleeing competition and poverty. Thus in the exceptional case of Jebenhausen we are able to take a close look at the process of German-Jewish emigration; indeed, comparable data are not available for any other place in germ an^.^

9 I I I Q - Don QeeIig in,fjcilhronn Eurm bic renon~mirtcftcn liber %t~nt: 8 SiucrpooI m~t~elf! B a m p f i unb 6egrlf@iffen. Rbbcre 2lu6funft crtt)rilt bet vom R. ERinift~r~um br0 3nntrn befidtigte 'Ugcnt R3uet)6iinbIcr Serbinanb mvlkr in 8 o ~ ~ i n a c n. 1 a~uemattburcr unb Seifenae nrt* %tnerifa fin~cn pdntflidr unb regtlm6@igt Bcf6rborung auf ntn rli$miic$fl Crfa Il)nnipffcbifitn, fomic auf b~etmaflifltn CEegrlldjiffen erprr Qlafie unb finncn %etr trdgc ~u Den Ioufenben biaigprn Uebtrfabrt6r~rtiltn itberatit abgelqiofien mtrbrn bri cem obrigftirlid) conceffionicltn Plgcnttn 3 B. R6$Ie in G8~pin~e11. ' a~[agicr=%efiirberun nrt& %ntet.ien Ddll bur4 ble rcnommirteftcri 6cbiffegtIcgcns i' btittn librr ant* merpett unb sjn~uburn mittdft Darttpf~ ~inb 6egelf4iffett. %Pfjtrc 2Iu6lu1lft cttbrtft ber obrramtii@ hefl&tlgte Be&irf6rflflcnt Johs. Erhardt -in ~ppil:oen, ncgrnitber bcn Upoptln:, I I a Emigration agents in Goppingen advertise their services. "Emigrants and travelers to America find punctual and regular transport on the much-lauded mail-steamboats as well as on three-masted sailingships." Goppinger Wochenblatt, I 867 (Courtesy oi Stefan Rohrbacheri

10 From Wiirttemberg to America 145 The Jewish Community of Jebenhausen The village of Jebenhausen, situated in the picturesque landscape of the Swabian Jura, about two miles south of the Wurttemberg town of Goppingen, had belonged to the family of the Freiherren (barons) of Liebenstein ever since But the revenues which could be extracted from the poor villagers were hardly worth mentioning, and in 1770 a mineral spring, which until then had been the barons' main source of income, was destroyed by a landslide. In order to make up for this loss it was decided to let Jews settle in the village. In July 1777 a contract was negotiated and signed by the barons and nine Jews, and the Jewish community was thus fo~nded.~ The new inhabitants were allotted plots outside the village along the uphill road to Goppingen, and within a few years a separate Jewish settlement, the Oberdorf (upper village), had come into being. The Jews of Jebenhausen were granted far-reaching liberties and had to pay comparatively moderate dues. It is not surprising, therefore, that in the first decades of its existence the Jewish settlement grew rapidly. As early as 1798,178 Jews lived in Jebenhausen, and by 1830 the number had increased to 485, or 44.9 percent of the population.1 Most of the newcomers originated in villages in Bavaria and in the northern border regions of Baden and Wiirttemberg. Since they came in such numbers, Jebenhausen must have seemed to them a most agreeable place. Yet life in Jebenhausen was far from easy. In 1793 the Oberamtmann (district bailiff) of Goppingen reported to the duke of Wurttemberg that only one Jewish family in Jebenhausen was well off and in a position to visit the Frankfurt and Leipzig fairs, whilst all the others were living in wretched poverty and had to wander as far as Switzerland, Saxony, and the Palatinate to eke out a meager existence from peddling or dealing in cattle." Even after the incorporation of Jebenhausen into the Kingdom of Wurttemberg in 1806 their lot improved only gradually. Reasons for Emigration At a time when pauperism, religious dissent, and political oppression caused a mass exodus of mostly poor people from W~rttemberg,'~ Jews, and above all young Jews, had some additional reasons to con-

11 146 American Jewish Archives sider emigration. They were still legally subordinate to their Christian countrymen, and in the course of the heated debates about the emancipation bill of 1828 they learned that the non-jewish public generally opposed their legal and social advancement. The authorities demanded that they learn "productive" professions, and fined them if they engaged in any kind of Schacherhandel (petty trade); but their chances of being apprenticed to a Christian master craftsman or of receiving solid mercantile training were limited, and once they finished their apprenticeship they had to return to their home village, where there were already too many young Jews engaged in the same trades and hardly able to make a living. The bitter experiences of young David Kohn, the son of a poor peddler, certainly were shared by many in this period. "He was sent to the village school for a short time and his remaining education was gained by self training. Apprenticed in a dry goods store some distance from home, he worked on a pittance several years for his board, being half starved most of the time."') He left Jebenhausen in 1854, at the age of twenty-one, and followed his two elder brothers to Chicago.I4 Less drastic, yet equally significant, were the reasons given by young Louis Einstein for his emigration in a last letter to his parents in I Einstein, a soap-boiler, had received thorough vocational training; yet he could never hope to make a decent living in his home village, to say nothing of raising a family. Since Jebenhausen was a rather isolated place some distance from the usual trade routes, he would have had to distribute his products by peddling or sell them in the village itself. But Jebenhausen's major grocer, Moses Ascher Frank, set the prices for soap and candles so low that they fell short of the actual production costs. Young Einstein assured his parents that if his father had obtained permission to establish a grocery, he would never have considered leaving. He claimed that avaricious Frank, who was also a schoolteacher, had reproached parents who did not buy at his shop, and in some cases had even punished their children." The Scope of Emigration By Einstein's time emigration to America already had a tradition in Jebenhausen. Several sources indicate that it started in I 803 or I However, the first emigrant whose name has been handed down to us,

12 From Wiirttemberg to America I47 Mayer Arnold, the eldest son of a cattle dealer, left for America as early as 1798." Since he was then only a lad of thirteen, we may assume either that he was a runaway or that he had set out from Jebenhausen in the company of others, or perhaps that he was to be taken care of by compatriots who already had arrived in the New World. Another early emigrant was Jekef Gutmann, son of a very poor cattle dealer, who around the turn of the century went to America as a redemptioner.18 In I 8 39 Rabbi Abraham Waelder gave the following description of the local emigration movement: In 1804 several young people, sons of impecunious parents, emigrated to the United States of America. Every subsequent year they induced others, through recommendations, to follow there, establishing themselves there and regularly running businesses in public stores. By June of this year about 46 unmarried young men and women had in this manner emigrated to America, individually and one by one. Just one family went there last year and is included in this number. But in June of this year, 48 persons, among them six families with wives and children, have emigrated there at one time.l9 Liebman Levi, then schoolteacher in Jebenhausen, wrote this touching report on the exodus which took place on June 16, 1839: Today was a day of the most heartfelt sadness, of the bitterest pain for the local Israelite congregation. Six fathers of families with wives and children, altogether 44 individuals of the Mosaic faith, left home to find a new fatherland in faroff America. Not an eye remained without tears, not a soul unmoved, as the bitter hour of parting struck." Up to this point emigration had only affected poor families. Of the group which left in June 1839, however, some were rather well-to-do, others belonged to the middle class, and no one could be called notoriously poor in the proper sense. They said that they were emigrating mainly because of their children. Since all trades are so very overcrowded everywhere and, moreover, they would have had to sacrifice their own property to let their children learn a trade, they feared that sooner or later they would be ruined, and that their children, who are studious of handicrafts, would not be able to feed themselves and their families from any trade in the countryside, owing to the numerous and heavy burdens and payments. Besides, they were given every aid and support by those who had already emigrated to America, since almost every family here has close or distant relatives among the emigrants. By now 94 individuals, or about one fifth of the 500 members of the local Israelite congregation, are in America. Already six fathers of families are determined to emigrate with their wives and children next spring."

13 148 American Jewish Archives Table r: Family status and occupation of Jewish emigrants from Jebenhausen FAMILY STATUS OCCUPATION Peddler, No. of Married, Tradesman, Cattle Years Emigtann Single Widowed Children Artisan etc. Dealer Other Sources: Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart E 143, files ; E 146, files I 790; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170, files ; Familienbuch (see note 6). Table 2. Decline of the Jewish community of Jebenhausen No. of Percentage No. of Jews from No. of Year Jews in of total Jebenhausen Jews in Jebenhausen population in America Goppingen Sources: Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg E 212, file 362; Aron Tanzer, Geschichte derjuden in Jebenhausen und Goppingen (Berlin, 1927), pp. 97,399; Alexander Dreher, Goppingens Gewerbe im 19. Jahrhundert (Goppingen, 1971), p. 119.

14 From Wiirttemberg to America The Decline of the Jebenhausen Community In the following decades the exodus of Jews of all ages, occupations, and social strata, single people as well as whole families, led to a drastic decline in the Jewish population of Jebenhausen (see table I). To make matters worse for this community, after I 849 many of its members moved to nearby Goppingen, where they formed the bulk of the Jewish congregation founded in 1867 (see table 2). The temporary rise in the number of Jewish residents of Jebenhausen before its sudden decline after I 8 54 can be attributed to the high number of Jewish children born there during the first half of the nineteenth century,12 and to the number of Jews from other parts of the country who settled there for some time to find employment in one of Jebenhausen's Jewish-owned textile factories, which had come into being since the I 830s.'~ At the same time many young people, and in most age-classes even a majority, had left for America (see table 3). The whole demographic structure of the community had therefore become unbalanced, but the effects of this development appeared only during the second half of the century, when the number of families raising children dropped sharply. Table 3. Percentage of emigrants to America Birth Years by age 25 by age 35" 'Includes figures in preceding column. Sources: Haupstaatsarchiv StuttgartE 143, files , E 146, files ; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170, files ; Familienbuch (see note 6). Many families saw a more or less complete exodus of the younger generation. Of the fourteen children of the cattle dealer Aron Arnold,

15 I SO American Jewish Archives all but two sailed to America. Solomon Ottenheimer left for the New World in I 827; by I 835 all but one of his five brothers and sisters had followed him. In 1834 Moses Einstein set out for the United States, paving the way for seven of his ten brothers and sisters.24 The six daughters of the peddler Samuel Solomon Massenbacher, the five children of the innkeeper Abraham Moses Rosenheim, and the six children of the cattle dealer Benedict Rosenheim all went overseas, and so did seven of the nine children of the cattle dealer Juda Linda~er.~~ Sometimes young emigrants induced their parents to follow them. Isaac Bernheimer, a cotton manufacturer of rather modest background, had gone to Cincinnati in I 835 just to establish a business connection but "liked the country so much that he resolved to stay."26 America proved a most profitable ground for this enterprising mind, and when he sent for his aged parents in 1848, he was able to offer them a life of considerable luxury. Like many others, young Moses Jacob Lindauer made several attempts at emigration, but after much hesitation he finally resolved to stay. His memoirs reflect the strain and sorrow the exodus meant for his family. Their relatives in Philadelphia and Baltimore repeatedly urged them to risk the voyage and start a new life. In 1854 my sister once again was to go, together with her husband, her brotherin-law, and our brother, but she could not do it. She stood in the kitchen and cried, while her brother-in-law reproached her because of the plans they had made.... Another brother-in- law, a butcher in New York, urged her husband to join him there. After some time he gave in, and in spite of all objections left my sister with her children. After two or three years he returned home with a nice little sum, but my sister never overcame her grief.... My brother David, who already had made some money in America, wanted to pay for my passage, but I did not want to part. Later on, however; I decided [to emigrate], as Erlanger & Blumgart, a firm from Jebenhausen, had promised to accept me into partnership in America.... Yet in the end I concluded that I had to stay, especially since at that time my brother-in-law had left for New York." The Voyage to America Jebenhausen's Jewish emigrants usually shunned the ill-famed seaports of Holland, from where the open sea could only be reached after a dangerous voyage through the English Channel. Like most other emigrants from southwestern Germany they turned to Le Havre in-

16 From Wiirttemberg to America IS 1 stead. In 1835 Louis Einstein gave the following description of the journey he had just made to the French seaport with David Arnold and Isaac Bernheimer; he included a passage concerning the emigrants' strict observance of the Sabbath, presumably aimed to comfort his parents. I inform you that the same day as we left my dear brother Baruch and Arnold, we went to Karlsruhe, from there the other day to Strasbourg, where we had to stop for one day because of the diligence. From there the trip to Paris cost us 52 francs a person, but had we come a fortnight earlier, we would have been able to ride for half this price. The reason for this is that a new diligence has been established, namely, the one we took. Those who had attended to transport before, Laffitte, Caillard & Co., wanted to ruin this one, but have not succeeded so far. Over Saturday we stayed in Chalons, where we had arrived on Friday evening at four o'clock. From there we traveled to Paris on Sunday, where we stayed until Tuesday. I already have seen several big cities, but Paris is indescribable. We have seen the greatest curiosities there, but in order to see everything one would need more time. Then we went to Rouen, and from Rouen we traveled here by steamboat, which was the most beautiful trip of the whole journey. We arrived in Havre on Wednesday evening, and yesterday we arranged for our voyage on a mailboat named Franc. The captain of it is called Funk, he is an American. For 87 francs a person we get a partition by the side of the cabin.28 Economic Status of the Emigrants Einstein's report seems to indicate that the journey to Le Havre had turned out to be somewhat more expensive than the young travelers had expected. Of the 225 florins which he had taken along in addition to the money for travel expenses, Einstein probably saved only part for America. Many of his contemporaries, however, had even less to take along, and some virtually nothing (see table 4). Sometimes emigration was a direct response to failure. Such was the case with Hirsch Ottenheimer, who left for the United States in 1848 with his wife and five children after he went bankrupt. In 1849 the authorities inquired about Benedict Lindauer, a thirty-five-year-old cloth maker who had run off, leaving his debts behind. Another emigrant who left with nothing but a ticket was seventy-three-year-old Solomon Seligman Lindauer, a peddler who in I 856 went overseas together with his daughter to join a son in the New World; and in spite of his alleged greed Moses Ascher Frank, the previously mentioned schoolteacher and grocer, had only 275 florins to take along when he

17 152 American Jewish Archives Table 4. Assets of Jewish emigrants from Jebenhausen Money for travel expenses, per capita less than ,000 over 1,000 Year 100 florins florins florins florins I I Sources: Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart E 143, files ; E 146, files ; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170, files 28 I left with his wife in I 84 I. On the average, families took along almost four times that amount. It proves rather difficult to compare the economic situation of Jebenhausen's Jewish emigrants with that of their Christian fellow-travelers. Unfortunately, data showing the average assets of emigrants from Wiirttemberg are available only from 1854 onwards. After 1854, however, emigration from Jebenhausen was quite low. Any attempt, therefore, to deduce much information from the limited number of cases we have in which the amount of assets was recorded may appear problematic. But if we take into account only those years in which a minimum of five individuals with recorded assets emigrated from Jebenhausen, we arrive at the picture shown in table 5. However cautiously we must approach its statistical foundation, the table appears to indicate that on the average Jebenhausen's Jewish emigrants were better off than their Christian companions. This is all the more likely as the figures in the first column refer to all emigrants from Wiirttemberg regardless of their destination; and specified data for the year 1856 suggest that the figures for emigrants to the United States lay well below that average. While the per capita assets of all emigrants from Wiirttemberg in I 8 56 amounted to 3 20 florins, the figure for emigrants to Bavaria was 1,030 florins, and for emigrants to Ba-

18 From Wiirttemberg to America den was 916 florins, whereas emigrants to America had only 21 5 florins per capita.29 Table 5. Per capita assets of emigrants, in florins IS3 All emigrants Jewish emigrants Year from Wiirttemberg from Jebenhausen Sources: Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart E 143; files ; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170, files 284, ; Wolfgang von Hippel, Auswanderung aus Siidwestdeutschland (Stuttgart, 1984), p. 23s. Who left, and who stayed behind? As Rabbi Waelder reported in 1839, until that year only the children of poor families had gone overseas, but now even the well-to-do took to emigrati~n.~' It is apparent, however, that even after I 839 emigrants usually did not belong to the more affluent class amongst Jebenhausen's Jews. Their assets hardly ever exceeded 2,000 florins, whereas Jewish taxpayers in the village had an average property of 1,492 florins as early as 1826, and the figure must have been much higher in later years.31 Economic prospects looked dim to most young people in the village, but some trades were particularly unpromising. Peddling was frowned upon by the authorities, and young people who took up this occupation were subject to severe restrictions on their civil libertie~."~ Thus most of Jebenhausen's nineteen Jewish peddlers in 1845 were elderly men, and this may explain why, in spite of all the hardships they faced, comparatively few of them emigrated. By "encouraging" young people to turn to "productive" professions instead, the Judengesetz (Jews' Law) of I 828 had brought forth a multitude of Jewish bakers, dyers, plumbers, soap-boilers, shoemakers, tailors, weavers, and cloth makers, but as they were still restricted to the village they could hardly attain an equal footing with their Christian competitors. To,those who had failed to obtain solid vocational training, the

19 IS4 American Jewish Archives butcher's trade often seems to have been a last resort. As there were several Jewish master butchers in the village, a butcher's apprentice did not have to leave Jebenhausen or stay with a Christian master in order to learn his trade, and he probably did not have to pay a premium either. However, his skills were not worth much in a village where so many butchers tried so hard to make a living. In I 845 and again in I 852, all Jewish male inhabitants above the age of fourteen were registered according to their occupations. It is most revealing to follow their traces over a couple of years. Table 6 shows the extent to which emigration was an answer to the lack of professional prospects. In I I 85 2 butchers, weavers, and other artisans showed much greater inclination to leave than those who earned their living as merchants or cattle dealers. By 1852 the situation of the weavers had improved considerably, as some of them had established themselves as textile manufacturers in Jebenhausen or Goppingen, and others were employed in the factories. Of the five weavers who remained in the village, only one emigrated subsequently. At the same time the number of Jewish bakers, tailors, dyers, furriers, and shoemakers in the village also dropped sharply, for many had left for America, and young people now were very reluctant to Table 6: Emigration rates, by occupation In Jebenhausen, In America In Jebenhausen, In America 1845 by by 1859 Occupation no. YO no. YO Peddler Butcher I I I Other artisan Merchant Manufacturer I I - - Cattle dealer I 3.4 Total I Sources: Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170 I, files ; E 212, file 362.

20 From Wiirttemberg to America 155 turn to these unprofitable crafts. Competition therefore pressed less heavily upon the few who remained, and only one of them left for America after I While the emigration rate receded markedly among weavers and other artisans, it remained high among butchers. Professional prospects for them were as unpromising as ever, and they could hardly hope to fare much better in nearby Goppingen, where old-established Christian butchers were determined to ward off unwelcome competition from newcomers. During the third quarter of the nineteenth century most Jewish manufacturers moved from Jebenhausen to Goppingen, where they could employ steam power and make use of the railway, and so did the more affluent among the merchants. However, a considerable proportion of young merchants and apprentices sailed to America to seek their fortune there, some of them well-prepared and well-furnished with the pecuniary means for their future undertakings. It was the cattle dealers who were least prepared to leave the village. Two reasons may be given: they were mostly elderly men, since few young people took up this strenuous trade; and their business was well-established and firmly rooted in the countryside. It was not until the 1870s that a substantial number of cattle dealers moved to Goppingen, Esslingen, Ulm, or Stuttgart. Characteristically enough, the last Jewish family to remain in the village after the turn of the century was that of a cattle dealer, Max La~chheimer.~~ How They Fared in America Once the Jews from Jebenhausen had safely arrived in the New World, where did they go, and how did they fare? We can give nothing but tentative answers to these questions. It is apparent that the newly arrived immigrant often sought the company of fellow-countrymen who could help him accommodate to his new surroundings and perhaps aid him in making a fresh start.34 Indeed the biographies of the few immigrants whose tracks we are able to follow often imply that a loose network of former inhabitants of Jebenhausen existed in America. By 1860 Jews from Jebenhausen were living in comparatively large numbers in Chicago and New York, but for many years they also maintained contacts with their brethren in such faraway places as St. Louis

21 156 American Jewish Archives and even Donaldsonville, Louisiana. Marriages are known to have occurred between members of the Arnold and Bernheimer, Kohn and Levi, Rosenheim and Ottenheimer, Einstein and Rosenheim, Einstein and Rosenfeld, Rohrbacher and Strauss, and Erlanger and Dettelbacher families, and business connections were maintained between several others3' Mayer Arnold, who had come to the United States in 1798 at the tender age of thirteen, spent his early years in America in Kutztown, Pennsylvania, where he was apprenticed in a dry goods store. He soon established a store of his own, but it must have taken a while for him to feel economically secure, since he did not marry until Around he moved to Philadelphia, where he later joined his brother-inlaw, Abraham S. Wolf, once his clerk, in the dry goods and clothing "He amassed wealth, and freely gave of his means to Congregational, charitable, and educational works.n37 He soon became one of the most distinguished members of Philadelphia's Congregation Mikveh Israel, of which he was an officer, but he was also prominent in the German-Jewish congregation, Rodeph Shalom.38 Arnold took an active interest in the work of the Hebrew Education Society and the first Jewish Publication Society.39 He died in 1868, a highly revered patriarch and milli~naire.~' Of Mayer Arnold's fifteen children, Simon W. Arnold, "well known for his intellectual capacities, executive ability, and earnest labor^,"^' was a successful busiriessman and a committed Democrat. He served as the first president of Philadelphia's United Hebrew Charities, and like his brothers Hezekiah, Edwin, and Ezra, was an active member of Congregation Mikveh Israel.42 The Reverend Isaac Leeser was closely attached to the family, and after his death in 1868 Hezekiah Arnold was one of the executors of his estate; the other was a distant relative of his, young Mayer Sulzberger, whose mother likewise came from Jebenha~sen.~~ In I 832 Mayer Arnold's nephew, Abraham B. Arnold, then a boy of twelve, was sent across the ocean to live with his uncle. He later became a physician of some renown and for many years worked at the Jewish Hospital in Baltim~re.~~ In 1872 he was appointed to a professorship at Washington Univer~ity.~' Abraham B. Arnold was a nonconformist who advocated abolition of the rite of circum~ision,~~ certainly much to the discomfort of some of his relatives who clung to

22 From Wiirttemberg to America strictly traditional Isaac Mayer Wise later recalled that in 1854, when the publication of his History of the lsraelitish Nation caused a general outcry among America's Jewry, Arnold was his sole defender.48 In I 860 "he arrayed himself with the Republican Party on the election of Lincoln and was made a member of the State Executive Committee of Mar~land."~~ He was a close friend of Rabbi David Einhorn with whom he stood united in the struggle for the abolition of ~lavery.'~ For a time the Arnold family was economically associated with the Kohn, Rothschild, and Rosenheim families in Chicago, New York, and Philadelphia, who had also come from Jebenhausen, and who had engaged in the wholesale clothing business as well.jl Abraham H. and David Rosenheim owned the very respectable firm of Rosenheim, Brooks & Co., millinery and straw goods, with stores in Philadelphia and New York. Abraham H. Rosenheim, who had come to America in 1838, was a delegate to the first Republican convention in 1856, which nominated FrCmont for President. He died at Lake Placid in 1918, almost a centenarian." In I 846 one of Mayer Arnold's daughters, Isabella, was married to Isaac Bernheimer, the previously mentioned cotton manufacturer from Jebenhausen. Together with his Landsmann and fellow CmigrC, Louis Einstein, Bernheimer had embarked on the career of a Cincinnati peddler during the late I 830s.'~ By the time of his marriage he was I a prosperous clothing and dry goods merchant. He moved to Philadelphia and eventually joined his brothers Simon, Herman, and Emanuel, who in the meantime had established a clothing business in New 1 York.j4 In the I 840s and I 850s Herman Bernheimer was a prominent member of New York's Congregation Anshe Chesed and of the German Hebrew Benevolent So~iety.~' None of the brothers suffered from want. In 1861 their clothing firm ranked high among New York's wealthiest companies, with a capital of $z50,ooo.~~ A few years later it was taken over by Isaac Bernheimer's brothers-in-law, Edwin and Eli Arnold, under the firm of Leon, Arnold & Co. Emanuel Bernheimer was also a brewer, and when he died his son, Simon E. Bernheimer, succeeded him in this capacity, making the brewery of Bernheimer & Schmid one of the largest in New York City.S7 Young Louis Einstein had not intended to leave his fatherland permanently, but planned to return home as soon as he had learned how IS7

23 158 American Jewish Archives to manufacture a specific kind of soap required by a firm in Goppingen and so far not manufactured anywhere in Wiirttemberg-at least this is what he told his parent^.'^ He stayed, however, and for almost forty years engaged most successfully in the banking business and the manufacture of woolen goods. In I 847 Louis Einstein moved from Cincinnati to New York, where business prospects seemed even brighter.59 "Few men display more enterprise and sound judgment than did he, and The Raritan Woolen Mills became an important property under his management."60 For a long time Einstein was associated with Isaac Bernheimer, his companion from the days when they had set out for America. Their business partnership lasted from the late I 830s~ when they peddled the countryside in the West, temporarily accompanied by Bernheimer's brother Simon, until late in the I 850s~ when they ran a large wholesale clothing business, Bernheimer, Einstein & Co. They remained lifelong friends and close neighb~rs.~~ Of his eleven children, David L. Einstein, a shrewd and capable man, followed his father's vocation all his life and made more than a fortune.62 His son was Lewis D. Einstein, the well-known U.S. diplo- mat and Another son of Louis Einstein, Edwin, had an interest in several woolen and iron mills, and was also largely connected with banking interests. In 1878 Edwin Einstein was elected to Congress, and in 1892 he stood for the mayoralty of New York, receiving the greatest number of votes ever polled for a Republican candidate until that time.64 Theodore Roosevelt was a close friend of the family.65 Louis Einstein's brother-in-law, Liebman Levi, the schoolteacher who had given so moving a report on the exodus from Jebenhausen in 1839, eventually settled in the United States, too. After some years in New Haven, Connecticut, Levi moved to Chicago in I 85 6 to serve as a reader and teacher in Congregation Anshe Maarabh.66 In 1861 his daughter, Theresa, was married to David Kohn, the poor peddler's son of whose sufferings we have already learned. Kohn had come to Chicago in 1854 to start on a remarkable career. "Obtaining a position as a clerk, he learned the customs and language of America and then started a small retail store. By industry and attention to business, he so increased his little savings, that, with his brothers, he was able to start in the clothing manufacturing business at his own risk, under the name of Kohn Bro'~."~' He soon became very wealthy, and by 1890 he was "a large real estate holder, an owner of shares and bonds of the important street railroads, electric companies, et~."~~

24 From Wiirttemberg to America 159 In I 865 Louis Einstein's nephew and namesake, eighteen-year-old Louis W. Einstein, arrived in Memphis, Tennessee, where he engaged in the dry goods business. One year later he went to California at the request of a relative in San Francisco, and then established a wholesale liquor house in Portland, Oregon. In I 871 he moved to Visalia, California, and a few years later to Fresno, where he developed his pioneer store into "a business of enormous proportion^."^^ In 1887 Einstein founded the Bank of Central California.'O Moses (Morris) Einstein, a butcher by profession, had come to the United States in 1846 together with a younger brother.71 After two years of peddling, during which he learned the English language and saved some money, he opened a store in Wellsburg, Virginia. One year later he moved to Tiffin, Ohio, and opened a store there. In I 85 I he married his cousin, Jettle Rosenheim, who had just arrived from Jebenhausen. Shortly after their marriage, the store was destroyed by a fire, and Morris Einstein decided to follow the gold-miners' trail to California. There he played an active part in Sacramento's Jewish community, serving both the congregation and the Hebrew Benevo- lent Society as a se~retary.~~ After four years, he returned to Illinois and in 1856 opened a store in Joliet. In 1863 he moved to Chicago and began a wholesale and piece goods trade, which developed into a very successful business.73 His partners were Martin Clayburgh, a non-jew, and Julius Kohn, a Landsmann from Jebenhausen. When Kohn left the firm in 1865, David Lindauer, also from Jebenhausen, was admitted as a partner.74 "Mr Einstein was frequently urged to run for office, but steadfastly declined, preferring to give his entire time to business.... He conducted his business with prudence and honor and was identified with many philanthropic movements in Chicago. He was one of the founders of the Michael Reese Hospital, the Sinai Congregation and Standard Cl~b."~' One of his daughters was married to Morris S. Rosenfield, a grandson of Feissel Rosenfeld, who had emigrated from Jebenhausen in A daughter of the latter, Auguste Rosenfeld, was the wife of Einstein's later partner in business, B. Kup- ~enheimer.~~ Back in 1859 in Joliet, Baruch (Benjamin) Lindauer had crossed Einstein's path. Lindauer, a weaver by profession, had just arrived from Jebenha~sen,~~ and at that time was engaged in peddling goods between Chicago and Joliet, where Einstein may have employed his services. He later entered the employ of Martin Clayburgh, subse-

25 I 60 American Jewish Archives quently Einstein's partner in business. In 1861 Lindauer established himself as a dealer in general merchandise in Mount Carmel, Illin~is.~~ In I 866 he returned to Chicago, and in I 867 the wholesale clothing firm of Rohrbach, Lindauer & Co. was founded by Ulrich Rohrbacher, Lindauer, and Liebman Levi, all from Jebenhausen. In the old country Lindauer had attended the Academy of Weaving in Reutlingen and then had been the manager of the textile factory owned by his uncles, J. & S. Einstein, in Jebenhausen. His professional skill and experience now greatly benefited the company, which also embarked on the manufacture of woolen goods. In I 869 Rohrbacher left the firm, and Mayer E. Lindauer took his place. After the great fire of I 871, which caused the firm a total loss of $I 52,000,~~ business was resumed at the residence of Mayer E. Lindauer, "where a cutting table was improvised from the door of a coal shed, supported on trestles, in order that employment might be at once furnished to their workpeople. In I 874 Seligman Lindauer, another brother, became a partner. By I 886 Lindauer Bros. & Co. ranked "as one of the largest establishments in the We~t";~' in their manufacturing department alone, they employed about 400 people.82 There is little reason to believe that such success stories were more typical for Jebenhausen's Jewish emigrants than for any other group of newcomers to the United States. This was simply the kind of biography that was likely to be recorded, whereas we know little or nothing about the fates of all the other immigrant^.^^ However, we may assume that many trod similar paths, although they may never have climbed the ultimate heights of success. The career of the peddler who established himself as a modest small-town storekeeper and eventually made it to the big city certainly reflects a more general pattern in the history of German-Jewish immigration. Moreover, these biographies reveal the importance of the ties which were upheld between Landsleute from the small village in Germany. By I 870 emigration to America was no longer a major factor in the Jewish communities of southern Germany.84 Many rural communities had by then shrunk or even dissolved, and when young Jews left their home villages they now mostly turned to the bigger cities instead of going overseas. Between 1862 and 1866 alone, almost 200 members of the once-thriving Jewish community of Jebenhausen moved to Stuttgart, Ulm, and, above all, to nearby Goppingen. In I 899 a service

26 From Wiirttemberg to America 161 was held for the last time in the beautiful village synagogue, and a few years later it was torn down. Appendix: Jewish Emigrants from Jebenhausen to the United States of America ( ) This appendix contains basic information on 3 14 Jewish emigrants from Jebenhausen. Thus entry no. I 8 refers to twenty-two-year-old David Arnold, a merchant who emigrated in I Arnold had assets of IOO florins; the authorities did not consent to his emigration. The last column indicates that he settled in Terre Haute, Indiana, and subsequently moved to New York City. R = Reisegeld (money for travel expenses) M = Mitgifr (dowry) Assets in florins at time of Emigration Remarks1U.S. Name, [age], occupation emigration permit place of residence 1825 I. Anschel Arnold [gr], cattle dealer R+IOO r. Mindel Arnold [rg] no Abraham Arnold [r6], grocer 4. Mayer Lindauer [go], peddler R only rso no no South Bend, Ind Faist Arnold [zz], peddler R + SO 6. Simon Arnold 1241, cattle dealer no 7. Wolf Gerson Levi [19]. plumber 12s no Altoona, Pa. 8. Solomon Ottenheimer [z8], cattle dealer 150 no Eventually returned to Europe Solomon Loeb Levi [zi], apprentice Sara Arnold [zr] R + r z ~ no 11. Leopold Ottenheimer 1241, schoolteacher R no Heinrich Ottenheimer [+I], peddler R only no Abraham B. Arnold [IZ] no Philadelphia; Carlisle, Pa.; Baltimore; Washington, D.C.; San Francisco Seligman Sontheimer [zr], peddler R only no Jackson, Mich.

27 162 American Jewish Archives Moses Einstein [zr], butcher 16. Juettle Ottenheimer [r~] 17. Simon Rosenheim [ro], apprentice David H. Arnold [zr], merchant no Terre Haute, Ind.; New 19. lsaac Bernheimer [rr], cloth maker zo. Louis Einstein [rj], soap boiler 21. Moses Ottenheimer [+I], dyer Seligman Dettelbacher 1241, ribbon weaver 23. Sprinz Einstein [ZI] Keile Raff [24] 25. Haium Loeb Rosenheim 1111, butcher Isaac Bernheimer [z~], merchant, with his wife: Gella nee Koschland 1251, and I child: Sophie [I] 29. Abraham H. Rosenheim [18], cloth maker 30. Joseph Rosenheim (191, apprentice Isaac L. Arnold [q], cattle dealer, with his wife: Schoenle nee Arnold [jr], and 3 children: Lina 161, Mina [4], and Abraham Marx A. Arnold [44], peddler, with his wife: Eva nee Einstein (381, and 6 children: Sara [IZ], Louise [IO], David Hirsch [8], Marie [6], Joseph [4], and Pauline [I] 44. Sandel J. Arnold [47], cattle dealer, with his wife: Brendel nee Kahn 1351, and 6 children: Lisette [16], Samuel [IS], Miriam [13], Hirsch [II], Abraham [g], and Bertha [7] 52. Simon Bernheimer (201, peddler 5 3. Gella Doerzbacher Abraham D. Einstein [4r], merchant, with his wife: Ella nee Arnold [41], and 3 children: Mayer [II], Lisette [3], and Rebecca [I] 59. Laemle Einstein [zi], grocer 60. Samuel Solomon Massenbacher [60], ~eddlt with his daughter: Esther [13] 62. Samuel Rosenheim [gr], cattle dealer, with his wife: Sara nee Bernheimer [48], and 4 children: lsadore [18], Morris [13], Aron [I I], and Golda [8] 68. Loeb Strauss 1201, merchant, with his wife: Fanny nee Rosenthal [rg], and r child: Roesle [I] York City no Cincinnati; Philadelphia; New York City no Cincinnati; New York City no Pine Bluff, Arkansas Lancaster. Pa. no Philadelphia; New York City no yes Baltimore yes Pittsburgh R only no Cincinnati; Philadelphia; New York City? yes 1,100 yes no Leavenworth, Kan. yes They both returned to Jebenhausen before yes Cincinnati yes Peoria, Ill.

28 Guedel Bernheimer [zr] 72. Herman Bernheimer [z~], merchant 73. Jacob Bernheimer [~g], weaver 74. Voegele Dettelbacher [rr] 75. Baruch I. Einstein [30], butcher 76. Isaac Ascher Frank [~z], grocer, with his wife: Eva nee Heilbronner, and 4 children: Ascher 1231, Elias 1181, Samuel [II], and Herman 131 From Wiirttemberg to America Moses Ascher Frank [57], schoolteacher, with his wife: Breinle nee Bernheimer [58] Joseph Einstein [rr], farmer R only R R , Mayer Lindauer [23], cattle dealer no Chicago Marx Fellheimer [zo], cattle dealer 87. Beile Massenbacher [LO] 88. Jentle Rosenheim [rr] 89. Madele Rosenheim [19] Abraham I. Arnold [z~], cattle dealer 91. Aron Einstein [~g], apprentice Lazarus Arnold [34], merchant 93. Seligman Dettelbacher [27], weaver 94. Elkan Einstein [I 5) 95. Moses Einstein [zo], butcher 96. Isaac Fellheimer [16], butcher 97. Juettle Fellheimer [rr] 98. Elise Massenbacher [ Eveline Massenbacher [24] roo. lsaac Ottenheimer [zo], cattle dealer IOI. Bernhard Raff [35], weaver Ior. Solomon Rothschild [32], shoemaker Jonas Dreifuss [z~], weaver 104. Abraham L. Einstein [41], butcher 105. Ascher Frank [30], confectioner 106. Abraham Levi [30], cloth maker 107. Moses J. Lindauer [24], plumber 108. Baruch Loebstein [24], cattle dealer 109. Seligman Loebstein [17], butcher 110. Esther Massenbacher [rr] I I I. Samuel Rothschild [16], butcher lsaac Bauland [rr], butcher 113. Mayer Bernheimer 1641, cattle dealer. with his wife: Juettle nee Beer [49], and 3 children: Emanuel [31], Abraham [LO], and Leopold 191 R only R + 75 M 1,000 R + 50 R only M 750 R R only R only no no Philadelphia; New York City no Chicago no no yes Philadelphia no Macon, Ga. no Yes Yes no Frankfort, Ky. no no New York City no no no Wellsburg, Va.; Tiffin, Ohio; Sacramento, Calif.; Joliet, Ill.; Chicago no Pomeroy, Ohio no no no no Hot Springs, Ark. no no no no no no no no no no See no. 61. no Returned home before 1850 no yes New York City

29 164 American Jewish Archives II 8. Bluemle Dettelbacher Ascher Loeb Fellheimer David Lindauer [ro], butcher 121. Hirsch Ottenheimer [qr], peddler with his wife: Clara nee Seligman 1421, and 5 children: Mathilde, Frommet, Solomon, Seligman, and Jette 128. Uri Wolf Ottenheimer [r~], plumber 129. Elias Raff [17], weaver 130. Jacob Hirsch Raff 1311, weaver 131. Frommet Rothschild [ZI] 132. Madel Rothschild Marx Rothschild ' Wolf Rothschild [19], optician Isaac A. Arnold 1581, peddler, with his wife: Hannele nce Blumenthal (501, and 5 children: Alexander 1281, Marx [r6], Juettle 1241, Lisette [ro], and Jacob [18] 142. Joseph A. Arnold [gj], merchant, with his wife: Deichele nce Kaufman [46], and 7 children: Besle (181, Maria [16], Juda [IS], Abraham 1121, Solomon [I I], Lisette [g], and Aron [6] 15 I. Fratige Dettelbacher ( Haium Einstein [43], cattle dealer, with his wife: Jiittle nee Lindauer 1371, and 6 children: Caroline 1161, Doelzle 1131, Rosalie [II], Hannele [g], Mandus 141, and Babette [I] 160. Abraham Fellheimer [jr], merchant, with his wife: Rickele nee Ulrich [si], and r children: Solomon 1171 and Jette [IO] 164. Henry Kohn [rr], linen weaver 165. Benedict Lindauer 1351, cloth maker 166. Juettle Lindauer nee Arnold 1421, widow with 4 children: Sophie 1171, Abraham 1131, Pauline [IO], and Sara [8] 171. Joseph Lindauer [16] 172. Manasse Lindauer [ro], cattle dealer 173. Sophie Lindauer [19] 174. Feissel Rosenfeld 1611, cattle dealer, with his wife: Lisette nee Arnold [49] and 4 children: Joel [ro], Abraham 1191, Auguste [IS], and Jettle [IZ] 180. Esther Rosenthal [ro] Laemle Einstein [jr], soap-boiler 182. Genendel Erlanger Nathan Erlanger [rqj, butcher 184. Joseph Kohn [zi], weaver 185. Moses Rosenheim [LO], merchant 186. Samuel Rotschild 1191, butcher Jeanette Bernheimer [27] 188. Abraham L. Einstein [45], cattle dealer 189. Eveline Einstein nee Rothschild [j~] M 750 R only 200 R only R only R + 75 R only R + 1,600 Yes no no Chicago Yes no no no yes New York City yes New York City yes New York City no Poughkeepsie, N.Y. no Donaldsonville, La. Yes yes Macon, Ga. no Chicago no yes Baltimore no Baltimore; Philadelphia no Philadelphia no Philadelphia Yes no Danville, Va. no no no Chicago yes Zanesville, Ohio yes See no. I I I; Poughkeepsie, N.Y. yes no yes Followed her husband, no. 188

30 From Wiirttemberg to America 190. Schoenle Frank [zz] 191. David Hirsch Lindauer [ro], cattle dealer 192. Jettle Rosenheim [19] 193. David Rosenheim [zo], farmer 194. Moses Rosenheim [z4], merchant, with his bride: Madele nee Ottenheimer [ro] Haium Bauland 1441, cattle dealer 197. Sara Bauland nee Regensteiner 1311, with I child: Jette [z] 199. Sophie Dettelbacher [zo] zoo. Mathias Gutmann [zz], manufacturer 201. Heinrich Lauchheimer [19], apprentice 202. Liebman Levi 1391, schoolteacher, with his wife: Rebecca nee Einstein [jz], and 4 children: Julia 1131, Therese 1111, Hanna 181, and Hermine Max Lindauer [23] 209. Jeanette Massenbacher Miriam Massenbacher [ZI] 211. Leopold Rohrbacher 1181, cattle dealer 212. Bernard Rosenheim [IO] 213. Ulrich Rosenheim [zo], merchant Bernard Arnold 1181, apprentice 215. Rickele Erlanger [z~] 216. Jettle Ottenheimer Madel Ottenheimer [zz] 218. Morris Rosenheim [ro], butcher 219. Ulrich Rosenheim [IS] rzo. Simon Rothschild [z6], cattle dealer Fanni Adelsheimer [24] 222. Maurice Bauland 1331, butcher, with his bride: Therese nee Rosenheim [zj] 224. Bluemle Dettelbacher [16] 225. Baruch L. Einstein [45], butcher, with his wife: Gitel nee Rothschild [36] 227. Schoenle Erlanger [zo] 228. Joseph Fleischer 1191, apprentice 229. Bernard Gutmann [I Ezechiel Hess 1391, butcher, with his wife: Mayle nee Einstein [jj], and 4 children: Joseph [g], David 181, Solomon 171, and Hannele [q] 236. Abraham J. Kohn [58], peddler, with his wife: Deichele nee Steinfurter [55], and 3 children: Jochebed 1231, David [zi], and Julius ( Hirsch Lauchheimer 1181, butcher 242. Joseph Lauchheimer 1161, baker 243. Lina Lauchheimer ( David Hirsch Lindauer [18] merchant R only R only R + 75? 1 so 200 R + 25 M 1,000 M 1, zoo? R only R R only 200 yes Champaign, Ill. yes Married to no. 95. Y e yes Philadelphia; St. Louis, Mo. no Chicago no Followed her husband, no no no New York City Yes yes New Haven, Conn.; Chicago no Cincinnati; Chicago no Macon, Ga. no Donaldsonville, La. yes Peoria, 111.; married no. 70. no yes Returned to Jebenhausen in 1856 Yes no Yes no yes Chicago Yes no New York City no yes Chicago no yes no New York City; returned in 1859 no no Chicago yes Yes no yes Cincinnati

31 I 66 American Jewish Archives 245. Joseph Lindauer 1161 butcher 246. Mayer Lindauer [17], apprentice 247. Josua Loebstein [16], baker 248. Rickele Loebstein [29] 249. Julius Ottenheimer [ro], apprentice 250. Ulrich Rohrbacher [16], butcher 25 I. Helene Rosenheim [LO] 252. Pauline Rosenheim [17] 253. Solomon Levi Schiele [LO], grocer Adolph Lob Arnold [16], apprentice 255. Hirsch Dettelbacher [rr], watchmaker 256. Abraham Lauchheimer [IS] Moses Frank [16] 258. Nathanael Lauchheimer [lo] 259. Solomon Seligman Lindauer [73], peddler, with his daughter: Fanni [rg] 261. Ulrich Rosenheim 1171, apprentice 150 I10 R only Yes yes Baltimore; Chicago Yes no Yes yes Peoria, Ill.; Chicago no no Yes yes no Sonora, Calif. Yes yes Chicago Adolph Rosenheim 1131 yes Chicago Bernard Rosenheim [16], weaver Abraham Lauchheimer [zg], furrier 265. Baruch Lindauer [zo], weaver Yes no Chicago; Mount Carmel, 111.; Chicago no no 266. Juettle Ottenheimer [ZS] 267. Clara Rosenheim nce Ullmann widow, with 4 children: Therese [30], 1 [rg), Henriette 1261, and Caroline [IS] 272. Jettle Schiele [zz] yes New York City Fanni Einstein [LO] 274. Guetle Einstein [rr] 275. Moses B. Rosenheim [IS], weaver no Philadelphia no yes Joseph Erlanger 1191, apprentice no New York Citv Moritz Arnold 1161, apprentice 278. Dorothea Ottenheimer Jacob Ottenheimer [~g], farmer 280. Hannchen Rosenheim [rr] 28 I. Leopold Rosenheim 1161, apprentice Rahel Frank nee Einstein [63], widow 283. Herman Lauchheimer [zo], merchant 284. Albert Rosenheim ( David Rosenheim [IS] Hindle Einstein [66], widow 287. Caroline Rohrbacher [ Simon Rosenheim [IT], apprentice yes Yes Yes no Chicago Yes no yes yes New York City Yes yes Chicago Yes Yes

32 From Wiirttemberg to America Louis W. Einstein [IS], apprentice 290. Seligman Gutmann [r~], merchant 291. Joseph Lauchheimer [6r], cattle dealer, with r children: Zippora (231, and Jettle [16] 294. Seligman Lindauer [LO], cattle dealer 295. Julius Ottenheimer [19], apprentice 296. Benedict Rohrbacher [IS] Rosalie Doerzbacher [IS] 298. Pauline Lindauer [19] 299. Jeanette Loewenstein [ZI] 300. Abraham Rohrbacher [IS], horse-dealer 301. Albert Rosenheim [zi], merchant 302. Leopold Rosenheim [ro], merchant Guetel Erlanger [rr] 304. Falk Jeselsohn [zi], merchant 305. Julius Rohrbacher 1211, cattle dealer Berta Rosenheim ( Sara Rohrbacher [17] Gedalia M. Arnold (511. cattle dealer, with his wife: Jeanette nee Ottenheimer 139) 310. Kusiel Arnold [68], cattle dealer, with r children: Rosalie [rz], and Adolph [I Pauline Einstein [23] Juettle Gutmann [LO] yes Memphis, Tenn.; San Francisco; Portland, Ore.; Visalia, Calif.; Fresno, Calif. no no yes Chicago Yes yes no Dover, Del. no yes yes Stillwater, Minn. no no no no ves yes Terre Haute, Ind. no Stefan Rohrbacher is associated with the Center for Research on Anti- Semitism at the Technical university of Berlin. He has published several essays and a book dealing with nineteenth-century Christian superstition and Jew-hatred. Notes I. Avraham Barkai, "German-Jewish Migrations in the Nineteenth Century, ," Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, vol. 30 (1985),pp , withseveral estimates givenonpp. 306 f. The author would like to thank Mrs. Norma Spungen of the Chicago Jewish Archives, Dr. Karl-Heinz Ruess of the Goppingen municipal archives, and Dr. Avraham Barkai for their kind help and valuable advice. 2. Rudolf Glanz, "Source Materials on the History of Jewish Immigration to the United States, ," Yivo Annual ofjewish Social Science 6 (1951):

33 168 American Jewish Archives 3. Rudolf Glanz, "The German Jewish Mass Emigration: ," American Jewish Archives 22 (1970): 49-66, with a characterization of the scarce material on pp. 50 f. 4. Aron Tanzer, Die Geschichte der Juden in Jebenhausen und Goppingen (Berlin, 1927), p. 89. A lavishly illustrated reprint of this scholarly work was published in Weissenhorn, Hauptstaatsarchiv Stuttgart E 143, files , 494, 515; E 146, files 1687, 1744, , ; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170 I, files Kober's list of Jewish emigrants from Wiirttemberg in the years is based on part of this material; Adolf Kober, "Jewish Emigration from Wiirttemberg to the United States of America ( )," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society 41 (1952): The lists of applicants for emigration from Wiirttemberg Emigration Index, ed. Trudy Schenk, Ruth Froelke, and Inge Bork, vols. I et seq. (Salt Lake City, 1986 seq.). The lists for the district of Goppingen will be included in a forthcoming volume of this series. However, these sources only contain information about applications for emigration. More often than not emigration was not permitted until sometime later, or the emigrant had already left secretly before the date of his formal application; and very many emigrants never registered with the authorities at all. Thus only about half of the Jews from Jebenhausen known to have gone overseas during the years appear in the of:icial records. 6. Familienbuch of the Jewish community of Jebenhausen. now kept by the lsraelitische Kultusgemeinde, Stuttgart. 7. Wochenblatt fur die Oberamts-Stadt Goppingen and Schwabischer Merkur. 8. Statistics on Jewish emigration from the Bavarian Palatinate and the district of Kissingen, Lower Franconia, have been published by Jacob Toury, "Jewish Manual Labour and Emigration: Records from Some Bavarian Districts," Leo Baeck Institute Year Book, vol. 16 (IY~I), pp The most detailed of these records, that of the village of Westheim, contains the names of 83 Jews who left for America between 1834 and Tanzer, Geschichte der Juden in Jebenhausen, pp. 5 - I Ibid., p. 97. I I. Hauptstaatsarchiv Smttgart A 213, file See Wolfgang von Hippel, Auswanderungaus Siidwestdeutschland (Stuttgart, 1984), with bibliography on pp Henry Hull, ed., America's Successful Men of Affairs, vol. z (New York 1896), p Ibid. I 5. Louis Einstein, Havre de Grace, to lmmanuel Einstein, Jebenhausen, May 22,183 5; Stadtarchiv Goppingen. 16. Tanzer, Geschichte der Juden in Jebenhausen, p. 36; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg E 212, file Henry Samuel Morais, The Jews of Philadelphia: Their History from the Earliest Settlements to the Present Time (Philadelphia, I 894), p. 245; MalcolmH. Stern, First American Jewish Families: 600 Genealogies, (Cincinnati, 1978), p. 13. I 8. His contract for passage is still in the possession of his descendant, Mr. Norman Rosen, of New York City. 19. Statement by Rabbi Waelder, Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg E 212, file Allgemeine Zeitungdes Judenthums. July 20,1839, p. 347; also quoted by Glanz, "Source Materials," p. 112, who wrongly locates the event in Bavarian Ichenhausen. 21. Statement by Rabbi Waelder (see above, n.19). zz. Between 1830 and 1850 alone, 378 children were born in the community; see Tanzer, Geschichte der Juden in Jebenhausen, p Jacob Toury, Jiidische Textilunternehmer in Baden-Wiirttemberg (Tubingen, 1984), PP

34 From Wiirttemberg to America His sister Sophie, married to Abraham Sulzberger in Heidelsheim in Baden, came to America in I 849 with her husband and children, among them six-year-old Mayer Sulzberger; see Cyrus Adler, I Have Considered the Days. (Philadelphia, 1941) pp. 3-21; Louis Marshall and Solomon Solis Cohen, "Mayer Sulzberger," American Jewish Year Book, vol. 26 (1924), pp ; Horace Stern, The Spiritual Values of Life: Occasional Addresses on JewishThemes (Philadelphia, 1953), pp I Among them in 1849 his daughter Sophie. She later was married to Abraham Sulzberger's brother Leopold, a widower whose first wife, Zierle Einstein, had also come from Jebenhausen. While Zierle was the grandmother of Cyrus Adler, one of Sophie Lindauer's children was Cyrus L. Sulzberger, and one of her grandchildren, Arthur Hays Sulzberger; Adler, loc.cit; Abraham A. Neuman, "Cyrus Adler," American Jewish Year Book, vol. 42 (1940), pp ; Stern,Spiritual Values of Life, pp ; Morris D. Waldman, "Cyrus L. Sulzberger," American Jewish Year Book, vol. 25 (1933), pp ; Irving Rosenthal, "Arthur Hays Sulzberger," Encyclopaedia Judaica, vol. I, cols ; Sulzberger pedigree: Stern, First American Jewish Families, pp I. 26. America's Successful Men of Affairs, vol. I, (New York, 1895), p Moses Jacob Lindauer, "Die Geschichte der Familien Lindauer und Weiln(ca. 1900; MS, Stadtarchiv Goppingen), pp Louis Einstein to Immanuel Einstein, May 22, "Die Aus- und Einwanderungen in Wiirttemberg in dem Jahre 1856," Wiirttembergische Jahrbiicher fur uaterlandische Geschichte, Geographie, Statistik und Topographie I 856, vol. 2. (Stuttgart, 1857), pp Statement by Rabbi Waelder (see above, n. 19). 3 I. Tanzer, Geschichte der Juden in Jebenhausen, p. I E E Mayer, Sammlung der wiirttembergischen Gesetze in Betreff der Israeliten (Tubingen, 18471, PP The fate of this family under Nazi rule has been described in a youth book by lnge Auerbacher, I Am a Star: Child of the Holocaust (New York, 1986), pp Thus Maurice Bauland, a butcher who had emigrated from Jebenhausen in 1854, set up a dry goods store in Chicago. In 1860 he employed a clerk (Adolph Rosenheim), a salesman (Ulrich Rosenheim), and an agent (Jacob Bernheimer), all from his home village. Bauland's Chicago home address was identical with the business address of Morris Rosenheim, a cattle dealer who had come from Jebenhausen in 1853; see Halpin &Bailey's Chicago City Directory for the Year 1861, pp. 35, 42, For similar findings on the ties between Landsleute (fellow-countrymen) from small places in Bavaria and Wiirttemberg, see Myron Berman, Richmond's Jewry, : Shabbat in Shockoe (Richmond, 1979), pp I 35. Jewish emigrants from the village of Reichelsheim, Baden, flocked to Attica, Indiana. "At one time [in the 1860~1 there lived there at least fifty members of the Joseph, Hirsch, and Loeb families, who had intermarried"; Abraham Alfred Kaufmann, "Anshei Rhenus: A Chronicle of Jewish Life by the Rhine" (Santa Rosa, 1953) (MS in the archives of the Leo Baeck Institute, New York), p. 8 of the section on the Joseph family. 36. Morais, Jews of Philadelphia, pp , Ibid., p Cf. Jeanette W. Rosenbaum, "Hebrew German Society Rodeph Shalom in the City and County of Philadelphia, I ," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society 41 (1951): 88,90, Morais, Jews of Philadelphia, pp. 51, 59-60, 245, A few years before his death he was listed as the richest man in Philadelphia, with an annual income of $616,817; Income Tax ofthe Residents ofphiladelphia and Bucks County for the Year

35 170 American Jewish Archives Ending April 30,1865 (Philadelphia, 1865), p. 5. However, this somewhat improbable figure is explained as a typographical error by Edwin Wolf, "The German-Jewish Influence in Philadelphia's Jewish Charities," in Jewish Life in Philadelphia , ed. Murray Friedman (Philadelphia, 1983), p Morais, Jews of Philadelphia, p Ibid., pp. 58, 158, 246, Ibid., p Solomon R. Kagan, Jewish Contributions to Medicine in America, (Boston, P Howard A. Kelly and Walter L. Burrage, Dictionary of American Medical Biography (New York, 1928), pp Hyman B. Grinstein, The Rise of the Jewish Community of New York (Philadelphia, 1976), p In 1856 his uncle, Marx Arnold, was elected president of Pittsburgh's newly founded Orthodox congregation, Rodeph Shalom; Jacob S. Feldmann, "The Pioneers of a Community: Regional Diversity Among the Jews of Pittsburgh, ," American]ewish Archives 32 (1980): lsaac Mayer Wise, "The World of My Books," American Jewish Archives 6 (1954): lsaac Markens, "Lincoln and the Jews," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society 17 (1909): Isaac M. Fein, "Baltimore Jews During the Civil War," American Jewish Historical Quarterly 51 (1961): 89; also Abraham B. Arnold, Essays (San Francisco, ~goq), with a biographical sketch by Jacob Voorsanger. 51. Morais, Jews of Philadelphia, p The wholesale clothing firm of Kohn, Arnold & Rothschild in Philadelphia, however, lasted only from 1867 to One of the partners, Arnold Kohn, originally from Buchau, Wiirttemberg, was a cousin of the Kohn brothers from Jebenhausen, with whose clothing factory in Chicago the firm cooperated. Among his later partners in business was Albert Rosenheim from Jebenhausen, whose brothers had been associated with Kohn, Arnold & Rothschild before. 52. New York Times, August 14, Maxwell Whiteman, "Notions, Dry Goods, and Clothing: An Introduction to the Study of the Cincinnati Peddler," Jewish Quarterly Review 53 (1963): America's Successful Men. vol. I, p Grinstein, Jewish Community of New York, pp. 183, , 55r 56. Rudolph Glanz, "German Jews in New York City in the 19th Century," Yivo Annual of Jewish Social Science 11 ( ): America's SuccessfuIMen, vol. I, pp ; National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. 5 (New York, 1907), p After 1900 the firm was run under the name of Bernheimer & Schwartz Pilsener Brewing Co.; Otto Spengler, ed., Das deutsche Element der Stadt New York (New York, 1913), p Louis Einstein to Immanuel Einstein, May 22, America's Successful Men, vol. I, p Ibid. 61. David H. Arnold, who had emigrated together with Bernheimer and Einstein in 1835, also became a successful businessman. After some years of peddling in the West he settled in Terre Haute, Indiana, where he owned a store, and moved to New York in 1860, where he established himself as an importer of English goods; New York Times. March 19,1885. Arnold was a trustee of the American Trust Corporation.

36 From Wiirttemberg to America Ibid.; Isaac N. Seligman, "David L. Einstein," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society 19 (1910): Lewis Einstein, A Diplomat Looks Back, ed. Lawrence E. Gelfand (New Haven, 1968), with a bibliography of his writings on pp America's Successful Men, vol. I, p. 214; Biographical Directory of the American Congress, (Washington, IY~O), p Einstein, A Diplomat Looks Back, p. xv, and Lewis Einstein, Roosevelt: His Mind in Action (Boston, 1930). 66. Bernard Felsenthal and Herman Eliasof, A History of Kehillath Anshe Maarabh (Congregation of the Men of the West) (Chicago, 1897), p America's Successful Men, vol. 2, p Ibid. 69. A Memorial and Biographical History of the Counties of Fresno, Tulare, and Kern, California (Fresno, 1892), p Ibid. 71. National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. 17 (New York, 1927), p. 143, where 1842 is given as the year of his arrival in America. 72. "Anti-Jewish Sentiment in California 1855,'' American Jewish Archives 12 (1960): National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. 17, p Alfred Theodore Andreas, History of Chicago from the Earliest Period to the Present Time, vol. 3 [Chicago, 1886), p National Cyclopaedia of American Biography, vol. 17, p Andreas, History of Chicago, p His formal application for emigration, however, was submitted to the authorities of the Kingdom of Wiirttemberg no earlier than 1866; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170 I, file Andreas, History of Chicago, p Ibid. 80. Ibid. 81. Ibid. 82. Ibid. 83. Curiously enough, emigrants from Jebenhausen were also among the handful of Jews who settled in Peru during the second half of the nineteenth century. Young Bernard Ottenheimer owned a bookstore in the Peruvian capital, Lima, as early as I 860. Three brothers and a cousin followed him later: Solomon (Frederico) Ottenheimer left for Peru in 1861, Moritz and Eduard in 1863 and 1866 respectively, and their cousin, Adolph Gutmann, in 1871; Staatsarchiv Ludwigsburg F 170 I, files 283, 288C. Bernard Ottenheimer returned to Europe in 1867 and eventually settled in Paris, and so did his brother Eduard in The commercial firm of Ottenheim Hermanos, however, still existed in Lima in 1886; Giinter Bohm, Judios en el Peru duranteelsiglo XIX(Santiago,1985),pp , ,155 -I 56. Two other members of the Ottenheimer family in Lima at that time were Leopold and J. Ottenheim Jr. 84. In the case of Jebenhausen, fewer than ten emigrants were registered after An equally low number of Jews emigrated from Goppingen during the years

37

38 The Zionist Influence on American Jewish Life Allon Gal One can point to three formative elements in the growth of the American Jewish community: tradition and Jewish continuity; local American factors; and, lastly, Zionism. It is widely acknowledged that the State of Israel and what is often called "pro-israelism" have affected American Jewish life profoundly. This article, however, has a more limited focus: Zionism's influence during the pre-state period, roughly from the founding of the Zionist Organization of America (then the Federation of American Zionists) in I 898, to I will address myself to two basic questions: How profound was the movement's direct impact, and in what areas of Jewish life was it felt?' In asking about Zionism in the American context, we must first confront a certain norm in Zionist historiography, which tends to define the American movement mainly in relation to European Zionism: more concretely, by phrasing the comparison negatively. Writers of this tendency place great emphasis on American Zionism's "nonnegation of the Diasporan-undeniably a basic characteristic of American Zionism; but one can hardly explain a historical movement solely by emphasizing what it was not or is not.2 I will try, instead, to define my question positively and, I trust, productively; i.e., what was it in the world view of American Zionism that might have enabled it to influence American Jewish life? As early as the beginning of the twentieth century, the American Zionist movement promoted the notion of America as a healthy amalgam of different cultures and ethnicities. Zionist thinkers, secular and religious alike, fostered the hope that the Jewish community would flourish within America's federal political framework and pluralistic ~ociety.~ A second and related concept shared by the Zionists that provided a potential basis for a significant leadership role in the community was

39 I74 American Jewish Archives democracy: American Zionists fervently believed that the democratization of American Jewish organizational life would open the community to greater Zionist influence, given the movement's growing popular base. American Zionism functioned within a community that was not so much anti-zionist as non-zionist. To varying degrees American non- Zionists supported efforts for the settlement of Palestine and demonstrated solidarity with the world's oppressed Jewries. Indeed, the fact that many American Jews contributed to the strengthening of the Jewish homeland and the defense of overseas Jewries created opportunities for Zionist involvement and Zionist influence. This combination of circumstances-the nature of American Zionism and the character of U.S. Jewry-made Zionism a constructive factor in the life of American Jewry. Generally speaking, American Zionism did not face a hostile community that had to be "conquered," as had often been the case in Europe. Paradoxically, Zionism itself was part of the very community that it hoped to "convert." At the same time, there were some natural checks on Zionist involvement in communal affairs. American Zionism belonged to a world movement aspiring to a sweeping national revival and to Jewish sovereignty in an independent state; as such it could not expect to hold a central, or perhaps even valid, place within the structure of local communities. Moreover, as a constituent member of a world movement that "negated" life in the Diaspora, American Zionism was hardly suited to systematic collective efforts aimed at developing local communities. Zionists qua Zionists generally focused their efforts on specific, limited projects and sought to affect only certain aspects of communal life: and they carried out these efforts, for the most part, as individuals and only rarely as a movement. Institutional Structures and Communal Organization Zionism had a share in the forging of American Jewish communal structures and institutions. Prominent Zionists-Judah Magnes, Mordecai Kaplan, and Samson Benderly among them-participated in the great experiment of organizing New York Jewry under one umbrella body, the Kehillah. While the Kehillah proved a passing phenomenon ( ), it left behind a vital legacy, especially in the realm of Jewish education.

40 Zionist Influences on American Jews I7 5 Mordecai Kaplan, the outstanding Religious Zionist thinker of the period, held a vision of an all-encompassing, organic Jewish community. If Reconstructionism, as a movement, did not take this notion very far, Kaplan's ideas on regenerating Jewish civilization in America left an enduring stamp. Today's Jewish community centers, which serve increasingly as focal points for American Jewish identification with the State of Israel and its culture, are a clear example of his lega~y.~ At two historic junctures the American Zionist movement competed with other elements in the community over the organization and control of American Jewry: during World War I, a period of tremendous Jewish suffering abroad and of great Zionist diplomatic achievements; and in the 194os, with the swelling of Zionist ranks in the face of Nazism. At those particular moments in time, the movement's clear goals were the protection of Jewish populations abroad and the development of the Land of Israel as a recognized, secure national home for a persecuted people. But in order to advance these goals, the movement pressed for the democratization of the structure of the American Jewish community, then dominated by non-zionist philanthropists. Zionists worked toward the creation of a broad democratic framework, and struggled specifically for general elections within the Jewish community. In this way, American Zionists contributed to the founding of the American Jewish Congress during the First World War and, during the Second World War, to the establishment of the American Jewish Conference ( ). These developments, with all the nationalism and democratic zeal that they entailed, did not directly change the structure of local American Jewish communities. As a voluntary community within a free and pluralistic society, American Jewry continued to be led, primarily, by wealthy individuals willing to give of their time, talent, and money for communal affair^.^ Nonetheless, Zionist efforts did affect processes that ultimately led to more open and democratic elections; to the formation of new elites that were more representative and responsive to their constituencies; to a decentralization process that provided more scope for authentic local influence; and to the emergence of a critical American Jewish press and public increasingly sensitive to issues of democratic pr~cedure.~ American Zionism contributed more to the community, however, than stamping it with one or another organizational style. Through

41 176 American Jewish Archives these struggles, the movement enhanced the intellectual level and political awareness of Jewish public discourse. Beyond that, by focusing on social and political issues, and by promoting a democratic and egalitarian ambience, Zionism contributed to the advancement of East European Jews in America and to their integration within the more established Jewish community. Fund-Raising and Aid to Palestine Zionism also played a role in the creation of funds and appeals to foster Jewish settlement in Palestine and to aid Jews in distress, and helped make these instruments central to American Jewish institutional life. As already mentioned, Zionism did not hold a monopoly on concern about persecution and support for Jewish settlers in Palestine; but as a nationalist movement devoted to Jewish solidarity and the establishment of the Land of Israel as the national home, Zionism did much to institutionalize the provision of economic aid. Zionists were a prominent element in the community's initial mobilization during World War I; as early as August 1914 the Zionists set up the Palestine Relief Fund. At about the same time, Socialist Zionists urged the Jewish labor movement to establish the People's Relief Committee. If, in the course of World War I, Zionist and other mass organizations merged with the fiscal network of the Jewish elite, the Zionist movement, historically speaking, must be credited with an incessant, dynamic, and effective pioneering effort. When, finally, the American Joint Distribution Committee (known as the "Joint") arose under the leadership of the Jewish philanthropists as the primary body dealing with oppressed Jewries worldwide, it absorbed all relevant major groups active within the Jewish population.' In 1924 the Histadrut Campaign (the Geverkshaften) was initiated to support the Histadrut (General Federation of Jewish Workers in Palestine), especially in three areas: absorption of immigrants to Palestine; forging links between the Histadrut and labor and liberal circles in North America; and advancing the Zionist effort in general. The Histadrut Campaign became a prominent fixture in the community. A very important period in the history of this fund and American Zionism was the year of 1945, when the AFL-CIO organized to provide massive help to the Histadrut and the Zionist enterprise generally.

42 Zionist Influences on American Jews 177 This achievement did much to raise the prestige of the Histadrut Cam- ~aign.~ The United Palestine Appeal came into being in 1925, incorporating all the Zionist funds in the United States. The first leaders of the new Zionist fund were Emanuel Neumann and Stephen Wise; from to 1943 the president was Abba Hillel Silver. The United Jewish Appeal (UJA) was founded toward the close of 1938, in the wake of the Kristallnacht. Encompassing primarily the Zionist fund and the Joint, the UJA provided help to the Jewish community of Palestine, and especially (later) to the fledgling state, thereby becoming a central factor in the federations' activities and in the life of the American Jewish comm~nity.~ Religious Life Ostensibly, Zionist influence on the community's religious life was very limited, at least before It was primarily the secular Jewish community that Zionism penetrated, providing meaning and challenge to Jewish circles for whom the synagogue was not a central focus. One cannot conclude from this that Zionism had no effect on the religious life of American Jews. We must remember that American Zionism was never antireligious. Even America's Labor Zionist movement-at least its major component organizations-was not antireligious; it was more nonreligious or areligious. Many of America's Zionist activists and leaders were associated in one way or another with religious life; only a small proportion of them were dyed-in-thewool secularists. More than providing an alternative to religion, Zionism in America often served as its complement, and variously blended in with existing religious currents. The involvement of Zionists in the American Orthodox camp prevented significant segments of that community from falling into the category of "separatist Orthodoxy" (known in nineteenth-century Germany as Trennungsorthodoxie). Their Zionist sympathies placed most Orthodox Jews within the broad national framework, that of Klal Yisrael (Jewish peoplehood), and thus led a sizable portion of the Orthodox community to recognize the legitimacy of other expressions of Judaism in the United States, or at least to cooperate with them.l0

43 178 American Jewish Archives As is known, Conservative Judaism was a stronghold of American Zionism. Both laymen and professionals were devoted to the cause; the Conservative rabbinate in particular provided much of the leadership for General Zionism. (In fact, in the 1940s the ZOA drew up plans to make use of synagogue organizations to bolster Zionist strength.) But Conservative Jewry's connection with the Zionist cause can be seen in a different light; perhaps it was partially due to its attachment to Zionistically inclined cultural traditions that the Conservative movement became central to the religious life of American Jewry. Many East European Jews had passed through intensive acculturation in the period between the two world wars and were looking for a non-orthodox religious stream that would meet their need to be counted in Klal Yisrael and give voice to their love of Jewish tradition and their connection with the Land of Israel. The Conservative movement "filled the bill" and so became the address for a broad swath of American Jewry-especially between 1917 and 1948." During the last sixty-odd years, largely due to the impact of Nazism, the Holocaust, and the birth of Israel, the Reform movement has undergone a clear process of Zionization. In the context of this study we can single out one facet of the process-zionism's contribution to the rooting of the Reform movement within the community. Instead of turning into a narrowly defined denomination, Reform Judaism, in large measure under the impact of Zionism, transcended its earlier sociological and ideological limitations and so retained its place as a major religious movement (according to recent indications, probably the largest group today) in American Jewry. Through Zionism, Reform Judaism discovered what it had always sought-a modern, positive, and relevant content; and significantly, Zionism endowed the Reform notion of mission with new meaning.'= Jewish Education American Zionism had a strong tendency to interpret Zionism as the natural outgrowth of Judaism; a new link, to be sure, but a link bound organically to Jewish history and civilization through the ages. This emphasis on continuity enabled American Zionism to blend into and contribute to the educational efforts of American Jewry. (European Zionism, which purported to redeem Jews from an allegedly docile

44 Zionist Influences on American Jews I79 and submissive exilic tradition, tended to skip over Jewish historical continuity and to concentrate enthusiastically on ancient periods of political independence. David Ben-Gurion's passion for the First Commonwealth is a case in point.) As I have already indicated, American Zionism did not emerge and function along the lines of Europe's Gegenwartsarbeit; which is to say, it was not a movement that aimed to contribute, collectively, to a fresh start for the entire Jewish people in the Land of Israel and, for the time being, in the Diaspora as well. In consequence, American Zionists took interest in, and contributed effectively to, the growth of Jewish education in the United States-but essentially as individuals and groups that did not act in the name of the Zionist Organization. From the start of the mass migration and at least into the 1920s, Zionists were active in a variety of educational enterprises within the communal framework-a history I do not intend to detail here. It is important only to note that part of this activity coalesced with, and even laid firm foundations for, Jewish education in America. Zionists and Zionist supporters were among those who set up the educational apparatus of the New York Kehillah, a system that ultimately helped to modernize and raise the level of Jewish education in the United States. They brought in a new curriculum and created what was to become the dominant pattern of education in the community schools and in the afternoon Hebrew schools of the more modern type.i3 Zionists contributed to the establishment of "modernized heders" which in turn gave rise to the new "Talmud Torahs." Many of the teachers, possibly the backbone of the professionals, were Zionists. Religious Zionists led the modern yeshivas. Meir Bar-Ilan (Berlin), president of the U.S. Mizrachi movement from 1916 to 1926, also served as president of the Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary, a nucleus of what was to become Yeshiva University. Of all the Zionist organizations, Hadassah is worthy of special mention. Here we discuss a Zionist organization that not only "influenced the community," but also, due to its ideology, size, mass membership, and rootedness on the American Jewish scene, itself comprised a large component of the community. Hadassah initiated and developed broad educational publications that were deeply Jewish in character, presenting Zionism as the logical extension (or nearly so) of Jewish history. Some of Hadassah's educational projects were under-

45 I 80 American Jewish Archives taken jointly with such non-zionist organizations as B'nai B'rith and Hillel.I4 American Zionists made efforts to revive Hebrew in the United States. There were some small beginnings in the period of mass immigration, usually without much success. (A tragic figure of this period was Naftali Hertz Imber, the Hebrew poet and composer of Hatikvah, who died with paltry recognition and in poverty in New York.) In 1921 the daily Hadoar was founded, becoming a weekly one year later (as it has remained to this day). The readership was, and remains, minuscule. The major body for the dissemination of Hebrew in the United States is the Histadrut Ivrit, a body supported by the Zionist movement. ls Perhaps of greater interest than the valiant effort to revive Hebrew in America was Zionist sympathy for Yiddish. At a time when in Europe, generally speaking, Zionists held Yiddish to be Hebrew's sworn rival, it was often considered Hebrew's natural sister in America. Again, this phenomenon derives from the perception of Zionism as a continuation of Judaism, together with the basic openness of the American Zionists to cultural incorporation in the local community. The Zionist labor movement in America promoted Yiddish, in no small measure, in its enterprises.i6 Hayim Greenberg, the outstanding American Socialist Zionist and head of the Education Department of the World Zionist Organization, delivered a dramatic speech at the first Zionist congress to meet in an independent Israel-in Yiddish! In the final analysis, neither Yiddish nor Hebrew struck deep roots in America, even in the most dedicated Zionist circles. On the other hand, one can note that Zionism lent great vitality to the Jewish English press in the United States. Here we refer not only to the movement's own press but also to a broad influence on communal Jewish newspapers and journals, even including the religious press. At different times and in differing degrees Zionism had a profound influence on the Menorah Journal, the American Hebrew, Commentary, and certainly on such organs as the Reconstructionist and Opinion. Intercommunal Relations The Zionist influence on the life of the Jewish community was especially pronounced in the sphere of intercommunal relations. It is inter-

46 Zionist Influences on American Jews 181 esting that in this realm, too, the uniqueness of American Zionism stands out in comparison with European Zionism. American Zionists struggled openly and vigorously against anti- Semitism within the United States and outside it. There is a vast, and perhaps fundamental, difference between their stance and that of the German Zionists, who invested very little energy in the struggle against Nazism. It is difficult, perhaps, to judge Germany's Zionists, but relatively easy to understand them. For them, Germany was beyond redemption and the major solution to their situation was radical, and classically Zionist-reconstituting Palestine as a national home." However, the essential difference between the two historical movements was the American Jewish perception that "America is different." Certainly American Zionists were different. They regarded their land of domicile as their home; and to the degree that they encountered discrimination or worse, they were optimistic that through struggle and public education, anti-semitism could be eradicated or at least mitigated. The outstanding proponent of this stance was Stephen S. Wise. Under Wise's leadership, the (second) American Jewish Congress and the World Jewish Congress struggled forcefully against Nazism and fascism in Europe and in the United States.lx Essentially, Wise adopted the style of the Zionist movement from the start, leading an open, broadly based, democratic campaign. Elitist circles in the community were appalled by this struggle; only with great trepidation, and very slowly, were they brought into the public fight against anti-semitism. The Zionist camp, conversely, educated the Jews of America to guard their interests proudly, bravely, and openly-in the American political arena as well. It was Abba Hillel Silver who, in the 1940 presidential elections, decided to throw his support to the Republican Party, intending chiefly that the contenders for the presidency (and for other posts as well) ought to compete for Jewish trust in them, ought to prove to the Jewish public that they were sufficiently sensitive to the needs and aspirations of American Jewry. Silver's bold course was of historic significance; and his line was clear: American Jews should stand tall and forge an independent political strategy-a notion that today seems self-evident, and is thoroughly acceptable within American society and politics.19

47 American Jewish Archives Overview American Zionism, then, played no small role in forging the character of the American Jewish community. But, one may ask, was this not accomplished at the price of giving up its Zionist essence? At times one encounters generalizations, especially as regards the period of the establishment of the state, to the effect that American Zionism conquered the community, but was conquered by it as well. However, as I have already noted, this kind of phraseology and reasoning is too European to fit the circumstances of the American case. Ideological confrontations in America, to the degree that they took place, were generally low-keyed. It is more correct, perhaps, to state that American Zionism influenced the community and at the same time was influenced by it. Of course, the very fact of this mutual influence shows that American Zionism, more or less from the start, differed from the European brand. We have examined this difference not particularly as a "deficiency" (from the vantage point of classical European Zionism) but in its implications for the life of the American community. Hence, it is not a dramatic struggle to "conquer" the community that we find in America, and by the same token there was no question of "being conquered" by it.1 We must remember also that American society and politics-the framework in which all the interaction between Zionism and local community took place-were too stable to allow for such Europeanstyle "dramas": polarization was prevented and confrontations were smoothed away. Internal Jewish struggles took place, more or less, according to the American rules of the game. There were differences of opinion and conflicts; but there was some sort of consensus in the background, elusive as it might have been; there were opposing camps with gaps between them, but generally there was openness and a readiness to build bridges. The nature of American Zionism, the character of U.S. Jewry, and the general American milieu-all combined to realize Zionism's potential, or to be more precise, part of that potential, as a fruitful element in the life of American Jewry. While the Zionist movement, as a movement, stood on the fringe of the community, it did have a marked influence on Jewish life in America. And more assuredly, individual Zionists, more than Zionism as a movement, contributed much to

48 Zionist Influences on American Jews 183 their local communities as well as to the Jewish community at large. The influence of the movement and its members found expression in many and varied ways, directly and indirectly. The movement's impact was felt in the change of existing social structures and in independent creative efforts; it expressed itself at times in vigorous and aggressive confrontations; but also-and this was far more characteristic-in alliances and in a process of meshing interests within the communal framework. Allon Gal is an associate professor of Jewish history at Ben-Gurion University of the Negev. His books include Brandeis of Boston (1980) and David Ben-Gurion and the American Alignment for a Jewish State (forthcoming). Notes This article is based on my lecture at the conference "Unitedstates Jews-Society and Cornmuni- ty," at Hebrew Union College, Jerusalem, January 1988, sponsored by the Zalman Shazar Center for Jewish History and the Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion, in collaboration with the Israeli Association for American Studies. I. Abraham G. Duker's The Impact of Zionism on American Jewry (New York, 1958) has helped me structure this article. My thanks go, as well, to Professor Emeritus Ben Halpern of Brandeis University, who read the manuscript and offered valuable advice. 2. Cf. Evyatar Friesel, The Zionist Movement in the United States, [Hebrew] (Tel Aviv, 1970), pp For a detailed discussion of the theme of this section, see my "Aspects of the Zionist Movement's Role in the Communal Life of American Jewry ( )," AmericanJewish History 75, no. z (December 1985): While the above-mentioned article elaborates on the Zionist movement's attitude toward the Jewish community, the present study explores Zionism's impact on the American Jewish setting. 4. Arthur A. Goren, New York Jews and the Quest for Community: The Kehillah Experiment, (New York, 1970), pp ; Charles S. Levy, "Jewish Communal Service," in Oscar I. Janowsky, ed., The American Jew: A Reappraisal (Philadelphia, 1967), pp Isaac Neustadt-Noy, "The UnendingTask: Efforts to Unite American Jewry from the Amer- ican Jewish Congress to the American Jewish Conference" (Ph. D. diss., Brandeis University, 1967)~ esp. chaps. 2, 6; Daniel J. Elazar, Community and Polity: The Organizational Dynamics of American Jewry (Philadelphia, 1980), chap Cf. Ben Halpern, "What Is American Jewry?" Forum, no. 26 (1977), pp ;Daniel J. Elazar; "What Indeed Is American Jewry?" ibid., nos (Winter 1978), pp Goren, New York Jews, pp. 214 ff.; Melvin I. Urofsky, American Zionism from Herzl to the Holocaust (New York, 1976), pp Melech Epstein,Jewish Labor in U.S.A., New York, 1969), pp

49 184 American Jewish Archives 9. Ernest Stock, Partners and Pursestrings: A History of the United Israel Appeal (Lanham, Md., 1987), pp. 42 ff. 10. See esp. the discussion of modern Orthodoxy in Charles Liebman's "Orthodoxy in American Jewish Life," American Jewish Year Book, vol. 66 (1965), pp I I. Marshall Sklare, Conservative Judaism: An American Religious Movement (New York, 1972), pp. 192, Michael A. Meyer, "American Reform Judaism and Zionism: Early Efforts at ideological Rapprochements," Zionism [Hebrew], 9 (1984): ; Allon Gal, "The Mission Motif in American Zionism, ,"American Jewish History 75, no. 4 (June 1986): Goren, New York Jews, chaps. 5 and An example of Hadassah's educational activity within the community and the perception of Zionism as an organic outgrowth of Jewish history is Leo W. Schwarz, ed., Great Ages and Ideas of the Jewish People (New York, 1956), initiated and sponsored by the Women's Zionist Organization of America. 15. Abraham S. Halkin, "Hebrew in Jewish Culture," in Oscar 1. Janowsky, ed., The American Jew: A Composite Portrait (New York, 1942), pp Cf. Shulamith Nardi, "Yiddish as Catalyst in American Zionism," in Geoffrey Wigoder, ed., Contemporary Jewry: Studies in Honor ofmoshe Davis (Jerusalem, 1984), pp ; for Labor Zionism see, e.g., Jacob Katzman, Commitment: The Labor Zionist Life-Style in America (New York, 1975), pp Jehuda Reinharz, "The Zionist Response to Antisernitism in Germany," in Publications of the ~ e~aeck o Institute 30 (1985): ; see also Evyatar Friesel, "Criteria and Conception in the Historiography of German and American Zionism," Zionism, no. z (Autumn 1980), pp Melvin I. Urofsky, A Voice That Spoke for Justice: The Life and Times of Stephen S. Wise (Albany, 1982), chaps ; this is the source for the ensuing discussion. 19. Allon Gal, David Ben-Gurion and the American Alignment for a Jewish State, (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, forthcoming), chap. 5; Zvi Ganin, "Activism versus Moderation: The Conflict between Abba Hillel Silver and Stephen Wise during the I~~os," Studies in Zionism 5, no. I (Spring 1984): Cf. Mordecai Waxman, "Diaspora Zionism: Achievements and Problems/Comments," in Moshe Davis, ed., Zionism in Transition (New York, 1980), pp. 72 ff.

50 Her "Scandalous Behavior" : A Jewish Divorce in Charleston, South Carolina, I 78 8 James W. Hagy In the last two decades historians have shown a great interest in women and the family.' One of the subjects which has received considerable attention is divorce, but the institution is still not completely understood.2 Jane Turner Censer has written the best article on this subject for the So~th.~ She found that most writers had considered the southern states to be far less liberal than they actually were when it came to dissolving marriages. Turner Censer wrote, "During the ante-bellum period, the Southern seaboard states (with the exception of intractable South Carolina which possessed no divorce law until Reconstruction) slowly liberalized their laws."4 Another historian, Linda K. Kerber, writing in 1986, stated that "The divorce experience can be studied only in selected localities. In South Carolina it simply did not exist as a legal option" until 1868.' Also, Marylynn Salmon has written that the American Revolution freed the new states from English legal precedents and resulted in important changes in many jurisdictions. "This, however, was not the case in South Carolina, which retained its conservative attitude toward divorce for another hundred and fifty years." She then quotes a nineteenth-century jurist who said that "no divorce has ever been granted in South Car~lina."~ But in 1788 a divorce did take place in South Carolina and the secretary of state recorded it.' The case was an unusual (and perhaps uniq~e)~ one that involved what Abraham Peck has so aptly referred to as "that other peculiar institution" of the South, J~daism.~ "Intractable South Caro1ina"could be flexible; the state recognized this divorce despite the laws in the statute books and the fact that the usual legal procedures were not followed.

51 American Jewish Archives (Figure I ) (Figure z)

52 Her "Scandalous Behavior" 187 The Bet Din The divorce came about on January 20, 1788, when Mordecai Lyon ( I 8) and his wife Binche or Elizabeth Chapman appeared before a bet din, or ecclesiastical court, consisting of Israel DeLieben and Israel Myers, "learned men appointed for that purpose." They represented Kahal Kadosh Beth Elohim, then the only synagogue in the state. Israel DeLieben ( ), who was born in Bohemia, served in the American Revolution and belonged to the Masons. He married Hannah Levy Hart of Savannah in A businessman, he became a vendue master, or auctioneer, in I 80 I and occasionally engaged in the selling of slaves. He was a partner in the firm of Hart, Stewart & Co. As with many businessmen he became involved in a number of civil suits. He died in Charleston.l0 Israel Myers left few records behind. His residence in the city can be proved by a few records, including the censuses of 1790 and He is known to have served as a customs inspector in I 802." Other persons present at the hearing were Moses Cohen, Abraham Azuby, Hyam Levy, and Samuel Myers. Moses Cohen ( ) was also born in Germany and arrived in Charleston prior to the Revolution. In 1779 he married Judith DeLyon Cohen, daughter of Isaac Cohen and Rinah Tobias Cohen. A merchant in the city he moved to Savannah late in his life and is buried there.12 Abraham Azuby ( I 805) came to Charleston from Amsterdam in Married to Esther Azuby ( I 805), he served as the hazan, or minister, of the Jewish congregation of Charleston from 1785 until his death in 1805, there being no ordained rabbis in the country at that time." Hyam Levy (d. 1795) arrived in Charleston sometime during or shortly after the American Revolution. He appears in the records as early as 1785 when he made an agreement with Hugh Dean regarding the shipment of mahogany from Nassau to London and other goods from London to Nassau. He gained his citizenship in 1793 but died two years later.14 Samuel Myers is less well known. He is found in the 1790 and the 1800 census16 in Charleston. When a daughter married in Charleston in I 8 I 5 he was deceased." Apparently others were present because the document recorded with the secretary of state mentions that "a large concurrence" of the congregation approved the actions taken.

53 188 American Jewish Archives Those attending had a number of things in common. All seem to have been merchants or shopkeepers and to have been born in Europe. They apparently had received training in Jewish customs and practices, especially the two "learned" members and the hazan, who had the duty of reviewing the case. They were Ashkenazic or Central European Jews, with the exception of Azuby, who came from a Sephardic or Mediterranean background. Most, if not all, came to Charleston in the revolutionary era. Charleston's Jewish community was quite small until the time of the Revolution, and religious records for this time are virtually nonexistent. Charleston had no synagogue until 1749, but there were few in North America at the time. From about I 800 until I 830, however, the city contained the largest Jewish population of any community in the United States.I8 Unfortunately, most of the congregational records from before I 83 8 have not survived. In that year fire ravaged a large section of Charleston and destroyed both K. K. Beth Elohim and St. Mary's, the mother church of Roman Catholicism in South Carolina, across the street. Some of the records may have survived the fire only to have been lost when Charlestonians shipped many valuables to Columbia to escape the wrath of General Sherman during the Civil War, only to have Sherman destroy Columbia. The Parties to the Divorce Since Charleston had a nucleus of Jewish citizens by the middle of the eighteen century, it naturally attracted others, including Mordecai Lyon ( November 19, I 8 18), the petitioner in the divorce case. He came from Poland to the United States during the American Revolution, arriving in Charleston with his wife and child in 1782, when the city lay under British occupation. After the British evacuated the city later that year, the authorities thoroughly questioned Lyon about his loyalties; however, he claimed that he had done nothing to harm the American cause and had been preoccupied with caring for his wife and child.19 Two Jewish residents of the city, identified only as Mr. Cohen and Jacobs, testified on his behalf at the hearing, stating that Lyon, a tailor by profession, was truthful and "an unoffensive man" and "attentive to his work."20 At the time he was about forty-seven years of age. He appears in the I 790, I 800, and I 8 10 federal censuses in Charlest~n.~'

54 Her ccscandalous Behavior" 189 Lyon improved his financial situation over the years. The first record of his owning property in Charleston is 1799, when he bought a lot with buildings on the east side of King Street.12 In I 802 he obtained a mortgage from Moses C. Levy on this property13 and sold it to Jean Baptiste le Breton in I 8 I I.24 He then purchased East Bay Street next to the Planters and Mechanics Bank. Although he sold two small portions of his land to the bank,25 he still owned most of it at the time of his death. In his will he made his niece Rachel Moses his executrix and provided two slaves and his property on East Bay Street for her. Four daughters of Rachel Moses, Catherine Moses, Sarah Moses, Adeline Moses, and Henrietta Moses, all minors, were to receive slaves when they reached the age of eighteen. Joseph Lyon, perhaps a brother,26 of Charleston and a number of relatives in Poland also received beq~ests.~' Lyon listed the names of six slaves to be given away upon his death, indicating that he already owned them.28 The inventory of his personal belongings for the probate court shows that his property was limited but apparently of good quality, especially a number of silver items.29 One can assume that he enjoyed a comfortable standard of living. When Lyon first appears in the records, he worked as a tailor. But in 1790 his marriage settlement gives his occupation as storekeeper, and his divorce decree states that he was a merchant. The location of his property on East Bay suggests that he was a substantial merchant until late in his life, although his niece and her husband must have assumed an important role in his business due to his advanced age. He is listed in the city directories of Charleston that survive from 1785 to I 807. He appears again in According to these sources he progressed from tailoring, to running a "slop shop," to being a dry goods mer- Lyon seems to have been a respected citizen of the community. He joined the Hebrew Orphan Society when it was created in 1801,~~ and when he died in I 8 I 8 the Southern Patriot remarked that his "uniform good and upright conduct, had endeared him to a circle of relations and friends, who he has left to deplore his Except for the divorce, nothing is known about Elizabeth Chapman. Her name gives no clue to her background. Many Jewish families had names that appear to be British. Examples in Charleston are Alexander, Barnett, Barrett, Brady, Bush, Davis, Jones, Henry, Lambert, Livingston, Simons, Simpson, Wolf, and Chapman.33

55 190 American Jewish Archives In 1790 Mordecai Lyon remarried to Judith Cohen (1747 -November 19, I 815).34 More is known of her than Elizabeth Chapman. She first married Isaac Cohen, a merchant and a son of the Rev. Moses Cohen ( ) and Dinah Comgile Cohen. His father served as the first religious leader of K. K. Beth El~him.~* Judith Cohen and Isaac Cohen had four children, the first three of whom were born in England: Fanny (a resident of Great Britain), Sarah (1766- I 853), Moses (1768- I 829), and Solomon I. Cohen ( ).~~ Thus the family arrived in Charleston sometime between 1768 and When Isaac Cohen died in 1787, he left his household goods and a "negro wench" to his wife.37 Three years later Judith Cohen married Mordecai Lyon. When he sold his property on King Street his wife had to renounce her dower rights and is thus mentioned in the documents.38 Apparently having some funds of her own, she lent money to Joseph Lyon in I 8 I I.39 When she died, a short obituary appeared in the Southern PatrioP0 which stated that she had been "for many years a respectable inhabitant of this Elizabeth Chapman may have been less respectable. According to the document filed with the South Carolina secretary of state, Lyon claimed that the "scandalous behaviour" of his wife was such that he could not with any propriety cohabitate with her any longer. Indeed, he claimed that Jewish law required that she be divorced. Therefore Lyon requested the bet din to dissolve the marriage and write for him a letter of divorce and separation, or get, to be given to his wife in accordance with the statutes of Holy Law. Furthermore, he stated that his wife had "cordially consented" to such an action and was willing to receive from her husband a letter of divorce and separation. The Divorce Process The court, "after strictly framing his just complaints and finding the truth thereof," decided that Elizabeth Chapman had forfeited all the rights and titles of a wife. They granted his request and wrote a letter of divorce. The authorities then delivered the letter of divorce and separation to Lyon, who, in turn, delivered it to his wife in the presence of witnesses. By renouncing all her rights and titles as wife, Eliza-

56 Her "Scandalous Behavior" 191 beth Chapman regained her personal freedom. She could then remarry as she pleased.42 On March 23,1789, the men who had heard and witnessed the case signed a document stating the provisions of the divorce, and the statement was recorded on March 28 with the secretary of state of South Car01ina.~~ Nothing indicates that they encountered any difficulties with the public authorities in doing this; however, there is no explanation for the delay of over a year before the document was recorded. Possibly Lyon wished to marry again and wanted to remove any legal barriers that the state might impose. Otherwise, this was strictly a matter of the man, his wife, members of the congregation in Charleston, and Jewish custom. The bet din granted the divorce according to Jewish practices, not secular law.44 The rules of procedure for a divorce as eventually worked out can be found in Seder Ha-Get.45 Johann Christoph Georg Bodenschatz, in plate IV of his Kirchliche Verfassung der Heutigen Juden sonnerlich derer in Deutschland, published in four volumes in , illustrates the major steps in the divorce proceedings (Fig. I). In the first scene the husband has told the scribe to write a get while the wife weeps. In the second the husband is speaking to the two witnesses while the rabbi examines the document. Next the husband throws the get to the wife, and in the last picture she is seen receiving it with both hands. The throwing of the bill of divorcement shows the husband's willingness to give it, and the wife's catching of the document shows her to be willing to receive it. There can be no question of their not agreeing to the procedure. Another illustration, this one by Paul Christian Kirchner in Judisches Ceremoniel oder Beschreibung dererjenigen Gebrauch (Nuremberg, 1731), shows the get being thrown to the husband while the humiliated wife stands behind him (Fig. 2). The ceremony in Charleston in 1788 apparently closely resembled these drawings, although Elizabeth Chapman may have been quite pleased with the turn of events rather than weeping. Just what the scandalous behavior of Elizabeth Chapman was cannot be determined, although Lyon implies that she was unfaithful. He apparently had not found someone who was a better cook or more beautiful because he did not marry again for two years. She too wanted the divorce. She willingly took part, indeed "cordially consented" to the ceremony and stated she was agreeable to the divorce.

57 Americalz Jewish Archives Family Factors When the authorities questioned Lyon in 1783 they mention a wife and child. No other records of the child have been found. The censuses do not help a great deal because they give only the name of the head of the household with other people in age groups. In 1790 there were five free people in Lyon's household: two males under the age of sixteen, two males over sixteen including the head of the household, and one female. In I 800 the census lists only two adults (with the male under forty-five, which would not be possible). Then the I 810 census gives a total of eight people, with two males and two females being under the age of ten, one female between sixteen and twenty-five, two females between twenty-six and forty-five, and one male over fort~-five.~~ Despite the fact that the censuses are apparently not exact, the following may explain the figures. Of the four children of Judith Cohen and Isaac Cohen, Fanny was still living in Britain, Sarah married David N. Cardoza in 1785, Moses, who was about twenty-four, married Rachel Moses in 1791, and Solomon I. Cohen was about thirteen.47 Apparently the two young males in the 1790 census were children of Judith Cohen Lyon, and the older male was the son of Mordecai Lyon. By 1800 they seem to have moved out of the household. Then by 1810 the size of the household increased dramatically. The persons most likely to have moved in were Rachel Moses ( ), the niece named in the will of Mordecai Lyon, her husband Joseph (1772- I 814), and their children Catherine ( o), Sarah ( ), Hart ( ), and Adeline (d. 1873).'~ While the ages do not agree with those in the census, the total in the household does. Census takers frequently did not visit homes or asked neighbors, children, or slaves about residents. That could have happened in Certainly Mrs. Lyon was more than forty-five years of age. Despite the domestic arrangements in the Lyon household, the legal system of South Carolina did not allow for easy divorce and remarriage. One law stated that a marriage was indissoluble when contracted and solemnized in the church, providing there was no pre-contract that allowed for divorce.49 Another said that it was a felony to marry a second husband or wife while one's first spouse was still living.jo Possibly the state did not interfere because the marriage had not been so-

58 Her "Scandalous Behavior" I93 lemnized in a church, but if this were the case, why did they bother to record it? Another explanation might be that Jews had been tolerated in Charleston from its inception: the Fundamental Constitutions, which were designed to be the basic laws of the colony, welcomed them.51 Furthermore, Charleston came into being during the Restoration and never went through a puritanical period. As Robert Rosen points out, "Charleston was the namesake of one of the most hedonistic of English monarchs," who was "tolerant, pleasant," and "enjoyed the worldly pleasures to the utmost."s2 Charlestonians generally enjoyed life too much to worry about the details of the law. Also, in the wake of the Revolution, Carolinians were uncertain about what path they were to follow. The most likely explanation, however, is that the "peculiar institution" of Judaism so baffled the authorities that they allowed the Jews to do things according to their own laws. But this is the only Jewish divorce that the author has discovered in the records of the secretary of state. Whatever the reason, one cannot categorically state that no divorce took place in South Carolina until Reconstruction. This case also reveals how rich and varied, indeed peculiar, the state of South Carolina could be. Apparently the authorities in 1788 recognized this fact; perhaps the historians of 1989 should be more alert to the "distinctiveness" of the Palmetto state and should look at institutions other than the secular state on which to base their conclusions. Appendix This is to certify that on the I ~ th day of the Month called Shebat A.M Corresponding with the 20th Jany personally appeared before us the subscribers in the City of Charleston So. Carolina Mordecai Lyon of Camden Mercht. and his wife Binche otherwise Elizabeth Chapman. The said Mordecai Lyon maketh complaint that the scandalous behaviour of said Elizabeth Chapman his wife is such that he cannot with any propriety nor & or [?I agreeable to our holy Laws any longer [continue] his cohabitation with her as his wife. Therefore the said Mordecai Lyon requested of us the subscribers to grant him and write for the use of said Elizabeth his wife a Letter of Divorce and Separation agreeable to the Statutes of Our holy Law to which said Elizabeth has readily and cordially consented and was willing to re-

59 I94 Americavt Jewish Archives ceive of said Mordecai Lyon her husband a Letter of Divorce and Separation as directed by the Mosaic Law. Therefore we the Subscribers after strictly framing his just complaints and finding the truth thereof and that said Elizabeth his wife by her behaviour has forfeited all her Rights and Titles of a Wife and that in such a Case our Laws absolutely require a Divorce and finding likewise both parties agreeable to divorce and be divorced. Therefore we have awarded and wrote a Letter of Divorce and Separation by the desire of said Mordecai Lyon and consent of said Elizabeth his wife for the use and purpose of a Divorce and Separation agreeable to the Mosaic Law and Rabinical Institution after both parties having taken the usual Oaths. Which Letter of Divorce said Mordecai Lyon has before us the Subscribers and a large concurrence of the Congregation given known and delivered into the hands of said Elizabeth his wife agreeable to the Law & Statutes with all its due formalities which said Letter of Divorce said Elizabeth his wife has received and accepted of her own free will and consent without any Force or persuasions agreeable to Law and having publicly renounced all future Rights & Titles demands against and towards said Mordecai Lyon on which we the Subscribers have published and declared before all that were present that said Binche otherwise Elizt. Chapman formerly wife of said of said [words repeated] Mordecai Lyon is now divorced and separated for ever from said Mordecai Lyon agreeable to the Statutes and Laws of Moses and that she the said Elizabeth Chapman is from now at full Liberty to be married to whom she pleases according to the Law of Moses of Israel. In witness our hands & Seals the 23d of March Witnesses present Moses Cohen-Samuel Myers Personally appeared before me Mr. Moses Cohen and Samuel Myers who being duly Sworn made oath that they were present when a Bill of Divorce was granted by I. D Lieben and Israel Myers learned men appointed for that purpose unto Mordecai Lyon and given by him to his wife Elizabeth which she received and acknowledged to be satisfied therewith. Israel Myers (1.s.) I D Lieben (1.s.) Abm Azub (1.s.) [Hebrew] Hyam Levy (1.s.)

60 Her "Scandalous Behavior " Sworn to before me this 28th March 28th [sic] Moses Cohen Samuel Myers Jab. Bentham, J.P. recorded 28th March 1789 James W. Hagy teaches in the department of history at the College of Charleston, Charleston, South Carolina. He has done extensive research on the early history of South Carolina Jewry. Notes I. Jacquelyn Dowd Hall and Anne Firor Scott, "Women in the South," in John B. Boles and Evelyn Thomas Nolen, Interpreting Southern History: Historiographical Essays in Honor of Sanford W. Higginbotham (Baton Rouge, 1986), pp The authors point out that no more than five major works on women in America appeared between 1920 and 1960, and of these only one dealt with the South. Their bibliography shows how this has dramatically changed; however, there remains much to be done in this field. r. Some examples of recent work are: Nancy Cott, "Divorce and the Changing Status of Women in Eighteenth-Century Massachusetts," William and Mary Quarterly, 3rd ser., 33 (1976): ; Henry S. Cohn, "Connecticut's Divorce Mechanism: ," AmericanJourna1 of Legal History 44 (1970): 35-54; Marylynn Salmon, "Life, Liberty, and Dower: The Legal Status of Women After the American Revolution," in Carol R. Berkin and Clara M. Lovett, Women, War, andrevolution (New York, 1980),pp ; Linda K. Kerber, Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (New York, 1986), chap. 6, " 'Domestic Liberty': Freedom to Divorce." 3. Jane Turner Censer, "Smiling through Her Tears: Ante-Bellum Southern Women and Divorce,"American Journal of Legal History 25 (1981): rr Ibid., p Kerber, "Women of the Republic, p. I Salmon, "Life, Liberty, and Dower," p Secretary of State, Miscellaneous Records, vol. zx, pp , South Carolina Department of Archives. 8. This divorce was unexpectedly discovered in the multivolume, handwritten, and occasionally unreadable indices of the Miscellaneous Records. 9. Abraham Peck, "That Other 'Peculiar Institution': Jews and Judaism in the Nineteenth Century South." Modern Judaism 7 (1987): Barnett A. Elzas, The Jews of South Carolina from the Earliest Times to the Present Day (Philadelphia, I ~OS), pp. 95,134, 146,278,279; idem, The Old Jewish Cemeteries at Charleston, S.C.: A Transcript of the Inscriptions on Their Tombstones, (Charleston, 1903)~ p. 58; Malcolm H. Stern, First American Jewish Families: 600 Genealogies, (Cincinnati, 1960), p. 98; Miscellaneous Records, vol. 3N, pp. 274, 279; VOI. 30, p. 491; vol. 3PP, p. 329; ~01.30, p. 277; vol. 3S, pp. 194,395. For the civil suits, see Court of Common Pleas, Judgement Roll 1785, I 19a; Judgement Roll 1802, I 87a; Judgement Roll 1803,95a; Judgement Roll 1804, 513a; Judgement Roll 1807, 354a, 448a.

61 196 American Jewish Archives 11. U.S. Census, 1790, p. 38; U.S. Census, 1800, p. 143; Elzas, Jews of South Carolina, pp. 138, 143, Stern, First AmericanJewish Families, p. 57; B. H. Levy, Savannah's OldJewish Community Cemeteries (Macon, 1983), p. 42; Secretary of State, Miscellaneous Records, vol. 20, pp. 183, Elzas, JewsofSouth Carolina,pp. 133,288,290,291; idem, OldJewish Cemeteries,~. 83; Stern, First American Jewish Families, p. 13. He is found in the 1790 Census, p. 41, and the 1800 Census, p There his name is listed as Azube. He preceded his wife in death by only three months. See Elzas, OldJewish Cemeteries of Charleston, p. 83. Her will (Charleston County Will Book, vol. 30, p. 855) was written two days before she expired. One of the persons signing the divorce document recorded with the secretary of state signed his name in Hebrew. It appears to be Abraham, thus Abraham Azuby, but the clerk, not knowing Hebrew, garbled the letters. 14. Miscellaneous Records, vol. zu, p On October I, 1795 he made a lease for the bar room of The Theatre with 1. W. West and A. Bignall (Miscellaneous Records, vol. je, p. 484) but by October 20,1895, Eleazer Cohen and Levy Phillips had been appointed as administrators of his estate. Miscellaneous Records, vol 36 p The record of citizenship is to be found in Miscellaneous Records, vol. 3E, p IS. U.S. Census, 1790, p U.S. Census, 1800, p Southern Patriot, November 7, Ira Rosenwaike, On the Edge of Greatness: A Portrait of American Jewry in the Early National Period (Cincinnati, 1985). 19. It would not have been unusual for Lyon to have spent some time in England before coming to North America. Many of Charleston's Jews came from England or spent some time there enroute from the continent. 20. Elzas, Jews of South Carolina, p. 99. Elzas discovered the document with this information in the office of the secretary of state in Columbia. He stated: "These minutes of testimony are contained in a bundle of papers consisting of ten quarto sheets, each of them folded separately into four; thus exhibiting eight narrow pages of writing. The sheets are not in very good condition and are written in a small, crabbed, and illegible hand, with many abbreviations. The lines are close together and notes are added between the lines. They are to be deciphered only with great difficulty." The manuscript can no longer be located; however, a petition from Henry, Samuel Levy, Montague Simons, Hyams Solomon, and Mordcay [sic] Lyon, all Jewish residents of Charleston, stating they are prisoners on parole and wish to become citizens of the state, can be found in the General Assembly Papers, Petitions, 1783, nr. 27, January 27, See also Journals of the [South Carolina] House of Representatives , pp. 36, U.S. Census, 1790, p. 41; U.S. Census, 1800, p. 78; U.S. Census, 1810, p Charleston County Register of Mesne Conveyance, book Y6, pp , March 15, Ibid., book 17, pp , June 10, Ibid., book D8, pp , February I, Ibid., book E8, pp ; book E8, pp ; book G8, pp At that time East Bay Street faced the docks of Charleston and was the most important commercial area of the city. King Street, which today would correspond to a main street in most cities, was less desirable and contained smaller retail and wholesale businesses. 26. Rachel Moses was probably his daughter. 27. Charleston County Will Book, vol. 13, pp zo (written 1816, proved 1818).

62 Her "Scandalous Behavior" Lyon sold four slaves to Montague Jackson in 1807 (Miscellaneous Records, vol. jx, p. 462), and in 1818, the year of his death, he gave slaves to Sarah and Maria Moses (Miscellaneous Records, vol. 4Q, p. 44). 29. Charleston County Probate Court, Inventory Book F, p. 2. Inventory completed January 5, 1819, by M. C. Levy, L. J. Cohen, and George W. Ogden. 30. City Directory of Charleston, 1785, p. 23; 1790, p. 29; 1801, p. 93; 1802,~. 46; 1803, p. 36; 1806, p. 48; 1807, p. 154; 1816, p Thomas J. Tobias, TheHebrew Orphan Society of Charleston, S.C., Founded in 1801: An Historical Sketch (Charleston, 1957), p. 37, 32. October 22, His obituary appeared about three weeks after his death. While the newspaper does not mention where he died, it is possible that he spent his last few months with relatives elsewhere, a practice which was not at all uncommon. No record of his burial has been found in South Carolina. 33. See Elzas, Old Cemeteries of Charleston. At the same time the death records of Charleston reveal that virtually every "Jewish name" was held by people, black and white, who were buried in almost every cemetery in the city. 34. Marriage Settlement, vol I, p. 525, February 26, 1790, South Carolina Archives. Trustee: Moses Levy, storekeeper of Charleston. Witnesses: E. Abrams and Samuel Myers Stern, First American Jewish Families, p. 35; Elzas, Jews of South Carolina, p Stern, First American Jewish Families, p Charleston County Will Book, vol. 22, pp. I 15 - I 17 (written February 11,1787, proved February 19, 1787). 38. Register of Mesne Conveyance, book D8, pp ; book 17, pp Secretary of State, Miscellaneous Records, vol. qb, p November 22, Although she is listed as Judith Lyon on her tombstone, Elzas, OldJewish Cemeteries of Charleston, p. 38, has mistaken her name to be Judith Lyon Cohen, apparently since her son S. I. Cohen erected the monument. This error has been picked up by Jewish genealogists such as Stern, First American Jewish Families. Also, Elzas gives the date of her death as 1816 instead of 1815, which could have resulted from the difficulty of reading the stone or from a printing error. Elzas states that he read the monuments several times, and he is generally extremely accurate in his work. This error has also been adopted by others. Elzas also reports that there were a number of unmarked graves in the cemetery and some stones which he could not read. 42. Miscellaneous Records, vol. 2X, pp For the text of the letter, see the appendix to this article. 43. Ibid. 44. The rules concerning divorce are numerous. Some of the biblical references are: Deuteronomy 24:1-4; Leviticus 21:7,14:22; Numbers 30:10;Ezekiel44:22; Ezra IO:~; Isaiah 5o:1; Jeremiah 3:s. Perhaps the most important of these is Deuteronomy 24:1, which states, "A man takes a wife and possesses her. She fails to please him because he finds something obnoxious about her, and he writes her a bill of divorcement, hands it to her, and sends her away from his house." The translation of the Bible used is Tanakh: A New Translation of the Holy Scriptures According to the Traditional Text (New York, 1985). In other literature, tractate Gittin (Bills of Divorcement) of the Mishnah is especially important. Gittin 10 discusses the justification for divorce. It gives the line of reasoning of three schools of thought that elaborated on the statement in Deuteronomy 24:1. One group stated that a man could not divorce his wife unless he found her to be unfaithful. Another gave a more liberal interpretation, thereby allowing a man to

63 198 American Jewish Archives divorce his wife for a simple offense such as spoiling a dish. A third believed that divorce was permissible even if the man was only dissatisfied with his wife because he found someone else more beautiful. Generally, Jews have accepted the more liberal interpretation; reasons other than adultery have been accepted as sufficient grounds for a divorce. The translation of the Mishnah used is Herbert Danby's, The Mishnah: Translated from the Hebrew with Introduction and Brief Explanatory Notes (Oxford, 1933). For modern works, see Menachem M. Brayer, "The Role of Jewish Law Pertinent to the Jewish Family, Jewish Marriage and Divorce," in Jacob Fried ed., Jews and Divorce (New York, 1968); David Werner Amram, The Jewish Laws of Divorce According to Bible and Talmud with Some Reference to Its Development in Post-Talmudic Times (New York, 1896). 45. In Amram, Jewish Law of Divorce According to Bible and Talmud, pp U.S. Census, 1790, p. 41; 1800, p. 78; 1810, p Stern, First American Jewish Families, pp. 29, 36, 212; Elzas, Jews of South Carolina, p. 92; idem, Old Jewish Cemeteries of Charleston, pp. 12, 38; Levy, Old Jewish Cemeteries of Savannah, p. 42; Barnett A. Elzas, Jewish Marriage Notices from the Newspaper Press of Charleston, S.C. (17~5-1906) (New York, 1917), pp. 6, The couple had two other children: Mordecai, who died in 1805, and Hester, who was not born until I 812. Stern, First American Jewish Families, p. 213; Elzas, Old Jewish Cemeteries of Charleston, p South Carolina Statutes, vol. 2, p Passed in Ibid., p Also passed in I. The Fundamental Constitutions, possibly written by John Locke, allowed Jews, heathens, and others into Carolina with the idea that they would be persuaded to accept the "true" religion. 52. Robert Rosen, A Short History of Charleston (San Francisco, 1982), pp. 10, 11.

64 Jewish Street Merchants and Mass Consumption in New York City, Andrew Heinze Rootless and vulnerable, canvassing the rural areas of Poland and America, surviving by means of quick wits, verbal finesse, and sheer stamina, the peddler had been for centuries a symbol of Jewish life in the Diaspora. By the early twentieth century, the massive immigration of Eastern European Jews into New York City had created the basis for a new kind of peddler, one who functioned as part of a sizable commercial network within a well-defined urban area. Yet, subtle changes in the economic character of peddling were masked by the symbolic appeal of these lone and humble merchants. Traditional Views of the Street Peddler To contemporaries who observed the strains and humiliations characterizing the life of peddlers, the curbside merchant seemed to embody the rootlessness and desolation of modern life. In a 1902 poem, Morris Rosenfeld, the celebrated Yiddish poet of Jewish life in the American city, eulogized "The Greenhorn Peddler." The man who had been the intellectual light of his peers in the old country was compelled by conditions in America to live out an undistinguished life at the helm of a pushcart. "Oy, how pitifully he goes around, knocking on strange doors!" Rosenfeld wrote, "such is the way a beautiful flower withers, that would have adorned a people."' Reinforcing the literary image of the Jewish street peddler, the Yiddishes Tageblatt, the popular daily newspaper which published "The Greenhorn Peddler," printed the melancholy description of streetside trade written in 1903 by Rose Pastor, a young Polish Jew who was the paper's assistant editor. Pastor focused on a poor, elderly woman, a

65 200 American Jewish Archives relatively recent arrival in America, who scraped together a living by selling Sabbath candles. Her features paled by exhaustion and her body covered by a coarse jacket and shawl, the woman momentarily set her basket down in front of a store in order to make change for one of her few customers. Immediately, the storekeeper came out and kicked the basket into the street. Distraught, the old woman could do nothing but give thanks to God that the road was dry and that the candles were not ruined. Concluding her careful description of this downtrodden peddler, Pastor commented on the sadness of a world in which "so much pain and sorrow, so much poverty and suffering" was heaped upon those who were "God's best belo~ed."~ The Commercial lmportance of-street Peddlers Provoked by what they considered to be the pathetic condition of pushcart peddlers, Rosenfeld and Pastor discovered a vehicle for exposing the trauma of immigration and the purported evils of capitalism. Yet, enhanced over subsequent decades by feelings of nostalgia for a time when commerce was conducted in foreign languages over the tops of wagons, the image of the street markets as the domain of old-fashioned women and bedraggled vendors has obscured the commercial significance of Jewish peddlers from Eastern Europe. While the whirl of life on the city streets seemed to suggest nothing but confusion, the collective effort of these anonymous immigrants ended up broadening the scope of urban consumption. Turning a primitive form of retailing into an urban institution, they introduced a wide range of affordable luxuries and a degree of service that had formerly been alien to outdoor marketing. As a result of this entrepreneurial innovation, Jewish newcomers from the impoverished shtetls and cities of Eastern Europe bolstered the power and the prestige of ordinary consumers, aiding many newcomers in their search for an American lifestyle. Given the image of the Lower East Side of New York as a turn-ofthe-century monument to poverty, it is not surprising that the nature of Jewish peddling has been incompletely understood. Overlooking evidence of a boom in consumer spending during the decades of heavy immigration, scholars have perceived the dense Jewish section of lower Manhattan as a prototype of urban poverty in the United States, and the Jewish population that lived there continues to be broadly

66 Jewish Street Merchants 20 I described as imp~verished.~ This view has been sustained by the argument that the urban "ghettos" emerging in the late nineteenth century were locales in which consumers were burdened with inferior merchandise and inflated price^.^ In actuality, the Eastern European Jewish immigration to New York City generated a high level of demand for new luxuries, which intensified retail commerce. The ethnic districts of the United States prior to 1914 offered newcomers a range of products that would have been inconceivable in the depressed rural areas inhabited by the European peasantry as well as in the ramshackle shtetlach and urban ghettos of the Eastern European Jews. The poorest Jewish section of New York's City's Lower East Side, observed a visiting French clergyman in 1905, "in no way reminds one of the leprous-looking ghetto familiar in Europe."' A few years later, Walter Weyl, the Progressive writer who considered the expanded role of the American consumer to be a basis for social reform, made a similar comparison between the Italian district of New York and the cities of southern Italy. Taking note of the relative scarcity of beggars, the ample and stylish dress of the people, and the array of products sold in the neighborhood, Weyl contrasted these conditions to "the abysmal wretchedness of Naples and Palermo," and he concluded that "the poor Italian has money, and he buys."6 The Jewish streets of downtown New York inspired Henry James to speak of the "new style of poverty" in the American city, a social phenomenon of the first order that eluded most observers who were preoccupied with the environmental problems of the Lower East Side. As the great novelist walked through the area in 1904, after a twentytwo-year sojourn in Europe, he was surprised and impressed by "the blaze of the shops addressed to the New Jerusalem wants and the splendor with which these were taken for granted." Not oblivious to the sordid aspects of the crowded Jewish neighborhoods, James nonetheless considered the massive striving of the people for a more refined existence to be "the larger harmony" that united the energies of immigrants who had become urban consumers in America.' Consumption as Americanization Jews found in the new arena of urban consumption not simply an escape from the inveterate scarcity of the Old World but the most immediately accessible way to identify themselves as Americans. In

67 20 2 American Jewish Archives 1902, the Yiddishes Tageblatt alluded to the fundamental relationship between sophistication in consumption and change in cultural identity. Purporting to give-as the subtitle of a feature article declared- "Clear Evidence How Jews Green Themselves Out Very Quickly in This Land," the newspaper described the rise of material aspirations and living standards among Jewish newcomers during the 1890s. In clothing the East Side beats all other worker neighborhoods and it does not stand behind the most beautiful business areas. The Jewish quarter is the best customer for silk and velvet, and also for gold and diamonds.... Furniture stores have multiplied and grown big and beautiful. The most beautiful furniture is sold on the East Side, and pianos have become a fashion in Jewish home^.^ Jews had found that the first step in becoming Americans, and the most visible sign of a new identity, was the adoption of an American standard of living. The maturation of street marketing at the turn of the century depended on the determination of immigrants, as consumers, to increase their purchasing power. Emerging as a conspicuous part of city life during the 'massive Irish and German immigration of the 1840s and I 8 ~os, street marketing in New York City appears to have originated in the need of poor people for inexpensive prod~ce.~ Until the arrival of the eastern and southern Europeans, however, this form of selling was a slow-moving tributary of the city's rapidly flowing trade. In 1870, the streetside vendor of Manhattan was observed to have "much leisure to spend in cloudy revery, in tranquil chat with a neighbor, in poring over a book or paper, in smoking a pipe, or in dozing," his existence appearing to be a "monotonous and uneventful round.'"o The Function and Scope of Street Peddling During the last decades of the century, the growth of the urban population and of the marketing system produced a congestion in the retail trade of New York City that a new ethnic army of street merchants would help to relieve. After the Civil War, when railroads came to dominate the transport of foodstuffs, shippers and buyers tended more than ever to concentrate their business in the downtown markets that had formerly thrived on water-borne commerce. The presence of a centralized market enabled distant shippers to increase the likeli-

68 Jewish Street Merchants 203 hood that their goods would find buyers, and it gave buyers the opportunity to inspect the quality and quantity of incoming foods with a minimum of effort. The bulk of the produce arriving in the metropolitan area was collected at the Washington Market, a depot that eventually occupied nearly fifty-six acres on the Lower West Side between West and Hudson streets below Fulton Street. The primary point of distribution for the city's unusual variety of fish, which came not only from fisheries in the Northeast but also from California and England, was the Fulton Market on the Lower East Side, situated several blocks below the Brooklyn Bridge. In the early 188os, when the Fulton Fish Market, equipped with enormous refrigeration units, was handling well over fifty million pounds of fish each year, the downtown wholesale centers of Manhattan had already attained a phenomenal scale of business. By 19 14, over six billion pounds of fruit, vegetables, dairy products, and fish entered the city through these areas." The distance of the downtown wholesale markets from the northeastward center of the city's population, in addition to the frequency of gluts accompanying the concentration of trade, posed a distinct problem for consumers interested in obtaining perishable items as quickly as possible. In this commercial situation, newcomers to New York City, particularly Jews, Italians, and Greeks, recognized an opportunity to make a living by means of the pushcart. This type of selling was well suited to the city's need for a more extensive network of merchants, and it was tailor-made for poor immigrants. With operating expenses limited to ten cents a day for the rental of a wagon and a few dollars per year for a license-an expense that many peddlers probably avoided-street merchants efficiently met the needs of immigrants like themselves, who sought low prices and accepted imperfect goods. The density of the city's Jewish and Italian neighborhoods supported the transition of street marketing from an occupation restricted to a small number of itinerant peddlers to an established'retail institution. During the middle and late 188os, pushcart peddlers began to station themselves on certain streets of the Lower East Side, where they developed a steady clientele of housewives. Within the next two decades, Hester Street, Grand Street, Orchard Street, and Rivington Street, along with most of the other streets of the Jewish quarter, had virtually become marketplaces. Throughout the day and well into the evening,

69 204 American Jewish Archives these streets were filled on both sides with continuous lines of pushcarts that extended from block to block. In the Italian areas surrounding Mulberry, Elizabeth, and Mott streets to the west of the Bowery, in Italian Harlem, situated roughly along First Avenue between 106th and I I 6th streets and along Third Avenue between I I 6th and I 25 th streets, and in several other parts of the city, large clusters of street merchants also appeared. Peddling as a Means of Upward Mobility After I 899, as immigration from Jewish Eastern Europe accelerated, the influence of immigrants over street marketing came to a peak. In 1906, a municipal commission conservatively estimated the number of pushcart peddlers in Manhattan to be about five thousand, of whom 97 percent were reportedly foreigners. Fourteen percent were Greek, 22 percent were Italian, and 61 percent were Jewish.lz The body of customers served by the pushcarts grew proportionately. In 1923, an official survey reckoned that one and a half million New Yorkers patronized the street merchants. The majority of these consumers appeared to be Jews and Italians.13 Contrary to the image of the street peddler as a rootless, elderly, downtrodden outcast, peddling had quickly developed into a legitimate occupation. Most vendors were between twenty and sixty years old, in the prime of their working lives, and their income in 1906 reportedly averaged between $I 5 and $I 8 per week, a figure that compared well to the wages and salaries obtained in many other occupations. Far from being inescapably bound to the pushcart by poverty, Jews tended to treat peddling as a stepping stone to a more substantial business. They usually spent about five or six years on the streets and then invested their savings in an enterprise of their own.14 In 1913, a municipal commission on the state of the pushcart industry in New York gave a fair portrayal of the business when it described the peddlers as "self-respecting merchants." l5 Prices and Range of Goods As a source of inexpensive yet good-quality foods for a large number of city people, street marketing had evolved into a vital retail institu-

70 Jewish Street Merchants 205 tion. By virtue of the location of New York's primary wholesale markets for produce and fish on the Lower West Side and the Lower East Side, residents of the lower portion of the city were able to buy food at prices considerably lower than those available to shoppers in other districts. In the early 188os, before pushcart peddlers had begun to congregate on particular streets, many residents of lower Manhattan used to buy produce at special outdoor markets that operated on Saturday nights and Sunday mornings. By dusk on Saturday, the streets that bordered these markets would be piled high with all sorts of fruits and vegetables, and the air would ring with the shouts of hawkers. Here, at the "the great green grocer's shop of economical buyers," as a reporter for the New York Times referred to one of the sites, shoppers could "get more for their money" than they could anywhere else in town.16 The advent of large-scale street marketing made these advantages available on a daily basis. In the summer of 1893, a survey of produce prices at the street markets of lower Manhattan was reported by Maria Parloa, a well-known lecturer on cooking and home economics. Parloa stated that items of similar quality were less expensive on the pushcarts than they were in local stores." Abetted by the negligible costs of operating a pushcart, street merchants specialized in a single type of commodity, which enabled them both to know the market more thoroughly than a general merchant and to gain economies of scale denied to small shopkeepers. "Perhaps no other class of buyers.. ; comb the market as do the push cart vendors in search of bargains," stated the most authoritative government report on this type of retailing, published in 1925; "nothing in the way of produce capable o'f a quick turnover, at prices reasonable to insure a profit, escapes their observation. "la Prior to the 192os, street marketing offered consumers bargains unsurpassed by other forms of retailing. The chain store also originated in New York City, when the Great American Tea Company, which evolved into the Great Atlantic and Pacific Tea Company (A & P), was founded on Vesey Street in I The grocery chain had set up nearly five hundred units by I 9 I 2, when it launched the concept of the largevolume, rapid-turnover, cash-and-carry "economy store." Yet, for at least another decade, the prices of the A & P stores seem to have been, at best, slightly lower than those of smaller grocery shops. The great-

71 206 American Jewish Archives est bargains were found on the streets, and, consequently, people who lived near the principal pushcart markets were found to spend much less of their income for the staples of daily life than did shoppers who depended upon stores.19 As a source of inexpensive food, large-scale street marketing was a vital economic resource, but the outstanding social consequence of the institution came with the expansion of the curbside inventories into other types of merchandise. The flowering of products and of retail techniques on the streets of New York City was a boon to consumers of modest means. By reducing the prices of a seemingly unlimited variety of products and by refining the image of shopping on the streets, peddlers mimicked some of the essential features of the department store and raised the prestige of ordinary shoppers. The transformation of street marketing into a socially valuable institution was directed by Eastern European Jews. The Predominance of Jews in the Field The influx of Eastern and Southern Europeans after the I 870s virtually produced an ethnic division of labor in the industry of street marketing. Italians and, to a lesser extent, Greeks played a large role in the expansion of the fruit and vegetable selection available to street shoppers. In addition to carrying the products of the region, such as cabbages, turnips, cauliflowers, squash, corn, lettuce, tomatoes, apples, pears, and peaches, they peddled bananas, pineapples, coconuts, grapes, oranges, lemons, limes, dates, figs, and mangoes, foods that most Eastern Europeans regarded as true luxuries.20 Jews, who constituted a majority of the peddlers in Manhattan, also participated in the food trade. Yet they practically monopolized the sale of clothing and fabrics, furs, shoes, hats, jewelry, eyeglasses, cosmetics, bedding, curtains, stationery and books, crockery, glassware, kitchen utensils and hardware, toys, and miscellaneous items. In 1906, an observer of the bustling curbside commerce of Manhattan recognized the impact of ethnicity upon the business. "The Americans sell lunches, the Greeks fruit and ice cream, almost exclusively, while the Italians widen the list by adding vegetables," he stated, "but the Jewish peddlers sell practically every conceivable thing."ll The general impression that Jews were broadening the horizon of street marketing

72 Jewish Street Merchants 207 was confirmed a decade and a half later by a statistical survey of peddling in New York City. Of over seven hundred vendors selling merchandise other than food, 95 percent were JewsZ2 Lower Manhattan was not only the distribution point for food, but it also accommodated many small factories producing dry goods, clothing, cosmetic items, and household furnishings. By the end of the I 88os, Jewish peddlers had begun to tap these nearby sources of merchandise. Their enterprise was manifested in the startling variety of products for sale on the Lower East Side, where the streets were steadily turning into an emporium for shoppers. Arriving in New York from Hungary in I 8 89, Louis Borgenicht was startled by the booming trade that was conducted out of doors. He had rarely seen a peddler in his homeland, where, except for the days of the annual trading fair, retail trade had been slow. Yet "in one single street" of New York City, Borgenicht observed "more people offering wares than in the largest Jahrmarket, and more different items than in a hundred Jahr- By the late 189os, the refinement of street marketing had progressed so steadily that a woman who had tried in vain to match her draperies at the finest uptown stores was able to do so at the pushcart of a peddler on Hester Street. The woman's story, told in the New York Tribune in 1898, was accompanied by the statement of an alleged authority that "what cannot be bought in the pushcart market cannot easily be bought in New YorkSmZ4 In the city, Eastern Europeans sustained a tradition in which Jewish peddlers performed the important function of catering to consumers who had been excluded from the burgeoning retail trade of America. During the middle decades of the nineteenth century, prior to the rise of the railroads, thousands of German Jews spanned the country peddling urban products to consumers whose migration had carried them beyond the centers of trade. In 1860, when there were probably around twenty thousand peddlers in the United States, a large proportion of these petty retailers appear to have been Jews.25 By the close of the nineteenth century, the focus of American economic growth had shifted. The bulk of consumer demand rested not in the west-bound settlements, but in the burgeoning population of city people. Accordingly, the chief challenge facing itinerant entrepreneurs was no longer how to link remote consumers to the urban source of luxuries but, instead, how to sell these items at more affordable prices.

73 208 American Jewish Archives As the pioneers of the department store had done in the 1860s and 187os, Jewish street merchants set to the task of furnishing the public with good-quality merchandise at lower prices than were usually found in retail stores. Into the domain of street selling, the Eastern Europeans infused traditional Jewish concepts of quality and price. Acknowledging the importance of commerce in Jewish life, the Talmud had set forth a series of injunctions to maintain a high standard of conduct while allowing for competition in retail trade. Drawing on passages in Leviticus (19:35, z5:14) and Deuteronomy (25:13 - IS), the revered texts of Jewish law insisted on honest representation of merchandise and on generosity toward consumers. In addition, merchants were specifically permitted to sell goods below the market price in order to attract customer^.^^ Like all precepts, these points of commerce would not be unanimously upheld, but they shaped the method of Jewish merchants in both Europe and America. Inordinately dependent upon the ability to succeed in trade, Jews had been compelled by circumstances to attract consumers by retailing products at competitive prices. In the Russian Pale, the success of Jewish commerce was based on the tendency to sell for cash at a'low margin of profit in order to achieve a rapid turnover of merchandise. Russian merchants, by contrast, were attached to the time-honored principle of maintaining prices and granting long credits." The transplantation of the Jewish style of selling to the fertile territory of the American city prompted economist Isaac M. Rubinow to declare, in 1907, that "nowhere in the United States are the prices of general merchandise, whether it be dry goods, clothing, or groceries of well-known make and supposedly fixed prices, so low in price as they are on the east side of New York City."Z8 The Effect of Peddlers on Local Businesses The ability to sell at a competitive price enabled Jewish retailers to usurp the position of American department and dry-goods stores on the Lower East Side during the 1880s. According to a chronicle of the development of the Lower East Side between I 88 5 and 1910, Eastern European Jews had outpaced the three large department stores that had been previously established on Grand Street, by upholding the policy of giving "more 'money's worth'."29 By 1906, the Jewish dis-

74 Jewish Street Merchants 209 trict of the Lower East Side was reported to have at least fifty large dry-goods stores whose stocks of silks, woolens, and other fine fabrics offered competition to the city's major retail firms. On account of the low profit margins they operated with, these stores sold merchandise at prices that attracted women from uptown as well as from outlying areas of New York City.30 The competitive approach of Jewish vendors accentuated the endemic tendency of street marketing toward lower prices, attracted large clienteles, and stimulated retail business in general. As the president of the New York City Board of Police noted in 1897, the coming of the pushcart markets in the 1880s had initiated vast improvements in the social milieu of Jewish streets, some of which, like Hester Street, had formerly been a refuge for criminal^.^' By virtue of their competitive advantages, street merchants quickly came to be identified as a magnet of commerce to which shopkeepers were strongly attracted. The arrival of a cluster of peddlers on a street was reputed to cause a boom in business and in the value of real estate on the block. Streets outside the perimeter of the outdoor marketplaces were often strikingly slow in business compared to those within, and the course of trade on one side of a street often appeared to be linked to the presence or absence of a line of p~shcarts.~~ The positive effect of street merchants on surrounding businesses was discussed by a Jewish peddler called to testify in 1906 before a mayoral commission on pushcarts in New York City. The witness explained how the owner of a men's clothing store on Fulton Street had asked a number of peddlers to locate on his side of the street. After the shift took place, he said, the proprietor claimed to be making much more money on account of the crowds of shoppers who were now entering his sphere.33 Merchandising Techniques The key to the popularity of the pushcarts was not only the competitive sale of desirable products but also the effective use of the latest techniques of display. By concentrating on the aesthetic presentation of specialized lines of merchandise, street merchants distinguished themselves entirely from the pack peddlers of the recent past. Although some vendors continued to pile wares carelessly on their carts,

75 210 American Jewish Archives many made sure that their mobile stores were "so beautifully arranged" as to "attract and hold the attention" of shoppers.34 Foods were segregated and mounted in neat stacks, which were sometimes interspersed with fresh greenery. Dishes and utensils were compartmentalized. Fabrics and oil cloths were juxtaposed according to color and pattern. A visitor to the street markets of "Little Italy" on the Upper East Side of the city in the spring of saw fit to comment on a pushcart that contained roughly sixty rolls of oil cloths, commonly used as table covers, which displayed a "multitude of different patterns [that] resulted in good business for the owner."3s The refinement of display enriched the atmosphere of street shopping. The large-wheeled wooden carts that were housed each night in stables throughout the city were transformed by day into attractive couriers that literally put merchandise at the fingertips of urban consumers. Some merchants built auxiliary compartments onto their wagons in order to show off surplus wares, increasing the image of abundance to which the city's newcomers were exposed. Through the discrete use of modern techniques of specialization and decoration, peddlers created the illusion of streets paved, not with gold, but with a panorama of luxuries. At Christmas time, the momentum of outdoor marketing reached a peak. Jewish wholesalers stocked up on holiday candies and Christmas tree decorations that would effectively reach Italian neighborhoods by the pushcart.36 Competition for space became so intense that peddlers camped out overnight in their favorite spots, establishing "a sort of squatter sovereignty on the premise^."^' During the holidays, conventional effects like glass showcases and oil cloth canopies were augmented, as pushcarts were adorned with bunting, edged with colored paper, and furnished with sprays of holly and Christmas bells. A Serbian Jew who grew up on the Upper East Side fondly reminisced about the eye-catching rows of pushcarts on First Avenue after the turn of the century. "The pushcarts held the most marvelous, exciting promise of things to buy," she stressed, adding that "for us a need was filled at Christmas time by the gaily decorated wares spread out by the street merchant^."^^ As skillful displays introduced an aesthetic into the world of street marketing, retail devices for the pleasure of customers injected an ele-

76 Jewish Street Merchants 211 ment of convenience and service that had not previously belonged to outdoor shopping. Peddlers of clothing and shoes made use of mannequins, folding chairs, carpets, and mirrors, so that customers could survey the items for sale, sit down to try on shoes and garments, take a walk to test for comfort, and make a final judgment of how the new things looked. A successful shoe salesman in Little Italy, whose stand was well stocked with shoes, rubbers, and slippers in a large variety of sizes, astonished a reporter with his ability to serve customers despite the apparent difficulty of finding a good fit on the street. In order to guarantee reliable service to his customers during busy times, the merchant kept a messenger to replenish the stock as it diminished during the day.39 The effort to serve the public, rather than simply to sell, represented an important innovation in street marketing. Through service, merchants refined the character of outdoor selling and elevated the dignity of the street shopper, who received respectable products in a respectable manner. The sophistication of urban peddling allowed city people of modest means to strike a balance between need and desire. The families of immigrants that comprised the majority of street shoppers discovered just beyond their doorsteps a method of obtaining all types of products at affordable prices. They found also a degree of refinement that had not traditionally been part of the peddler's repertoire of tactics. The activity of street merchants, dominated by Eastern European Jews, helped consumers to harmonize the press of finances with the flight of expectations. In the modern city, entrepreneurial opportunities were pervasive, appearing on the dusty streets as well as in the marble palaces of highclass retailers. On Grand Street, the retail center of the Lower East Side, the jutting rows of richly endowed pushcarts formed a sinuous wooden monument to the special accomplishments of Jewish street peddlers. In December of 1903, a columnist for a popular Yiddish newspaper observed the extent to which the inventories and the retail techniques of the vendors on Grand Street approached the standards of modern selling. Cognizant of the fine furs that were sprinkled among the wares to be had in the outdoor emporium, the writer keenly remarked that Grand Street looked like "a great department store on wheels. "40

77 21 2 American Jewish Archives Peddling and Jewish Entrepreneurship The transforming effect of Jewish peddlers upon the commerce of New York City fit into the larger pattern of Jewish economic activity in modern times. Trying to assess the economic contribution of Jews to Western civilization since the late nineteenth century, historian Cecil Roth suggested that the group had assisted in bringing about the "great peaceful revolution" of the age, the delivery of luxuries to the multitude of people who had been used to a meager standard of living. The seemingly immutable separation of the haves from the have-nots, Roth argued, was the social fact that defined "the real importance" of the Jews in the economy of the West." Jewish entrepreneurial talent broadened many avenues of mass consumption in America, strongly influencing the establishment of department stores, the development of the clothing and fashion business, and the birth and destiny of the modern cinema, radio, and television. Although the activity of pushcart peddlers lacks the historical luster emanating from the Jewish entrepreneurs who operated great firms like Altman's, Hart, Schaffner and Marx, Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, and NBC, it nonetheless contained the buoyant spirit of an old commercial tradition transplanted in a society of consumers with high expectations. As street merchants, Eastern European Jews moved with the tide of trade in the city. They sensed and seized the momentum toward social democracy in the urban marketplace, where city people restlessly looked for luxuries that would once have seemed out of place on the rough pavement of the tenement districts. The defining urge of the consumer-minded entrepreneur, that of finding novel ways to bring products to market, was expressed in an elemental form by Jewish peddlers who saw in the most common of settings, the city street, an appropriate outlet for refined merchandise and retail techniques. Taken as a whole, the practices of thousands of street merchants gave the first indication of how the Jewish commercial tradition might expedite the adoption of an American lifestyle and enrich the quality of urban consumption in the United States. Andrew Heinze teaches in the department of history at the University of California at Davis. The essay appearing in this issue is part of a larger study to be published by Columbia University Press.

78 Jewish Street Merchants Notes I. Yiddishes Tageblatt (New York), January 9, Ibid., March 23 and 24, The Lower East Side as a prototype of urban poverty appears in Anthony Sutcliffe, ed., Metropolis, (Cambridge, Mass., 1984), p. 24, which draws on the depiction of Irving Howe, World of Our Fathers (New York, 1976), p. 88. The almost chronic tendency to preface the phrase "Jewish immigrants" with the adjective "poor" can be observed in the symposium "A Re-examination of a Classic Work in American Jewish History: Moses Rischin's The Promised City,Twenty Years Later," American Jewish History 73 (December 1983): 141. Moses Rischin, however, originally noticed the marked improvement in standards of consumption on the Lower East Side, The Promised City: New York's Jews, (Cambridge, Mass., 1977), p. 92-the book was first published in Thomas Sowell, Markets and Minorities (New York, 1981), p Felix Klein, In the Land of the Strenuous Life (Chicago, 1905)~ p Walter Weyl, "The Italian Who Lived on 26 Cents a Day," Outlook 93 (December 1909): Henry James, The American Scene (London, 1907), pp Yiddishes Tageblatt, July 4, New York City Pushcart Commission, Report of the Mayor's Pushcart Commission (New York, 1906), p E. E. Sterns, "The Street Vendors of New York," Scribner's Monthly I (December 1870): New York Times, October 8, 1882, May 10, 1883, July 25, 1883; William H. Riding, "How New York Is Fed," Scribner's Monthly 14 (October 1877), ; George Filipetti, "The Wholesale Markets," in Regional Survey ofnew York and Its Environs, 8 vols. (New York, ), vol. lb, pp. 31, New York City Pushcart Commission, Report of the Mayor's Pushcart Commission, pp U. S., Agricultural Economics Bureau, Push Cart Markets in New York City (Washington, D.C., I~ZS), p New York City Pushcart Commission, Report of the Mayor's Pushcart Commission, pp. 39, 85; Agricultural Economics Bureau, Push Cart Markets, pp I 5. New York City Pushcarts and Markets Committee (Gaynor Commission), "Report and Recommendations," City Record 4 I (April I 913): New York Times, October 5, Maria Parloa, "A Practical Family Provider, Chapter 7: A Morning Visit to the Market Stalls," Good Housekeeping 17 Uuly 1893): I. 18. Agricultural Economics Bureau, Push Cart Markets, p Godfrey M. Lebhar, Chain Stores in America, (New York, 1963), p. 3 I; Einar Bjorklund and James L. Palmer, A Study of the Prices of Chain and Independent Grocers in Chicago, University of Chicago Studies in Business Administration, vol. I, no. 4 (Chicago, 1930)~ pp. vi, 54-55; Clyde Lyndon King, "Can the Cost of Distributing Food Products Be Reduced?" Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 48 (July 1913): 210; Community Service Society Papers, Columbia University Libraries, Rare Books and Manuscripts Collections, "The Food Investigation: Some Reasons and Results" (October 191j), pp. 4-9; Agricultural Economics Bureau, Push Cart Markets, p. 12.

79 214 American Jewish Archives to. New York Tribune, August 5, Archibald A. Hill, "The Pushcart Peddlers of New York," Independent 61 (October 18, 1906): Agricultural Economics Bureau, Push Cart Markets, pp Louis Borgenicht, The Happiest Man (New York, 1942), p New York Tribune, September I 5, I 898, reprinted in Allon Schoener, ed., Portal to America: The Lower East Side, (New York, 1967), pp Rudolph Glanz, Studies in Judaica Americana (New York, 1970), pp. 105, IZO See chapter 62, "Concerning Commerce," in Rabbi Solomon Ganzfried, ed., Code of Jewish Law (New York, 1963), pt. 2, pp Joseph, Jewish Immigration, pp ; Leo Errera, The Russian Jews: Extermination or Emancipation? (London, 1894), p Isaac M. Rubinow, Economic Condition of the Jews in Russia (1907; reprint ed., New York, 19751, P Yiddishes Tageblatt, March zo, Forverts (New York), March 2, 1906, September 9, Frank Moss, American Metropolis: The New York City Life, 3 vols. (New York, 1897), 3: Bureau of Agricultural Economics, Push Cart Markets, p. 16; New York City Pushcart Commission, Report of the Mayor's Pushcart Commission, pp. I I 5 - I 16; Jewish Daily News, March 20, New York City Pushcart Commission, Report of the Mayor's Pushcart Commission, pp Hill, "The Pushcart Peddlers of New York," p. 9x "Merchandising on Wheels in New York's 'Little Italy'," Hardware Age 93 Uune 11, 1914): See the advertisement for Horn, Sachar, and Co., Forsyth Street, in the Yiddishes Tageblatt, November 29, Ibid., February 2, Marie Jastrow, A Time to Remember: Growing Up in New York Before the Great War (New York, 1979), p "Merchandising on Wheels," p Yiddishes Tageblatt, December 9, Cecil Roth, The Jewish Contribution to Civilisation (London, 1938), pp. 251, 254.

80 American Jewish Personalities Thomas Seltzer: Publisher, Fighter for Freedom of the Press, and the Man Who "Made" D. H. Lawrence Alexandra Lee Leuin During the summer of 1919, the controversial English writer D. H. Lawrence changed publishers. The following year the new firm of Thomas Seltzer, Inc., brought out Lawrence's play Touch and Go, plus a privately printed edition of his novel Women in Love. The latter work did not appear in Great Britain until six months after Seltzer's American edition, and the New York publisher came to be known as "the man who made Lawrence." Born in Poltava, Russia, on February 22, I 875, Thomas Seltzer was brought to the United States at an early age. He started life in his new country as a sweatshop worker, but his older sister insisted that he attend high school. After winning a scholarship to the University of Pennsylvania, he worked his way through and graduated in I 897. He then did postgraduate work in modern languages at Columbia. As a result he was conversant not only with Russian, but also with Polish, German, Yiddish, French, and Italian. When Maxim Gorki, the Russian writer who had actively participated in the unsuccessful 1905 Russian Revolution, landed in New York in the spring of 1906, he named Seltzer his official interpreter and translator. Gorki was touring on an anti-czarist campaign. Seltzer translated Gorki's The Spy: The Story of a Superfluous Man, first published in 1908, and his proletarian novel Mother. Seltzer's journalistic experiences included reporting for three Pittsburgh newspapers, and writing for various magazines, including Harper's Weekly. He was also associate editor of Current Literature and the Literary Digest. As first editor of The Masses, of which he was a founder in 19 I I, Seltzer drew heavily on the works of social reformers and on European fiction.' The Masses, a name proposed by Seltzer,

81 ~16 Americalz Jewish Archives TORTOISES A &,.Ad.* : $1 2) 1 T"H":< 2....,.,, THE WIDOWING OF MRS. HOLROYD Adele and Thomas Seltzer, Ade9in,h.rtur,..... a,w 3- ul New York City (Courtesy of Alexandra Lce Lcv~n) - ~ - I PSYCHOANMYSISand~heUtiCONSCIOUS FAhTASIA ol thr UNCONSCIOUS - - Wn THOMAS SELTZER. PURLISHER i 6 WCST FIFTIETH STREET. NEW YORK

82 American Jewish Personalities 217 protested against the genteel tradition in American letters and the Puritan tradition in American morals. It was designed, according to the publishers, to help improve the condition of the working people. A tiny person, short and slim, Seltzer's mental acumen compensated for his size. An apologist for the working class, he was physically incapable of doing a day's work of manual labor. A socialist theorist addicted to endless glasses of Russian tea, cigarettes, and stimulating conversation, Seltzer was referred to as one of the intellectual giants of Greenwich Village. Early in his career, while on the editorial staff of the monumental twelve-volume Jewish Encyclopedia published by Funk & Wagnalls, Seltzer met Adele Szold, an independent young woman. Adele, pronounced in the German manner A-day-la, translated articles written for the ]ewish Encyclopedia by foreign scholars, and contributed one of her own.2 Born in Baltimore on October 26, 1876, to Rabbi and Mrs. Benjamin Szold, Adele had received a good classical education followed by a year at the University of Wisconsin. Dr. Szold was a strong advocate of education for women. Adele, irked by Baltimore's "stuffiness," moved to New York, where she met Seltzer. She and Thomas were married on October 21,1906, in Baltimore. But unable to afford a honeymoon, the newlyweds went directly to their small Greenwich Village flat. Since Thomas made but a fitful living from writing and translating, Adele took on two jobs. In the morning she was social secretary to Therese Loeb Schiff, wife of financier Jacob Schiff, at her palatial Fifth Avenue mansion. Her afternoons were spent at one dollar per hour as executive secretary of the Federation of Child Study. In her spare time Adele reviewed books and did translations. Meanwhile the war overseas raged on. "Out of the trenches by Christmas" was the slogan being ballyhooed by industrialist Henry Ford. On December 4,19 I 5, some ten thousand persons gathered on the pier at Hoboken, New Jersey, to bid bon voyage to "the flivver king" and the giant delegation of ninety peace pilgrims who had joined him aboard the Scandinavian-American Line's Oscar 11. Thomas Seltzer was a member of the Ford Peace Party's executive committee, and like the rest of the idealists aboard hoped the war would end before the United States could be drawn into it. Nearly one-half of the Ford group was made up of writers. William C. Bullitt of the Philadelphia Public Ledger, later U.S. ambassador to

83 218 American Jewish Archives Russia and France, was aboard, as was S. S. McClure, editor of Mc- Clure's Magazine and the New York Evening Mail. Newsman Louis Lochner was a chief organizer of the expedition, while Rosika Schwimmer, Hungarian pacifist and feminist, was attached to the delegation as "expert adviser" but antagonized almost everyone by her autocratic behavior. Another member was Burnet Hershey, author of The Odyssey of Henry Ford and the Great Peace Ship. He wrote that Thomas Seltzer was considering writing a biography of Nobel at the time and "was full of the subject." Henry Ford wanted to know how much money a Nobel Prize winner received. Hershey recalled that according to Seltzer, Ford was not impressed by the $35,000 figure. "It was Seltzer's recollection that he heard something which sounded like a characteristic Ford reaction: 'Me get this peace prize? Heck I'll give one of my own.' "' After a rough, wintry crossing in a submarine-infested ocean, the peace-seekers disembarked at Oslo, where Ford, ill with influenza, left the party and sailed for home. Norway was cool to the delegates, Sweden and Denmark were cordial, and the Dutch viewed them with mixed feelings. Seltzer sailed for home with a contingent of his colleagues on January I 5, The strongest impressions he brought back were o'f the ever-present high silk hats worn by the European dignitaries who greeted them, and the feeling that the expedition's leaders had been too small for the idea behind it. It had been a wellmeaning but disorganized attempt to bring sanity to a war-mad world. In Seltzer joined the new publishing firm of Boni and Liveright as vice-president and editor of their Modern Library series of world classics. Seltzer, Albert Boni's uncle, bought a third interest in the firm. Among other works, Seltzer compiled and edited Best Russian Short Stories, and wrote introductions to Fedor Dostoyevsky's Poor People and Ivan Turgenev's Fathers and Sons. But the disparate natures and aims of the firm's directors led to disagreements both editorial and financial. Albert Boni, after losing the flip of a coin, pulled out, leaving Horace Liveright the majority owner in July Seltzer left about four months after his nephew's depart~re.~ Next Seltzer formed in July 1919 a brief partnership with Englishborn Temple Scott, an experienced writer, editor, and agent. Their first offering was Stefan Zweig's The Burning Secret, for which the Austrian writer used the pen name "Stephen Branch." This was followed by

84 American Jewish Personalities 219 A Landscape Painter, a collection of four stories by Henry James, printed for the first time in America in book form. Early in 1920 Temple Scott decided to withdraw from the firm, and Seltzer took over his interests. Although the partnership lasted but a year, its list of seven books was distinctive. Adele Seltzer wrote to her sister, Henrietta Szold, on March 21: "The firm is no longer Scott & Seltzer, Inc., but Thomas Seltzer, I ~c."~ But an experimental publishing firm could not have been launched at a worse time financially. Adele wrote on June 15: "There's a business panic; the book trade is dead." Ten days earlier Seltzer had published Touch and Go: A Play in Three Acts by D. H. Lawrence. The writer's financial affairs had gone from bad to worse after the suppression in England of his novel The Rainbow. In November 1921 Seltzer brought out Lawrence's Women in Love in a limited edition of 1,250 copies "for subscribers only." Seltzer's name did not appear on the title page, which stated that the book had been privately printed. Douglas Goldring, a young English writer, stated in Life Interests that the manuscript for Women in Love had been lying around without a taker for about three years, and that undoubtedly Seltzer's "enterprise in regard to it started the ball rolling again'' and put Lawrence across in Ameri~a.~ Women in Love did not appear in Great Britain until six months after Seltzer's edition. In 1922 Seltzer published it in a regular edition. As mentioned earlier, he came to be known as "the man who made Lawrence." Adele wrote to her sister Henrietta about her husband and his business: "He's really having a succbs d'estime, even if not a financial success. One paper referred to him as a 'publisher noted for the remarkable books he issues'-i suppose if one can't have a financial success, the other sort is the next best."' The book trade was currently undergoing a depression of serious proportions. Large solvent concerns held onto their money; Brentano's owed Seltzer $1,800. This made it hard for him to operate, since he, as a small publisher who took chances on his writers, had to pay as he went along in order to get any work done. The Seltzers were never far from insolvency. In October 1921 Seltzer published a limited subscription edition of Casanova's Homecoming by Arthur Schnitzler, the Austrian physician, playwright, and novelist. That same month Seltzer brought out a regular edition of an anonymous work by a young Austrian girl, A

85 220 American Jewish Archives Young Girl's Diary, with a preface by Sigmund Freud. Trouble began when John S. Sumner, executive director of the New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, decided to go after Seltzer. Sumner, self-appointed guardian of New York's public morals, wielded enormous pressure on the police and other authorities to suppress works he considered pornographic. On July 7, 1922, Sumner visited Seltzer's offices at 5 West 50th Street and carted off all copies of the three books he considered obscene. These were Women in Love, Casanova's Homecoming, and A Young Girl's Diary. In addition copies of the latter book were taken from the shelves of Brentano's and another bookstore, where a saleswoman was arrested. Seltzer accepted Sumner's challenge and retained a good lawyer, Jonas Goldstein. With battle lines drawn, diverse forces across the country rallied to Seltzer's defense. At the trial, People us. Seltzer, held on July 3 I before Judge George W. Simpson of the 54th Street Court, several physicians and prominent educators, including G. Stanley Hall, first president of the American Psychological Association, testified on Seltzer's behalf in regard to A Young Girl's Diary. Prudish Sumner had found the book distasteful because it described the curiosity of a child concerning puberty and her growing awareness of sex. Carl Van Doren, literary editor of the Nation, testified that Casanova's Homecoming was the best piece of fiction "published in the United States in 1921."~ Judge Simpson, in rendering his verdict, said: "I have read the books with sedulous care. I find each is a distinct contribution to the literature of the day."9 Lawrence's Women in Love, he said, was a serious attempt to "discover the motivating power of life." The trial was called one of the most widely discussed cases of book censorship that had ever been before the courts. The New York Times for September I 3 declared: "Book Censorship Beaten in Court." Adele wrote to her sister Henrietta on October 6: So Thomas has come out with colors flying, you may say tricolors flying: a color for vindication, a color for courage, and a color for the excellence of the books he had made it a practice to publish. It was a regular cause cildbre. Clippings have come pouring in from all over the country. Everybody is rejoicing. We are getting congratulations from all sides and the weak-kneed publishers are delighted that Thomas has fought their battle for them.'"

86 American Jewish Personalities 221 Turning his back on the England that had rebuffed him, D. H. Lawrence, accompanied by his wife Frieda, had sailed for the United States. Mrs. Mabel Dodge Sterne, a wealthy patroness, had invited them to live at Taos, New Mexico. After less than three months at Taos, Lawrence felt stifled by Mrs. Sterne's attempt to monopolize his life and retreated to Del Monte Ranch, Questa, some fifteen miles distant. Adele wrote to Henrietta on December 6 that she and Thomas were going to Lawrence's log cabin to spend two weeks with him and Frieda. "You know what I think of D. H. Lawrence-that he's Chaucer, Piers Ploughman, John Bunyan, Fielding, Shakespeare, Goethe, Schopenhauer, Nietzsche rolled into one, modernized and added to," Adele commented. Visiting him would be the "crown and apex" of her entire existence. Three days before Christmas the Seltzers started for the West. Adele was surprised to find no conveniences in the five-room cabin occupied by the Lawrences. They chopped their own wood, hauled water from holes broken in ice near the house, and made their own fires. Lawrence liked to cook, and part of the program was a daily horseback ride. Adele was thrilled to gallop across the open country with their host. "I think Lawrence means to be absolutely loyal to Thomas," Adele wrote to her sister. The writer was noted for an abiding distrust of publishers. "I simply cannot get over the wonder that we are the publishers of this greatest genius of our age and that we are his publishers, not by having snatched him away from somebody else, but because he really needed us, because we came at a time when he could not get any other publisher."" Women in Love had sold I 5,000 copies in the United States in a relatively short time. Censorship trouble again rose for Thomas when Justice John Ford of the New York Supreme Court came home one evening and found his daughter reading Women in Love. The judge organized in March 1923 a Clean Books League with a committee to read and condemn questionable works. Although the Clean Books Bill failed in May, Seltzer was indicted by the grand jury three months later for publishing "unclean" books. In midsummer Seltzer was released on $1,000 bail." Publishers' Weekly ran an editorial in the July 28 issue stating that one gain had keen made in the new Seltzer trial in that it would be by jury and not merely by a magistrate.

87 222 American Jewish Archives D. H. Lawrence and Frieda arrived in New York that July. Since Lawrence disliked the city, the Seltzers rented him a cottage in a remote section of the New Jersey hill country near Morris Plains. The Lawrences asked Thomas and Adele to join them there, so for a month the two couples shared the secluded cottage, which they dubbed "Birkindale" after Rupert Birkin, a character in Women in Love. Birkin was obviously Lawrence himself. At the cottage Lawrence was occupied with proofreading, while Adele translated a novel by Arthur Schnitzler. Lawrence occasionally accompanied Thomas when he commuted to his New York office via the Lackawanna Railroad. Although Lawrence disliked city crowds, he enjoyed good company. Thomas arranged a luncheon at which Lawrence met fellow writers William Rose BenCt, Christopher Morley, and Henry Seidel Canby.13 At another luncheon he was introduced to critic Lewis Gannett, writer John Macy, humorist Franklin P. Adams, and Oswald Garrison Villard, editor of the Nation.14 In addition, the Seltzers gave dinner parties for the Lawrences at their New York flat, and entertained them at the Algonquin Hotel, a popular rendezvous for artists and writers. Later, Lawrence, who had followed Frieda to England after a violent quarrel; tired of Europe and decided to return westward. When the Lawrences, accompanied by the Hon. Dorothy Brett, daughter of an earl, arrived at New York aboard the Aquitania on March 11, Thomas was waiting in a near blizzard to welcome them and take them to his flat on 100th Street. Since the small apartment could not accommodate five persons, the Seltzers camped at the office, Lawrence slept at a nearby hotel, while Frieda and Dorothy Brett occupied the flat for a week. Then the Lawrences and Brett left for Taos and the Del Monte Ranch. Although hampered by a chronic lack of operating funds, Thomas scraped up as much as he could to pay for the Lawrence~' trip west. He still hoped to be able to pay Lawrence all royalties due him. Lawrence's suspicions about the shaky state of Seltzer's business had been growing for some time. The writer had turned against previous publishers for one reason or another. Certainly Seltzer was unbusinesslike, unable to do anything on time. That anything got done at the office was due largely to Adele. But despite his problems-he had lost $7,000 during the year-thomas managed to publish a sizable list.

88 American Jewish Personalities 223 Early in 1925 the court case against Seltzer was finally settled. Plagued by financial losses and the prospect of additional expenses, Seltzer felt unable to face prosecution. After copies of Casanova's Homecoming and A Young Girl's Diary were taken out of circulation and the plates destroyed, Sumner withdrew his suit. On April 16,1925, a testimonial dinner was tendered Thomas Seltzer at the Plaza by "The Committee." This group of forty-five friends included Osward Garrison Villard and Mark Van Doren. The toastmaster was Glenn Frank, editor of Century magazine and later president of the University of Wisconsin. A souvenir booklet, Thomas Seltzer: The First Five Years, contained thumbnail sketches of seventyfour of his published authors, laudatory letters from prominent persons unable to attend the dinner, and "Books On Our Table," a column reprinted from the New York Evening Post.'' About this time D. H. Lawrence began to break with Seltzer, leaving him for Knopf. Seltzer's long-drawn-out litigation, fighting against censorship, had left him financially drained, unable to pay his authors what he owed them. The year 1926 was the last in which he published regularly. Despite the business break with Lawrence, the Seltzers again entertained him and Frieda in September 1925, just before Lawrence left America for the last time. For the Seltzers the visit was an unhappy one. Dangling on the brink of bankruptcy, they were hurt that Lawrence would leave them in their hour of need. Thomas felt betrayed. Scott & Seltzer and Thomas Seltzer, Inc, had published some 219 works. Thomas had published more Lawrence first editions than any other firm before or since. After its collapse, the Seltzer business was taken over by Thomas's nephews, the Boni brothers, Albert and Charles. The New York Times for September 29,1943, printed a long obituary column about Seltzer, who had died at age sixty-eight. A great and eclectic lover of the literature of all nations, Thomas Seltzer, in spite of overwhelming odds, had sought to educate the American public to meet his standards. Many of the authors Seltzer promoted, today important names in the fields of literature and criticism, were then not yet established. Thomas Seltzer lost money on most of his writers, but in the process gave them a foothold to fame. In a short time he compiled one of the most brilliant lists in twentiethcentury publishing, which left its distinctive mark on the industry's history.

89 224 American Jewish Archives Alexandra Lee Levin of Baltimore, Maryland, has published nearly one hundred articles, both popular and scholarly. She is the author of Henrietta Szold and Youth Aliyah: Family Letters, and "This Awful Drama": General Edwin Gray Lee, C.S.A., and His Family. Notes I. Theodore Peterson, Magazines in the Twentieth Century (Urbana, Ill., 1964)~ p Vol. 3, p Burnet Hershey, The Odyssey of Henry Ford and the Great Peace Ship (New York, 1970)~ pp Walker Gilmer, Horace Liveright: Publisher of the Twenties (New York, 1970), pp Adele Seltzer's letters to Henrietta Szold are in the Henrietta Szold Private Archives, Zionist Archives, Jerusalem. 6. Douglas Goldring, Life Interests (London, 1948), p Undated, but Henrietta Szold noted on it that it was received at Jerusalem about April 5, 1921; Szold Private Archives. 8. New York Times, July 19, Quoted in a publicity advertisement of Thomas Seltzer, Inc., and enclosed in Adele's letter of October 6, 1922; Szold Private Archives. 10. Letter of 0aober 6, 1922; Szold Private Archives. 11. January 16, 1923; Szold Private Archives. I 2. G. Thomas Tanselle, "The Thomas Seltzer Imprint," Papers of the Bibliographical Society of America 58 (1964): Henry Seidel Canby, American Memoir (Boston, 1947), p From an interview with the Seltzers by reporter Anne Whelan, Bridgeport (Conn.) Sunday Post, February 27, 1938 IS. Copy owned by Alexandra Lee Levin.

90 Review Essay Talkers in the City: The New York Intellectuals as Historical Past Stephen 1. Whitfield Wald, Alan M. The New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the 1980s. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, xvi, 440 pp. Cooney, Terry A. The Rise of the New York intellectuals: Partisan Review and Its Circle, Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, xi, 350 pp. The first chroniclers of the New York intellectuals to take these articulate and brilliant figures seriously, and to try to specify their cultural and historical significance, were the New York intellectuals themselves. Beginning with memoirs like Alfred Kazin's Starting Out in the Thirties (1965) and Norman Podhoretz's Making It (1967), and especially with Irving Howe's Commentary article on "The New YO;^ Intellectuals" (1968, revised in The Decline of the New [1970]), attention has been paid to a group of writers, critics, and scholars-nearly all Jews, mostly the children of immigrants living in New York-who first came to maturity as early as the onset of the Great Depression. They sometimes engaged in bitter disputes with one another, occasionally were not on sp,eaking terms. But the shots that they fired were at point-blank range. Because they shared certain assumptions and values, because the inflections of their voices were so familiar to one another, and because they cared so deeply about how their own immediate circle responded to their work, they can be as easily identified as earlier coteries in American cultural history. Their world is as distinguishable as the magistracy of the Puritan divines, the utopian communities of the Transcendentalists, 'the avant-garde bohemia of Greenwich Village.

91 226 American Jewish Archives The genealogy of ideas as well as the accidents of birth split the New York intelligentsia into three "generations"; and although it is impossible to agree upon the full composition of its membership, a consensus has emerged that its persistence as a coherent group is over. Partly because of the actuarial tables, partly because the anti-stalinism that it largely invented became so widespread during the Cold War, partly because deradicalization generated so much diffusion, this group has long been in a state of decomposition. Many of its pivotal figures are still vigorously at work as critics and polemicists. But the community that they once formed is a corpse that is barely twitching; and no provocative equivalent of the Moscow trials, no war or other international crisis, is likely to jump-start it to life. An obvious sign of demise is that younger scholars have been writing books on these sometimes still living figures, making them fully a part of American intellectual and even political history. Indeed so many of these younger academics are producing dissertations, monographs, and specialized studies on individual thinkers that they and the synthesizers are running the risk of lip-syncing one other's books. In a crowded field, these two similarly titled books deserve special consideration. Alan Wald's is the most painstaking political account of this group, while Terry Cooney's is the most complete study of the genesis of what Richard Hofstadter termed the "house organ of the American intellectual community," Partisan Review. Wald's volume is truer in spirit to the vigorous contentiousness of Partisan Review, and even its offbeat politics is something of a throwback to the radicalism that spawned the magazine in the 1930s. It is also far more ambitious and synoptic, carrying the story past Partisan Review itself and up to the neoconservatism that characterizes many surviving New York luminaries. Cooney's book is more restricted in scope, focusing upon the "heroic" phase of the vicissitudes of Partisan Review, and stopping around V-E Day, when the journal no longer vibrated with the effort to combine radical politics with experimental art. By then its place in the history of "little" magazines was secure. Cooney's book, though more reflective and elegant than Wald's, is far less deeply felt. What it lacks is partisanship, though The Rise of the New York Intellectuals displays the academic virtues of balance and soundness, even yielding to a certain blandness in its summations. The

92 Review Essay 227 story of these intellectuals is a bit more colorful, and richer in social comedy, than Cooney's account has permitted it to be. Consider for example what a satirist might have made of so domi- nant a figure as Philip Rahv-the awesomely influential literary arbi- ter who never even graduated from high school, the champion of the modernist sensibility who disparaged the work published in his own magazine, the writer of exhilarating and exquisite prose who spoke with a massively thick Russian accent, the cynical bully of the editorial office who shrank from the political challenges that his own radical views ought to have dictated, the independent dissident whose estate at his death was bequeathed to the State of Israel, the ornery curmudgeon who would have been astonished that more than one car followed his hearse to the cemetery near Brandeis University, where he had taught after nearly half a lifetime of disdain for the sterility of the academy. Such wayward human complications are barely allowed to transfix the reader of either of these books. Their main themes ought to be familiar to scholars of modern American intellectual history. Wald's work is an attempt to explain how "a group of individuals who mainly began their careers as revolutionary communists in the 1930s could become an institutionalized and even hegemonic component of American culture during the conservative 19 50s while maintaining a high degree of collective continuity" (p. 10). This stress upon the trajectory from left to right was earlier presented in dramatic terms in John P. Diggins's Up from Communism (1975), though not written from a Marxist perspective; and several memoirs of the New York intellectuals themselves have deliberately retraced their own roads from radicalism. Cooney's book locates cosmopolitan values at the center of the Partisan Review circle of editors and contributors: "a resistance to particularisms of nationality, race, religion or philosophy.... They celebrated richness, complex- ity, and diversity. Central to the ideal was a spirit of openness and striving-openness to variety and change; striving for a fuller understanding of the world and for higher and more inclusive means of expression" (p. 5). This is a convincing interpretation, but it is an extension of David A. Hollinger's analysis of the Jewish intellectuals who flourished earlier in the century, an essay first published in American Quarterly in 1975 and reprinted in his collection, In the Ameri-

93 228 American Jewish Archives can Province (1985). The value of both the Wald and Cooney volumes derives less from any originality of argument than from the richness of detail that both authors so copiously provide. If anything, they offer too much detail, the exfoliation of their research sometimes threatening to grow so wildly that the reader may long to reach for a machete. Cooney's study is already two-fifths over before Partisan Review has managed to free itself from the coils of the Communist Party. Only after that break, to which he devotes the close examination that earlier historians lavished on the Protestant break from the church in early modern Europe, did Partisan Review become important to radical intellectual history, much less general American culture. A hermetic quality mars Wald's account even more blatantly. The manifestos of the radical intellectuals of the 1930s and early 1940s are sifted so diligently, and their party broadsheets are weighed with such retrospective fascination, that Wald may have forgotten that the impact of these polemicists was usually confined to one another. The obscure Herbert Solow is described as a "charismatic journalist" (as though he were Herbert Bayard Swope or Edward R. Murrow), but such radicals did not alter the course of the republic. The Trotskyist party contained 1,520 members at its peak in 1938, skidding to 1,095 in A couple of years later, with the combat between the Cannonites and the Shachtmanites ripping asunder the Fourth International in the United States, the Socialist Workers Party numbered 645, the cadres of the Workers Party a few hundred less (p. I 65). Such figures resemble the size of some classes at the University of Michigan, where Wald teaches, rather than a plausible vanguard of the international working class. Not even Wald can claim that, for all the scarlet fever to which the intellectuals once succumbed, they acted very differently than other American editors and writers during the Great Depression. Judged by the standards of the civil rights and antiwar activists of the 196os, these "revolutionaries" were astonishingly tame. They never got arrested for violating any of the laws of the repressive state; they rarely, if ever, resisted injustice by any direct expression of grievance; they never put themselves in any danger; and with a few exceptions (like Harvey Swados), they preferred to escape from the working class rather than identify with its plight. In their theoretical journals, they came on with the ferocity of pit bulls; in practice, they had all the formidable

94 Review Essay 229 aggressiveness of toy poodles. Wald does not quite ponder this discrepancy, which suggests that the distance traversed toward the liberal anti-communism of the 1950s and the neoconservatism of the 1980s was not so long a march as The New York Intellectuals often suggests. The author's knowledge of the politics of the New York intellectuals is nevertheless so intimate that it borders on the encyclopedic. He names names-what the birth certificates recorded before key figures anglicized their names, what their party names were, what their noms de plume were in Partisan Review or New International or Politics, and which characters are based upon which intellectuals in novels like Tess Slesinger's The Unpossessed (1934), Mary McCarthy's The Oasis (1949), and James T. Farrell's posthumous Sam Holman (1983). Oddly enough, though Wald teaches in a department of English, his treatment of particular works of fiction is somewhat thin; and his aesthetic judgments and elucidations are rather devoid of authority or privileged insight. For the animating force behind this book is clearly political-a case for the prosecution, in which Wald demonstrates that (I) the New York intellectuals expressed themselves with greater intensity and for a longer revolutionary period than they later cared to admit; and (2) their lapse from radicalism represented a betrayal of their own vocation as intellectuals committed to a more just society. One of his major aims is to make anti-communism intelligible by showing its origins in a radical criticism of both American capitalism and the Soviet state. Wald's candor is praiseworthy: "my political sympathies are with Marxist commitment" (p. 22). That is why the militants of the Socialist Workers Party come off best in his account, because they pledged allegiance to "revolutionary anti-stalinism." But the. author's neo- Trotskyism disables him from noticing the depth of the failure of such cadres to fathom the historical "laws of motion." Trotsky and his followers denied that the capitalist states could defeat the Axis powers without becoming totalitarian themselves, and that the Bolsheviks who managed Russia could survive the Second World War. Both predictions were manifestly false. Nor could the Trotskyists wriggle out of the contradiction that, though "bureaucratic collectivism" made the Soviet Union reactionary, its expansion and domination of its neighbors was somehow "progressiven-a vindication of Soviet imperialism.

95 230 American Jewish Archives No wonder, then, that even readers who can only admire Wald's prodigies of research and his Sitzfleisch will have trouble taking seriously the political stance of the author, whose expectations of revolutionary change seem as compulsively quixotic as, say, the presidential campaigns of Harold Stassen. Wald's perspective also prevents him from feeling anything besides contempt or derision for other forms of anti-communism, whether liberal, conservative, or reactionary. Thus the powerful evidence that Alger Hiss and the Rosenbergs were guilty of espionage is brushed aside (p. 410, n. IO), perhaps because HUAC and the FBI were so heavily involved in those cases. To have been egregiously wrong about the durability of both American capitalism and the Soviet state and about the Second World War might appear solid enough reasons for deradicalization. Cooney's concerns are primarily cultural rather than political, as he deftly weaves his way through the debates over the emergence of new literary forms and perceptions. The unexplained denial of access to the papers of Partisan Review, housed at Rutgers University, seems not to have handicapped him. For his book amplifies knowledge of how the journal helped to create a more sophisticated American culture, heightening receptivity to European literature and to the pressures of political change. An historian at the University of Puget Sound, Cooney is particularly struck by the suspicion that the New York intellectuals felt toward the hinterland, which they associated with nativism, bigotry, and parochialism, as opposed to the cosmopolitanism that these talkers in the city advocated. The author highlights their sense of superiority-rarely warranted by much direct acquaintance with rural or village America itself- toward all that was not in New York itself. Long before Saul Steinberg's celebrated New Yorker cover had mocked the disproportionate configurations that the nation assumed west of the Hudson River, these intellectuals were absorbed in making their particular subculture sovereign. The title of the third volume of Alfred Kazin's autobiography was almost defiant in its proclamation: New York Jew. Cooney devotes part of his ninth chapter to the subject of Jewishness; and it is quite penetrating, showing how various writers and critics wrestled with the meaning of their own ethnic origins. Consistent with Cooney's argument, they generally ended up as cosmopolitans, largely because they belonged to this am-segulah. The Jewish

96 Review Essay 23 1 wanderer, Delmore Schwartz and Clement Greenberg and others declared, had become a representative figure in a civilization permeated with estrangement and the sense of exile, just as the Jewish writer was endowed with special sensitivity and insight into the condition of alienation. As intellectuals, such Jews had propelled themselves away from the pious traditions of their immediate ancestors; as Jews, such intellectuals felt themselves outsiders within a Christendom whose cultural and political foundations were crumbling. Doubly estranged, the editors and contributors to Partisan Review were therefore specialists in the afflictions of modernity. Waldys volume skips lightly over the relevance of Jewishness to the politics of these thinkers; neither book is explicitly designed to enhance an understanding of the American Jewish heritage. In this respect more pertinence can be found in Alexander Bloom's Prodigal Sons: The New York Intellectuals and Their World (1986), with which the volumes under review will inevitably be compared. But the studies of both Wald and Cooney must be consulted by any scholar piqued by the fate of Jewish intellectuals, and even more by anyone intrigued by the vagaries of modern cultural history. "Like many another American," Kazin asserted in the Contemporary Jewish Record in 1944, "I have had to make my own culture"; and in constructing it out of Jewish memories, plus the English metaphysical poets and the Russian novelists and the New England Transcendentalists, he personified the eclectic grandeur of what is most admirable in the legacy of the New York intellectuals. Stephen Whitfield is the Max Richter Professor of American Civilization at Brandeis University, Waltham, Massachusetts. He is the author of numerous scholarly essays and six books, most recently American Space, Jewish Time (1988) and A Death in the Delta (1988).

97

98 Book Reviews Eisen, Arnold M. Galut: Modern Jewish Reflections on Homelessness and Homecoming. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, xx PP. The rise of the Zionist movement almost a century ago precipitated heated debates over an issue that continues to haunt modern Jewish sensibility: the return to the Jewish homeland. One recalls the vitriolic opposition to Zionism both in Central and Western Europe at the turn of the twentieth century by Jews who reaffirmed the nationality of their countries of citizenship. One remembers, too, the opposition of most of the East European Orthodox leadership to the movement of return to the Holy Land spearheaded by secularists. If the former feared negative political repercussions and loss of national status in their existing homes, the latter objected to the nontraditional methods used and goals proposed for the revival of the ancestral home. In the United States, the stature and counsel of Louis Brandeis helped mitigate the discomfort some felt over the charge of dual loyalty. His speech, "The Jewish Problem and How to Solve It," which asserted that being a Zionist made a Jew a better American, deflected to some degree the perception of Zionism as a dire threat to one's Americanism. And yet, ironically, Brandeis's position underscored the fundamental problematic of the concept of Jewish homeland for twentiethcentury American Jews: one could fully support the Jewish return to the Jewish homeland without feeling it necessary to live there. But if so, the question arose, What meaning does the notion of Jewish homeland have, especially for those unwilling to live in it? Since the creation of the State of Israel, reflection on the meaning of the Jewish homeland has only intensified, as Jewish political and intellectual introspection on the relationship between Israel and Jewish communities outside of Israel has deepened. Israelis often seem confounded by the disinclination of Jews "to come home." American Jews, for their part, often grope for ways by which to express their

99 234 American Jewish Archives unwavering fealty to Israel while still remaining at home in America. Moreover, the questions and metaphors concerning this relationship prove highly contentious: do American Jews live in galut, that is, exile, or in diaspora, the more neutral, nonjudgmental term? Is Israel the center of world Jewish life, ministering to scattered Jewish communities on the periphery, or is it only one center among equals, only equivalent in eminence, say, to America, but not more "special"? In a recent issue of Moment magazine, its former editor, Leonard Fein, was severely castigated in a letter to the editor for having dared to suggest that the American Jewish center is Israel's equal. Clearly, the topic of galut, of homeland and homelessness, in the face of a reconstructed, politically sovereign Jewish state beckoning Jews home is emotionally charged, intellectually challenging, and existentially compelling. Arnold Eisen has experienced the full gamut of these emotions. Having written eloquently in the past on the crucial significance of Israel for him, the American Eisen with a doctorate from Hebrew University tried to settle in Israel, teaching at Tel Aviv University. He has since left and is now on the faculty of Stanford University. He himself notes the highly personal implications of the Jewish homeland calling him home, observing that "over the years [I] found myself on both sides of this conversation: an 'Israeli' among American Jews, an American among Israelis; at once in exile and at home among both" (pp. xii - xiii). One senses the passion of conviction and the sentiment of pathos in this book, which makes it all the more engaging. Arnold Eisen's absorbing, penetrating work probes the nature of Jewish discussion on the issues of galut and homelessness/homecoming in modern times. Beginning with an evaluation of the premodern (or early modern, depending on one's historical perspective) Spinoza and Mendelssohn on the theme, Eisen then critically assesses the approaches of leading European Israeli Zionist theoreticians of modern and contemporary times-spiritual or cultural Zionists, political Zionists, religious Zionists-as well as those of American Jewish thinkers. The list is a veritable who's who of modern Jewish thought, and includes Moses Hess, Ahad Ha'am, Micah Joseph Berdiczewski, Simon Dubnow, A. D. Gordon, Martin Buber, Theodor Herzl, Jacob Klatzkin, Yehezkel Kaufmann, Franz Rosenzweig, Abraham I. Kook, Zevi Y. Kook, Isaiah Leibowitz, Aharon Lichtenstein, Nathan Rotenstreich, Eliezer Schweid, Gershom Scholem, Louis Brandeis, Solomon Schechter, Jacob Neusner, Ben Halpern, Mordecai Kaplan, Jakob J.

100 Book Reviews 23 5 Petuchowski, Joseph B. Soloveitchik, Abraham J. Heschel, and Emil Fackenheim. But the book is no mere synopsis of viewpoints, although it is that too. Rather; Eisen argues that the modern and contemporary debate over the meaning of exile, Jewish national existence, and the return to the Jewish national home would benefit from a serious encounter with the ideas and images of the classical Jewish tradition on these issues. This encounter; to some extent, has taken place. Indeed, Eisen suggests that much of the language and many of the conceptualizations of the modern discussion either consciously borrow from, rebel against, or unwittingly parallel that of the religious tradition. But to better crystallize these connections to and divergences from the tradition, Eisen in the first part of the book sets out to provide the religious background which, he avers, dominates all subsequent normative reflection on galut through the ages. Eisen selects three texts which he feels highlight critical "moments" in the development of the religious-intellectual tradition of galut. The first is the Book of Genesis, which underlines human homelessness and alienation, both physical and metaphysical: expulsion from the Garden, estrangement from the earth by Adam's descendants, the later patriarchal wanderings through and out of the land, and the settlement in Canaan only to be followed by the enslavement of Jacob's descendants in Egypt. If Genesis depicts varieties of exile and rootlessness, Deuteronomy stands as its antithesis, holding out the hope of a marvelous homecoming, replete with the tangible blessings of fertility, inheritance, and a stable political center. In short, an ideal society. But the realization of this promise, Deuteronomy reminds, can only occur with proper Jewish living; improper socioreligious and moral behavior will bring forth ineluctable national disaster. The homecoming is contingent and not absolute: it can be reversed and exile returned, as the vivid imagery of Deuteronomy's texts of reproof caution. This book, as other prophetic works, stands as both a warning and an explanation for the inexplicable: the people can be exiled from their home as an expression of divine disfavor; homecoming can be turned into homelessness, a thought that has persistently animated Jewish religious thought. Roman domination of the homeland is the occasion for Eisen's third classical source: the rabbinic tractate Avodah Zarah, which finds the rabbis responding to new realities. Whereas the homecoming of

101 236 American Jewish Archives Deuteronomy presupposed the extirpation of idolatry from the model society to be created, first- and second-century C.E. Palestinian Jewish life had to come to terms with a society pervaded by idolatry. Although physically at home, the people on the land were nevertheless in exile from their ideal state. Hence Avodah Zarah, in Eisen's interpretation, finds the rabbis confronting the problem of Jews living in galut while still resident in their own land. By outlining the permissible limits of Jewish interaction with idolaters, the main subject of Avodah Zarah, the rabbis carved out a sacred order of Jewish time and space that was both impenetrable and independent. They therefore succeeded in constructing a portable Judaism that could be lived anywhere, in the homeland or out of it. But in doing so, they established a highly ambivalent relationship to the Jewish homeland. Although the homeland, within the conceptual matrix of this portable Judaism, was still central, although the hope for an ideal messianic homecoming was still fervently prayed for; the land was neither necessary nor sufficient in order to live a life of Torah. Consequently, the metaphysical ideal of living a Torah life won out over the political need for an independent Jewish land; a Jew could be homeless politically but at home metaphysically. Without explicitly saying so, Eisen's analysis effectively suggests that the rabbinic definition of Judaism, typified by the laws in Avodah Zarah, spawned the historic tension between Jewish religious tradition and Jewish nationalism that has been pointed to so frequently by modern intellectuals. Eisen affirms that these three "moments" of galut serve as archetypes for the Jewish preoccupation with the idea of homelessness and homecoming in later centuries. The promised land in the full political sense could end the metaphysical aberration of the spirit, but not necessarily so. One could live in exile in one's homeland, just as one could find metaphysical at-homeness outside the Holy Land by living a Torah life. Territory was therefore not the ultimate solution to alienation, but territory on which one followed the dictates of Deuteronomy. Eisen's analysis of Genesis, Deuteronomy, and Avodah ~arah is incisive, illustrating his masterful midrashic capacity for textual interpretation. Although I am unconvinced by Eisen's interpretation of Avodah Zarah, which reads too much like eisegesis than exegesis-the conception of galut imputed to the rabbis in this tractate, in my esti-

102 Book Reviews 237 mation, is more Eisen's than theirs-nevertheless, it is bold and imaginative and ought to be appreciated for what it attempts. Eisen's discussion of the modern and contemporary thinkers on galut is excellent, and demonstrates his great acuity in getting to the heart of their positions. Moreover, his analyses, pointedly evaluating how near or far from the Jewish tradition these intellectuals have strayed, is admirable and persuasive. Ironically, as Eisen notes, Jewish tradition dominates the discourse of those who contend with the issue of Jewish homeland and who crave meaning and legitimization for their views. Spinoza demystified galut by rejecting the chosen people and the chosen land altogether. Moses Mendelssohn transformed galut into more symbolic terms by legitimating Jewish civil life among the gentiles in order to win emancipation, thus redirecting Jewish religious thought away from the land. Spiritual Zionists like Ahad Ha'am pointed to the need to overcome exile by the return home of a selective minority of Jews who would establish a spiritual center for the sake of the communities on the periphery. Such thinking, although in some measure consistent with the Jewish tradition's understanding of the homeland as a true spiritual center, nevertheless rebelled against the tradition by transforming the meaning of the "spiritual" from the realm of religion to secular culture. Political Zionists, on the other hand, such as Herzl, Klatzkin, and Ben-Gurion, dismissed the notion of a spiritual center in favor of a self-contained national center whose goal was a normal, politically sovereign state. They broke radically with the tradition, even though they used biblical language and metaphors from the tradition to describe the state. Writing from the vantage of the 1g8os, Eisen concludes that the meaning of homecoming as offered by both political and spiritual Zionism has lost its appeal. Political Zionism, in reality, affords no meaning to the state as already created and is essentially dead, whereas the thought of spiritual Zionists, who try to provide an ideologically transcendent goal for the state, is moribund. As Eisen sees it, the question for them is clear: can there be meaning to a Jewish homecoming to the ancestral land not rooted in the tradition, which, at bottom, is the very source of credibility for the homecoming ideal that secularists either deny or reconstruct? Eisen is dubious, and his point is well taken. The weakest link for all secular Zionists, such as the socialist

103 238 American Jewish Archives Ber Borochov, whom Eisen does not treat, is justifying why the land of Israel. The secularist answer, severed from the religious tradition, no longer seems convincing. Yet even traditionalist Jews who carry the religious tradition forward also have difficulty with defining the contemporary homecoming. Hence religious Zionists, such as Abraham Kook, Isaiah Leibowitz, and Aharon Lichtenstein, have found themselves on the horns of a dilemma: They have to explain and religiously internalize a homecoming that is political but not religious; in other words, they have to confront the complex issue of the relationship of religion to the state. Exactly what kind of homecoming is it that is physical but not metaphysical, material but not spiritual, and one that can be applauded for meeting Jewish historical imperatives even though not fulfilling the Deuteronomic ideal? American Jewish reflection on the homecoming offers entirely different perspectives and differs fundamentally from that of Israelis. The thinkers Eisen surveys demonstrate the broad parameters of their orientation: Israel does not necessarily solve the Jewish problem of homelessness; America is different, it is not exile; and furthermore, America and Israel are equal centers of Jewish life. The Zionist idea of return to the land has not captured the imagination of American Jews for whom religious tradition, however understood, still is projected as being entirely sufficient to contend with metaphysical homelessness. Is there continuity between Zionism and Judaism? That is the question which coming home to the Holy Land has evoked, Eisen argues, and the answer is difficult to come by. For many, if not most, there is not, or at least only a partial continuity. The contemporary Jewish homecoming in concrete terms has achieved magnificent results; yet when its ideological impulses over the last century are placed in the context of the Jewish religious tradition on galut and homecoming, its ultimate status as a source of values and meaning to spark a mass return to the land seems questionable. The tension, even conflict, between the classical religious tradition and Jewish nationalism is just not easily resolved-by anyone or any movement. This book constitutes a first-rate contribution to Jewish intellectual thought and reinforces Eisen's stature as one of the most nimble-minded scholars of modern Jewish thought on the scene today. If I have any

104 Book Reviews 239 quibbles, they are over secondary issues. Eisen unfortunately neglects a whole body of halachic literature on the issue of the mitzvah of aliyah and kibbush ha'aretz (conquest of the land) from medieval to modern times that would have added an important dimension to the analysis of homecoming from the viewpoint of the religious tradition. The three "classical" sources are not enough. Moreover, Eisen's highly refined, conceptual analysis obscures historical issues and the impact of the galut phenomenon-here almost exclusively treated as an ideological question-in Jewish history. The religious tradition did not lead to a Jewish homecoming in the past when the opportunities arose, nor did the significance of the land stem Jewish departure from the land at other times: the vast majority of Babylonian Jews stayed behind in the sixth and fifth centuries B.C.E.; Jews in Hellenistic times migrated out of Palestine, as evidenced by the vast numbers situated in the Mediterranean basin at the turn of the millennium; medieval Jews by and large did not return to the Holy Land after major expulsions; and modern Jews, similarly, voted with their feet for America as opposed to a return to Eretz Yisrael. What is the significance of this historical flight from and avoidance of homecoming, and is it only related to the ideology of homecoming? Modern Jewish reflections could have been related to historical precedents, not merely to ideology. Then too, the analysis of the reflections of the moderns and contemporaries should have taken cognizance of the crucial dates 1948, 1967, and Is there any difference in the discussions about homecoming before and after these years? If the categories of spiritual and political Zionism seemed more reasonable in the 1950s than they do in the 1980s) why is that so? Finally, a note of comparative politics might have sharpened the analysis. Does any country spend as much time debating its own raison d'etre as does Israel? Why the incessant concern over the "meaning" of the country-is it a function of the inherent and unique religious nature of Jew~sh nationalism and its persistence or because the nation is still so politically immature and young? The tradition makes demands of the people; that merely reinforces Eisen's point. Jews can't escape it, even if they are unclear as to how best to articulate the relationship between Jewish religion and Jewish nationalism. Few Israelis wish to break all ties to the Jewish past and the religious culture on which it is based; yet how to be free nationally

105 240 American Jewish Archives yet show honor to the religious tradition from which the concept of Jewish homecoming evolved-that is the burden of the religious past on the historical present. -Benny Kraut Benny Kraut is head of the Judaic Studies Program at the University of Cincinnati. Among his numerous publications are From ReformJudaism to Ethical Culture: The Religious Evolution of Felix Adler (1979) and German-Jewish Orthodoxy in an Immigrant Synagogue: Cincinnati% New Hope Congregation and the Ambiguities of Ethnic Religion (1988).

106 Hindus, Milton. Essays: Personal and Impersonal. Santa Rosa: Black Sparrow Press, pp. Milton Hindus, a charter member of the Brandeis University faculty, has produced a book of great distinction in this retrospective collection, which includes works written as early as 1941 and as recently as Reality, he tells us, "is hard to pigeonhole"(p. 97), and indeed there is no way to define a writer or a thinker-the oeuvre must stand as its own definition. Even so, a sentence by Harvard's Irving Babbitt which Hindus quotes with reverence (it is "one of Babbitt's sterling sentences" [p. 1011) applies to Hindus's own work: "In the last analysis, what a man owes to society is not his philosophy, but a good example" (ibid.). Certainly that is congruent with what Hindus seems bent on in these essays, which, notwithstanding the book's title, are all 66 personal," even the most rigorously scholarly of them. Society means a great deal to Hindus, and the question of a debt to society would not strike him as absurd. His is a Socratic view of society; he speaks of "the compact of eternal society, which is between those who have lived before us, those who are now living, and those who will live on after us" (p. 126). Hindus is in that sense a true conservative. His tone can be astringent, but tends to avoid stridency or rancor-he seldom allows himself a diatribe, though in a 1983 essay on Celine he excoriates "our own time, in which all concepts of decency, measure, restraint, 'the inner check,' have been so degraded that no suggestion can be regarded as completely beyond the pale or through its extremism capable of making anyone taking it seriously blush" (p. 158). A good example is what Hindus admires and prizes. Hindus himself offers a good example in more than one respect. This man of East European immigrant parentage and Yiddish memory may be said to exemplify the astonishing transfiguration which has taken place in American Jewish life: in his own recollections he charts the passage from the inevitable immigrant awkwardness to a stylistic and intellectual grace I find reminiscent-mutatis mutandis but in its mandarinism, too-of Virginia Woolf's achievement in The Common

107 242 American Jewish Archives Reader series. Readers will encounter in his work sophistication, charm, cosmopolitan sensibility, reticence, and a memorable idiosyncrasy in speech and thought. It cannot be said of Hindus as of the Buddha that he is "concerned mainly with his message and only very incidentally with the language in which it [is] delivered" (p. 124), though Hindus clearly is an intellectual Jew to whom "the most important life is that of the mind" (p. 9). He is also an intellectual Jew who knows what it is for a Jewish identity to be, "if permitted to survive at all,... hard-pressed" (p. ISS), even when he can take no pride in disloyalty to his own kin (p. 54). Hindus provides cogent discussions of ancestral values ("the culture [of Eastern European Jews] was hardly an irresponsible one. It was a family-oriented, responsibly social, and basically believing world, even when the religious tie to the synagogue... had worn somewhat thin" [p. zo]), of campus radicalism in the 1930s ("Anyone listening to our discussions might have been terrified by the scale of our visions, and by the callousness and brutality with which we proposed to transform them into realities-until it was realized that we were actually powerless" [p. 5 I]), of his celebrated uncle Maurice Hindus ("With all its faults, he had formed deep attachments to [Russia,] the country in which he had been born and to its people, and leaving them was 'like tearing something out' of his very soul" [p. 28]), and of Babbitt, Whitman, Reznikoff, Proust, Celine, Whittaker Chambers, Frost, Plato, and Thoreau. He makes many arresting comments on politics: "in order to represent a political viewpoint, it is not necessary to be the wisest or best person in the party; it is simply necessary to say fearlessly what is on people's minds but what they dare not say for themselves"(p. 40); "nothing (at least not in politics) can be understood with the intellect alone9'(p. 44); politics "works, as art does, more by an appeal to the heart than to the intellect of man" (p. 53). Hindus is a conservative, though perhaps not a neoconservative: his model is the Socrates of whom A. E. Taylor says, "he respects the consciences of TO KOINON [the commonwealth] as well as his own" (p. 128). Hindus rejects Thoreau as representative of "inflamed individuals who set their own sense of what is right above that of other men" (p. 129). Thoreau's "advocacy of what has since been called 'passive resistance' to the state may be little less mischievous than armed insurrection in destroy-

108 Book Reviews 24 3 ing the 'domestic tranquility' promised by the American Constitution" (p. 129). Thoreau's conviction that "under a government which imprisons any unjustly, the true place for a just man is also in prison" calls forth this response from Hindus: "It sounds well enough until we stop to think" (p. I~o), and almost always he does stop to think. Occasionally he exhibits what I would take to be a blind spot: for instance, his peremptory dismissal of Philip Roth as guilty of "selfdefamation" (p. 83) or the sangfroid which allows him to denounce the self-immolation of Vietnamese Buddhists "for very questionable political motives" (p. 120). For the most part, however; Hindus does stop to think. That he has done so is evident in his account of the French anti-semite Louis-Ferdinand Ctline. Hindus speaks of his attraction to Ctline, whom he visited in Denmark after World War I1 and about whom he published The Crippled Giant in "The deepest roots of my attachment to Ctline may be impossible to trace. Jewish self-hatred?... It is not whom or what one loves that is important, as Proust tells us, but the great fact of loving itself" (p. I 54). But the attachment troubles him. Ultimately, he concludes, Ctline "belonged to what was new and fresh and alive and indelible in literature" (p. I 55 ) and "Even in his most benighted and delirious ravings there are redeeming flashes of wit and insight" (p. 160). C2lineYs "visions seemed the most accurate rendering of the fantastic, maddening world in which we found ourselves" (p. I 52). Hindus's conservatism holds few charms for me, but no political disagreement can obscure his immense intelligence and clarity. These essays will handsomely repay readers long after our generation has passed into oblivion. -Stanley E Chyet Stanley E Chyet is professor of American Jewish history and director of graduate studies at the Hebrew Union CollegeJewish Institute of Religion, Los Angeles. Among his recent publications is Israeli Poetry: A Contemporary Anthology (with Warren Bargad).

109 Ausmus, Harry J. Will Herberg: From Right to Right. With a Foreword by Martin E. Marty. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, xiii pp. I Together with Milton Steinberg and Abraham J. Heschel, Will Herberg was one of the more interesting and influential thinkers on the American Jewish scene in the fifties. Born in 1901 (the date is sometimes given as 1909) in a little village near Minsk, he was brought to the United States as a child. Early in life he became a Marxist and a member of the Communist Party. He did not, however, like the way in which Marxism was translated into practice in the Soviet Union, and therefore he affiliated with the wing of the party led by Jay Lovestone, expelled from the official Communist Party by Stalin himself. He was active organizationally and educationally on behalf of the International Ladies' Garment Workers Union. Severely shocked by the Nazi- Soviet pact, and intellectually stimulated by Reinhold Niebuhr, Herberg began to feel that what had attracted him to Marxism in the first place was the concern with social justice. However, social justice appeared to him now to lack a sound basis in Marxism, and in secularism in general; and he began to look for a more secure basis in religion, that is to say, in the Judeo-Christian heritage. He thereupon interested himself in the teachings of religion, and particularly in the writings of some modern religious existentialists. Thus he was one of the first writers in American Judaism to draw attention to the thought of Franz Rosenzweig--decades before Rosenzweig's Star of Redemption was made available in an English translation. Out of these interests and concerns, Herberg wrote his Judaism and Modern Man, which was published in 195 I-a book which both influenced a rising generation of American Jewish theologians and aroused the criticism of those who were still steeped in the older, more rationalist tradition of classical liberalism. In , Herberg followed up his work on Jewish theology with a treatise on the sociology of religion in America: Protestant, Catholic, Jew. There was, he argued, an "American religion," which could be had in one of three versions: Protestant, Catholic, and Jewish. If one

110 ~ook Reviews 24 5 wanted to be a good American, he stated, one had to identify oneself with one of the three versions of the American religion. Jews in America, therefore, would survive as a religious rather than an ethnic entity; and the rush, at that time, of temple and synagogue building as well as the move of Jewish socialist-secularist families to the suburbs, where they enrolled their children in the Hebrew and religious schools of the local temples, rather tended to support Herberg's findings. (The ongoing secularization of the Republic may have somewhat "dated" Herberg's conclusions in the meantime, but when the book appeared in 195 5, it was generally hailed as a true description of reality. Besides, it still has to be shown that Jews qua Jews will survive in America as anything but a religious community.) Herberg's increasing fame as a religious thinker and sociologist of religion ultimately led to his obtaining a professorship at Drew University. Politically, he continued his "rightward" move--without in any way giving up the quest of social justice that had initially drawn him to Marxism. For some time before he died, in 1977, Herberg was a member of the Conservative group around William E Buckley's National Review, a journal which he served as religion editor. Will Herberg wrote a great deal more than the two books which we have mentioned. All told, 672 published items are listed in the bibliography which Harry J. Ausmus, professor of history at Southern Connecticut State University, compiled for his Will Herberg: A Bio-Biography (1986). The book by Ausmus under review here is basically an extended version of the 1986 volume. The latter contained a chapter of oneparagraph "annotations" summarizing the contents of selected works by Herberg. The present volume "annotates" in chapter-lengths rather than, as the earlier volume did, in paragraph-lengths. That is both its advantage and its drawback. Since Herberg worked in so many different areas of human endeavor, politics, history, religion, philosophy, theology, literature, sociology, and religion, it is unlikely that many readers will peruse Herberg's writings in areas other than those of their own particular interest. The advantage of Ausmus's book, therefore, lies in the fact that it brings to the attention of many readers books and articles by Herberg which, in the normal course of events, they might never encounter otherwise. This advantage is enhanced by the chronological sequence of the book, which thus provides us with

111 246 American Jewish Archives an intellectual and spiritual biography of the man. The drawback is the inevitable pricis character of Ausmus's book. Ausmus tells us, and occasionally interprets, what Herberg said. Since this is Herberg, as it were, at "second hand,'' many pages tend to be somewhat laborious, particularly in the long run. But it becomes downright irritating when, for example, Ausmus undertakes to tell us what Herberg tells us that Rosenzweig tells us that Judaism tells us! The irritation becomes stronger when one begins to suspect that Ausmus is not quite as at home in judaicis as one would need to be in order to assess adequately the material under consideration. (Herberg himself, in spite of Ausmus's claim to the contrary, does not seem to have been much of a Hebraist. At any rate, the Jewish material in Judaism and Modern Man is generally drawn from secondary sources.) Yet Ausmus's book performs a useful function in making the interested reader look up Herberg's original writings in those areas which arouse the reader's particular fascination. For, whatever else he was or was not, Herberg was a fascinating and complex personality-so complex, in fact, as Martin E. Marty points out in his somewhat ambivalent foreword to this volume, that Herberg's was indeed an "unfinished, never-to-be-finished journey.'' -Jakob J. Petuchowski Jakob J. Petuchowski is the Sol and Arlene Bronstein Professor of Judaeo-Christian Studies and Research Professor of Jewish Theology and Liturgy at the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati, Ohio. He has written or edited over thirty books, among them When Jews and Christians Meet (198 8).

112 Podet, Allen Howard. The Success and Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry : Last Chance in Palestine. New York: Edwin Mellen Press, pp. Writing in May 1946, Dr. Chaim Greenberg, an important Labor Zionist and witness before the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, took a dim view of commissions which, in his estimate, attempted to impose peace on Palestine. By taking what he called "the easy road of compromises and quasi-compromises," the six Britons and six Americans composing the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry (AACI) had failed to find the illusory "truth" wedged between intractable Arab and Jewish beliefs. Nevertheless, he hoped the Committee's report and recommendations would be accepted despite their limitations, since they charged the British Labour government under Prime Minister Clement Attlee with immediately transferring to Palestine ~oo,ooo European Jews, Holocaust refugees, who could no longer remain in Europe (see Jewish Frontier I 3 [May I 9461: 3 - I s). More than forty years have passed since Greenberg wrote with great intensity of the AACI and its findings, but until recently little had been done by scholars to place the work of this commission in historical perspective. This historiographical gap has been addressed in Allen Howard Podet's Success and Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry , perceptively subtitled Last Chance in Palestine. Based upon extensive archival material in the United States, Great Britain, Italy, and Israel, it is a complex, generally well-written study of diplomacy gone wrong, missed chances, failed opportunity, and occasionally even-handed, debatably brilliant statesmanship. Podet's thesis is clear: there could have been peace, but Attlee and his subordinates lacked the qualities of insight, tenacity, courage, and flexibility to bring it across. According to the author, the vehicle for peace was the AACI, a dozen amateur diplomats with no particular "hidden agenda" and no career ambitions, whose unique achievement was their viewing of the Palestine picture as the sum of its Jewish, Arab, British, American, and Soviet parts (pp. 2, 348). Though the majority of the commissioners were sixtyish, several were in their for-

113 248 American Jewish Archives ties, and one, M.P. Richard Crossman, was thirty-eight. Perhaps the most remarkable of the group were Crossman himself and two Americans, San Francisco lawyer Bartley C. Crum, and former League of Nations High Commissioner for German Refugees James G. Mc- Donald. Following their service on the AACI, all three published books which reflected upon the Committee's history, aspirations, accomplishments, and frustrations. Having been "on the job" for approximately three months, from January 7 through mid-april 1946, the AACI, jointly chaired by two judges, Sir John E. Singleton, a Briton, and Joseph C. Hutcheson, Jr., a Texas Democrat, heard testimony in Washington, D.C., London, the Middle East including Palestine, Frankfurt, Munich, Nuremberg, Prague, Vienna, and a number of European assembly centers for displaced persons (p. 220). Apparently Committee members were briefed by either the British Foreign Office or the American State Department (p. 127) with regard to the possibility of a Soviet-Arab rapprochement should Jewish refugees and Zionist statists prevail. In their final form, however, the Committee's recommendations were remarkably well balanced. Among the ten proposals were the recision of White Paper restrictions on Jewish land sales in Palestine, the immediate entry of ~oo,ooo refugees, continued legal immigration beyond the ~oo,ooo under "suitable conditions," outlawing both Jewish and Arab violence, suggesting that Palestine be one of many alternatives for displaced persons, and the placing of Palestine under a British trusteeship supported by the United Nations. Ostensibly, such an arrangement would perpetuate the British presence in Palestine and eliminate the possibility of the Soviets moving in. Professor Podet calls the report of the AACI "a masterpiece of compromise and negotiation, of research and analysis," primarily because it appealed to Jewish activists who were not quite "statists," Arab activists who were not quite inflexible, Britons who were not quite cynical, and Americans, including President Truman (see pp , 33 z), who were at once humanitarian, evangelical, and romantic. Whether there were enough of these to shape a consensus capable of withstanding irresistible force, explosive confrontations, and immemorial antipathies is anyone's guess, but it is an intricately argued and ultimately compelling thesis. Although the AACI was part of the overall diplomatic failure of Anglo-American cooperation between I 945 and 1948 (pp.

114 Book Reviews I), it taught Great Britain and the United States some valuable lessons. After a quarter century of "trial and error," Washington and Whitehall were obliged to face the reality that commissions, mixed or otherwise, don't work. Certainly they had been sufficiently tested: the King-Crane Commission of 1919, the Commission of Enquiry following the Wailing Wall riots of 1929, the Peel Commission of 1937, the Woodhead or "Re-Peel" Commission of 1938, and finally the AACI of Sometimes the commissioners were compromised at the outset, as in 1919; sometimes the commissioners "rubberstamped" prevailing government attitudes, as in 1929; sometimes the commissioners abjured a leadership role and merely reacted to events, as was the case in 1937 and One might say, after examining Professor Podet's book, that the 1946 effort offered the best hope of success, but it fell short because nonbinding committee recommendations had never been taken seriously and, in point of fact, the AACI may have offered too little, too late. As I read The Success and Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry, I became convinced that an even more decisive flaw in the commission was not of its own making, but derived from the failure of the British and American foreign policy bureaucracies to support its work adequately. Rather than deal with the lacunae of Arab Jewish history and Middle East psychology, American Loy Henderson of the State Department's Near East Division and Britons Ernest Bevin and Harold Beeley at the Foreign Office urged certain of the Committee to consider above all the impending Cold War and the shadow of Soviet domination. At least behind the scenes, then, the practice of gamesmanship was more avidly pursued than statesmanship, when the latter was most needed to solve the enigma of Palestine. Whether I criticize or commend the role and actions of Britain in these crucial years, I understand the burden under which that nation labored. In the case of the United States, its postwar diplomatic initiatives with regard to Jews, supposedly undertaken as a "caring" and "concerned~' nation above reproach, were systematically compromised and undercut by a failure to lift quota restrictions for refugees and the earlier, duplicitous behavior of President Franklin Roosevelt. In the light of American inconsistencies, this country's pushing and prodding of England to honor its commitments strikes a discordant note. Keeping all these thoughts in mind, read Allen Podet's The Success and

115 250 American Jewish Archives Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry It is the best summary available on the AACI and complements the related work of Howard M. Sachar, Zvi Ganin, Martin Gilbert, and Michael J. Cohen. -Stuart E. Knee Stuart E. Knee is associate professor of history and director of the Jewish Studies Program at the College of Charleston, South Carolina. He is the author of The Concept of Zionist Dissent in the American Mind (1979) and Hervey Allen: Literary Historian in America (1988).

116 Meyer, Michael A. Response to Modernity: A History of the Reform Movement in Judaism. New York: Oxford University Press, xvi PP. When David Philipson published his widely read book The Reform Movement in Judaism in 1907, he wrote it as a vigorous advocate rather than as a historian with some claim to objectivity. He was then a rabbi in Cincinnati, a member of the first graduating class of Hebrew Union College, and a past president of the Central Conference of American Rabbis. He had known the founding fathers of the "classical" period and had participated in formulating the Pittsburgh Platform of To him, Reform was the wave of the future. It was the purified system of thought and prayer which all Jews would eventually come to embrace, and America was its chief nurturing ground. No wonder that Reform had displaced the outworn forms of Orthodoxy; it was good and noble and altogether beautiful. Nowhere in the book was there a critique of the movement, nor was it significantly related to political and social circumstances; nowhere, for instance, was there any discussion of the fact that by 1907 (or by 193 I, when the revised edition of the book appeared) Reform was exclusively identified with the upper middle class. Its heroes are rabbis, and its crucial events rabbinical conferences and their discussions. However, the rabbis are presented without biographical background, and therefore their points of view seem to arise out of a vacuum. Philipson's classes at the College (which I remember well) were redolent with a sense of Reform triumphalism-even though by the mid-thirties the nature of Reform no longer fit the Philipsonian description. A new and entirely different book on the movement has therefore long been overdue, and it is a pleasure to report that Michael A. Meyer has at last filled the lacuna. He is a historian of established reputation, and his earlier History of the Modem Jew has prepared him admirably for the difficult task he set for himself. Like Philipson, however, he has labored under the handicap of being a professional servant of the Reform community: he is professor of Jewish history at Hebrew Union College -Jewish Institute of Religion. He therefore may be expected to approach his subject with a sympathetic bias, but then, all histori-

117 252 American Jewish Archives ans write from a personal point of view. There is no "objective" history, even as there is no "history as such." It is never anything more or less than a construct of the writer's mind, which in Michael Meyer's case turns out to be a good thing. For he is a person of erudition and honesty, not afraid to describe events and their actors the way he sees them and, most important, always relating them to his main theme: Reform in the sociopolitical context of its time, a response to modernity on a variety of levels. And fortunately, he also writes well, and therefore his rich and tightly packed volume is easy to read. His book not only takes us to the early 1970s~ it is also vastly different in tone and approach from Philipson's effort. Only in one respect are the two alike: they both speak of Reform in Judaism, and not in the Jewish people; for both see Reform as a religious movement. For this reviewer, some especially memorable chapters of Meyer's book (winner of the 1989 National Jewish Book Award for History) were those dealing with Isaac M. Wise and David Einhorn. Meyer draws Wise vividly and gives him his due without making larger than life, thereby providing a corrective to James Heller's biography. But then, the multitalented Heller was writing about a predecessor in his own pulpit of Bene Yeshurun in Cincinnati, and that created built-in limitations. Meyer is much freer in his assessment of the man who has come to be known as the "founder of American Reform." He tells us that Wise's secular education and rabbinic training were both defective, and that he had no known degree in either discipline. But what he lacked in depth he made up in enormous vigor and institutional skill, in his ability to communicate by written and spoken word, by his overarching desire for unity and his willingness to compromise. Even his opponents finally acknowledged the unique position which he acquired in American Jewish life. His long-time opponent Bernard Felsenthal wrote with grudging admiration: "It is he who defines the course in which Judaism in this country has to run. It is he who gives shape and color and character to our Jewish affairs. He is the central sun around which the planets and trabants are movingn(p. 263). David Einhorn was a very different personality, and Meyer admirably succeeds in contrasting the two most influential leaders: the populist Wise, who was given to compromise, and the elitist Einhorn, who refused to swerve from principle; the one willing to adopt an often

118 Book Reviews 25 3 traditionalist stance while being (in Meyer's words) a "closet radical," the other a radical in every respect; the one waffling on the issue of slavery, the other putting his safety and job on the line; the one embracing America in every respect, the other never completely at ease in it and even stating frankly, "Germany is my home" (p. 248). Meyer provides us with an intriguing insight into the fate of the two prayer books which Wise and Einhorn produced. At first Wise's Minhag America seemed to win the day, but in the end it was Einhorn's Olat Tamid that became the model for the Union Prayer Book. (There was also an interesting aspect of "turf" protection involved, and Meyer does not hesitate to speak of it.) For Einhorn, revelation was an ongoing discovery of what God has always made available to humanity; it was "more process than event," and in his view the essence of Judaism antedated the people of Israel (p. 246). For Wise, Sinai was the event that shaped both Judaism and Israel. Still, both Wise and Einhorn agreed on seeing Reform as a continuum within the realm of spiritual discovery, a view that became an issue in the next generation of leaders. In fact, Einhorn's two sons-in-law, Kaufmann Kohler and Emil G. Hirsch, represented this polarity. Kohler's Jewish Theology-a work which to this day has not been displaced-stressed Reform as continuity, while Hirsch spoke pointedly of Reformed Judaism, thereby emphasizing its essentially different and novel nature. There are some things I miss on Meyer's broad canvas. Like Philipson before him, he focuses on rabbis and their debates and only rarely (as with Lily Montagu and Claude Montefiore) on the laity. Thus, it would have been instructive if Meyer's discussion of the American Council for Judaism and its Houstonian execration had told us in greater detail about the Lessing Rosenwalds and what motivated them. Also, he does not examine the impact which an ever more prosperous and ever less Jewishly informed laity had on the thrust of the movement; he does not dwell on the decliric of the Reform temples from their pinnacle of communal prestige, which has brought to their leadership a second-level echelon, often rich in ambition and money but lacking in Jewish knowledge and a sense of the broader community. Further, I would have liked to see an analysis of Reform triumphalism, which until very recently characterized a good deal of the move-

119 254 American Jewish Archives ment's regnant attitude, at least in the United States, and which has dramatically receded before the new wave of Orthodox ascendancy. There are other elements I miss, such as a description of the important rescue of teachers and students which the College undertook during the Nazi days. Among those brought over from Germany were Abraham Joshua Heschel and Fritz Bamberger, as well as a group of young men two of whom would later become presidents of the Central Conference of American Rabbis. There is another aspect of Reform history I would have liked to have seen examined by Meyer. To this day, the presence or absence of the yarmulke has been in North America (though generally not elsewhere) the bellwether of the movement. Its return has heralded a turn to the right, and Meyer notes this properly. But nowhere do we find a discussion of why it was the head covering which assumed such a central place in Reform identification and why the movement invested its presence or absence with such emotional content. Thus, Meyer overlooks an opportunity to discuss the importance of the yarmulke not only as the most visible point of assimilation to the Christian environment but also as an immediate point of difference from other Jews. He might have called attention to experiences of the kind that marked the-reform congregation in St. Paul, Minnesota, where in 1880 the appeal to remove the hat was roundly defeated, but only a few years later unanimously accepted after a large group of Yiddishspeaking, caftan-clad Jews had arrived from Russia. One more area in need of further clarification: the Reform movement was, until the days of the Columbus Platform, the child of German immigrants. In the 1940s and 1950s its member of German stock were absorbed by the new majority of Jews who traced their origins to Eastern Europe. But what was it about these German Jews that had an effect as late as the early 198os, when the presidents of all four Reform bodies (the College, the Union, the CCAR, and the World Union) were German-born? This question bears examination, for it may elucidate something about the nature of the German-Jewish experience which today has all but vanished from sight. Meyer ends his study with the early 197os, though even when he deals with the preceding period he feels constrained to abstain from mentioning personalities. For instance, he discusses the "covenant theologians" and indicates that they have had a great influence on the

120 Book Reviews 25 S movement. Yet he does not mention their names-most likely because he is dealing here with contemporaries whom he does not wish to single out. Had he done so and taken the matter further he could have shown that out of this small group emerged men who made a difference in the further development of Reform, for they came to occupy key positions and write the basic books for the movement. One can understand the author's hesitancy. He is still part of Reform's institutional life, and mentioning some while omitting others might create for him some undesirable interpersonal tensions. That, of course, is the problem when a book such as this is written from within rather than without a particular Reform institution. Thus he feels free to enter a judgment about Maurice Eisendrath's lack of yiddishkeit (p. 382), while abstaining from rendering a critique of Nelson Glueck, the first president of the combined College-Institute. But even within such limitations Meyer has done extraordinarily well, and I for one hope that he is making copious notes so that upon his retirement he may give us another volume which will evaluate the latest and no less fascinating period of the Reform odyssey. -W. Gunther Plaut Rabbi W. Gunther Plaut, senior scholar of Toronto's Holy Blossom Temple and a past president of the Central Conference of American Rabbis, is the author of two source books, The Rise of Reform Judaism (1963) and The Growth of Reform Judaism (1965). He is also the editor and principal author of The Torah: A Modern Commentary (5th ed., 1988).

121 Patai, Raphael. Nahum Goldmann: His Missions to the Gentiles. University, Ala.: University of Alabama Press, pp. Nahum Goldmann will be remembered forever for his historic role in bringing about the conclusion of the Luxembourg Agreement with West Germany, which played a decisive role in postwar Jewish-Israeli- German relations. He also was instrumental in adjusting the Biltmore Program to the more realistic demand for a Jewish state in a part of Palestine and in promoting American and international support for that solution, but remained unsuccessful in all his efforts to bridge the gap between Jewish statehood and Israel's hostile Arab neighbors. The successes as well as the failures of the great Jewish leader are the subject of this recent book on Goldmann by Raphael Patai, a contemporary of his who began writing his study when Goldmann, whom he had personally known for many years, was still alive. Among Goldmann's three main "missions to the Gentiles," Patai deals most extensively with his advocacy of the partition of Palestine in order to bring about the creation of a Jewish state. Although there had been other precursors of partition (e.g., Victor Jacobson) Goldmann, who in the mid-thirties was still a junior member of the Zionist Executive, became one of the most outspoken supporters of this solution when it was recommended by the Palestine Royal Commission under Lord Peel. Despite the support of Chaim Weizmann, David Ben- Gurion, and Goldmann, the Twentieth Zionist Congress refused to endorse partition, although it empowered the Executive to clarify with the British government the "specific terms" of the proposal to establish a Jewish state. It is quite possible that even a minuscule Jewish state-if it had existed during World War 11-might have rescued at least a part of the doomed Jews of Europe. But the author should have admitted that the short-lived partition plan was jettisoned by the British not because of the wavering Zionist leadership but essentially because of their fear of the hostile Arab reaction in a period of growing confrontation with the fascist powers. After emigrating in the spring of 1940 from Geneva to the United States, Goldmann took a prominent part in Jewish and Zionist war-

122 Book Reviews 25 7 time activities. From May 1943 he served as head of the Jewish Agency's Washington political office, where he was later assisted by Elijahu Epstein (not Eilat); together with Stephen Wise, the titular head, he led the World Jewish Congress. Soon he clashed with Abba Hillel Silver, the brightest star on the horizon of American Zionism. In contrast to Silver, who demanded that all political work in Washington be directed by the American Zionist Emergency Council (AZEC), Goldmann insisted upon the independence of the Jewish Agency office and was supported in this issue by Silver's opponents in the Zionist leadership. In Goldmann played a major role in promoting support for partition among his fellow members of the Zionist Executive, in changing the mind of the influential non-zionist American Jewish Committee president, Joseph M. Proskauer, and in trying to convince the American administration of the validity of that solution. It was no easy job to impress partition upon Dean Acheson, who had never shared Justice Brandeis's and Felix Frankfurter's Zionist sympathies and who never became a friend and supporter of Israel, as he recalled in his Present at the Creation. Goldmann, perhaps the most experienced Zionist diplomat besides Weizmann, also tried hard to change the mind of the British foreign secretary, Ernest Bevin, but in this case his efforts were in vain. Moreover, Goldmann's diplomatic success in Washington in August 1946 notwithstanding, the administration's and President Truman's attitude to partition and to the creation of a Jewish state continued to change back and forth until the last days before the historic vote on November 27,1947, and even thereafter, as shown by Z. W. Ganin and other students of the period. Patai's assessment seems somewhat one-sided. In the final analysis, Goldmann's diplomatic skill, together with all the moral and legal arguments in favor of a Jewish state in a major part of Palestine, would not have sustained a positive attitude and guaranteed the American recognition of Israel on May 14,1948, without the continuous public pressure created by the political action of AZEC, headed by Silver. Patai also prefers not to mention Goldmann's last-minute involvement in efforts to postpone the proclamation of Israel's independence and to secure a truce between the Arab states, the Arab Higher Committee, and the Jewish authorities. Goldmann often argued that such a postponement might have prevented the endless Arab-Israeli warfare. But it is also possible that it might have forestalled the restoration of Jewish statehood for good.

123 25 8 American Jewish Archives Whether one accepts Patai's evaluation of Goldmann's decisive part in convincing the United States that the Jewish state must be established or prefers a more balanced approach which also takes into account the important role of Abba Hillel Silver, Goldmann's great adversary, there is no doubt about the central role he played in securing the Luxembourg Agreement with the Federal Republic of Germany as well as the successive arrangements with regard to individual indemnification, which has exceeded many times the original sum awarded to Israel and the Jewish organization. This will remain forever his most remarkable achievement, and the author has relied, in addition to Goldmann's autobiographies, on a number of important German memoirs, which without exception have been very positive about the Jewish leader's personality and skill. Goldmann, who broached the subject of German reparations as early as 1941, when no one took the victory of the Allies for granted, overcame in the early fifties the Jewish community's strong opposition, even in his own World Jewish Congress, to dealing directly with Germany. He took care to guarantee the Diaspora its place in the subsequent settlement by setting up the Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany, which he chaired. Although Israel had started making efforts to obtain reparations on its own, Goldmann soon became involved in the preparation for Chancellor Konrad Adenauer's crucial statement in the Bundestag on September 27, 1951, and even more in paving the way for the subsequent German-Israeli negotiations in Wassenaar and their meaningful conclusion. In his youth the young Ostjude had been fascinated with German culture, literature, and philosophy. At the end of his long life, he spoke German better than any other language. And although he later recanted what he had written in his proimperialist articles serving the kaiser's propaganda in World War I, he was never ashamed of his emotional links to the country and the culture in which he grew up. This background was, of course, of great help to him in establishing a special relationship with Adenauer, despite the deep gap between their Weltanschauungen and views on international affairs. Goldmann's intervention helped to solve recurrent crises before he, together with Moshe Sharett and Adenauer, signed the Luxembourg Agreement on September 10, Goldmann's direct approach to Adenauer remained very important for many years, and he was instrumental in providing

124 Book Reviews 259 for a number of improvements of individual indemnification and restitution payments during the sixties and seventies. Still, the portrayal of this chapter would be more complete if the author had also mentioned David Ben-Gurion's role in overcoming strong Israeli opposition to direct negotiations with Germany. Without Ben-Gurion's decisive stand diplomatic efforts would probably have remained to no avail. Patai also deals extensively with Goldmann's more positive attitude to Israel's Arab neighbors and to the Palestinians, an attitude which diverged from the mainstream of Israel's foreign policy, and his attempt to meet with Egyptian President Nasser. Since his early years Goldmann had been aware of the problem of the Arab population in Palestine, and he later supported the idea of a Near Eastern confederation which was to include Israel together with the neighboring Arab states. In contrast to most Israelis, he believed that only Arab unity could provide for peace and thought that by meeting Nasser, the most powerful Arab leader, he could contribute to that goal. Even more utopian was Goldmann's idea of a "totally neutralized Israel, guaranteed by many powers of the world- above all also by the Arabs.'' (His support of Israel's neutrality caused him to oppose initially its joining the United Nations in 1949.) Because of overwhelming opposition to his ideas he became more and more embittered and frustrated during the last years of his long life. This reviewer cannot share Patai's conclusion that in the eighties Goldmann's basic ideas, both of cooperation between Israel and her neighbors and of an international guarantee as a step toward neutralization, have already begun to become the policy of the government of Israel. Yet whereas some of the solutions proposed by Goldmann still seem very unrealistic, they do not detract from his political foresight with regard to the overwhelming significance of a long-range Arab-Israeli peace agreement. Nahum Goldmann was always fully aware of his important role on the Jewish scenefrom his cultural and literary activities in the Weimar Republic through his Zionist and World Jewish Congress leadership up to his futile attempts to change Israel's policies toward its Arab neighbors and the Palestinians. Relying on personal interviews and on Goldmann's repeated autobiographical statementsand Goldmann rewrote and readjusted his autobiography several times-patai uses the psychohistorical method to explain his behavior

125 260 American Jewish Archives and some of his most significant characteristics. According to the author, Goldmann's self-assurance, his confidence in his ability to measure to the world's leading statesmen, and even his enduring success with women can be mainly related to his warm and happy early childhood in his grandparents' home in the Lithuanian-Russian shtetl of Visznevo. This reviewer does not feel competent to pass judgment on the validity of psychohistory. But if one uses that method one also should ask oneself whether the pampering and coddling of the young grandchild, deprived of paternal authority (he would later join his parents in Frankfurt), did not contribute to some weak spots in the future leader's personality. Patai refrains from posing these kinds of questions. Patai's book, which appeared on the eve of Israel's fortieth anniversary, deals with several important chapters in Goldmann's long life, but as Patai himself has stated, it is not a biography. The last decade has been a fruitful one in the field of political biographies of major Zionist and Israeli leaders: Jehuda Reinharz and Norman Rose have dealt with or written on Chaim Weizmann, Shabtai Teveth with Ben- Gurion, Anita Shapira with Berl Katznelson, Melvin Urofsky with Stephen S. Wise, and most recently Marc Lee Raphael's long-awaited biography of Abba Hillel Silver has appeared. Hopefully, Patai's study on Goldmann will encourage a younger historian to devote himself to telling the full story of this exceptional and brilliant figure, the last of the giants, who was active in the life of his people for more than seven decades. -Shlomo Shafir Shlomo Shafir is the editor of Gesher, the Hebrew journal of the World Jewish Congress. He has also served on the staff of the Israeli daily newspaper Davar, and was its Washington correspondent from 1964 to He is the author of numerous scholarly publications in English, Hebrew, and German and is currently completing a manuscript on the image of Germany in American Jewish life after 1945.

126 Shargel, Baila Round. Practical Dreamer: Israel Friedlaender and the Shaping of America Judaism. New York: Jewish Theological Seminary of America, pp. Israel Friedlaender was not a victor. And so, like other casualties of the historian's pen, his influence was little acknowledged in print, that is, until Baila Shargel sought to tell his story in Practical Dreamer. This book is part of the Moreshet (Heritage) series, an appropriate context, since all of the titles included in the series have been written by alumni or faculty of the Jewish Theological Seminary of America (JTS). The subject of this well-researched intellectual biography, Israel Friedlaender ( ) is considered by his biographer to be an unrecognized leader who was, for most of his life, a faculty member at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America during its renewal in the early years of this century. Although he never gained the acclaim he so richly deserved, he indeed influenced generations of men and women who studied in the Seminary's rabbinic program and its Teacher's Institute until a bullet ended his life during a mercy mission to the Ukraine in In this substantive volume of 223 pages, Dr. Shargel has carefully mapped out Friedlaender's widespread influence in his brief but busy career. Identifying the critical turning points in his life, Shargel guides the reader at each and every crossroads, just to the point where we are almost able to penetrate his soul and predict the major decisions which molded his character. Friedlaender was a man to be reckoned with; he taught and he took action, clearly dissatisfied with those who simply sat in the classroom and prophesied the future of Judaism. It is perhaps this rare quality that makes his life so intriguing and his early death so tragic. Born in Poland, Friedlaender studied in Germany; he had really only just begun his academic career when Solomon Schechter invited him to join the rejuvenated JTS as professor of Bible at the young age of twenty-seven. Although trained in the field of Semitics, having abandoned his aspirations for the rabbinate some years earlier, Friedlaender quickly set about his task in Prophetically disillusioned about Jewish life in Germany, he was optimistic about the future of

127 262 American Jewish Archives American Jewry and spoke his mind often on all accounts. He lectured widely and, for those who were interested, he taught extracurricular courses in Arabic and modern Hebrew literature, generally focusing on his own folk hero: Ahad Ha'am. Many of his most popular talks were published in the leading Anglo-Jewish periodicals of the day. A charismatic teacher, he gave generously of his time and his talents to all who would come and listen. This generosity was not simple altruism, as Dr. Shargel astutely points out. In order to cope with one professional disappointment after another, Friedlaender pushed himself, striving to reach an allconsuming pace of literary and communal projects. When, for example, he was led to believe that he would be named the first president of the then newly founded Dropsie College, only to find that his archrival Cyrus Adler was given the position, Friedlaender returned to a number of scholarly projects which he had temporarily abandoned while building his teaching career at JTS. (Later, Adler would outdistance him again in his appointment as Schechter's successor at JTS.) It was during this same period that Friedlaender joined forces with Judah Magnes as the first chairman of the New York Kehillah's trend-setting Bureau of Jewish Education. In this setting, he contributed some of his best efforts to the incipient field of American Jewish education. Israel Friedlaender literally dedicated his life to Jewish education and the Americanization of immigrant Jews. He worked hard to create the American Jewish Congress and, as an Ahad Ha'amist, he became the undisputed spokesman for American Zionism. Yet Friedlaender seemed to have a knack for knocking the status quo and its leaders. Thus, when the opportunity for advancement came his way, somehow it was always pushed just beyond his grasp by someone wielding power in the Jewish community. This tragic flaw eventually led to his untimely death. Friedlaender had been appointed to a JDC Red Cross Mission to Palestine in 1918, at the suggestion of Louis Marshall. Opposing the appointment, Stephen S. Wise and Richard Gottheil together accused Friedlaender of pro-german tendencies, which he, of course, flatly denied. Nevertheless, Wise and Gottheil's vociferous protests and their positions of influence disallowed Friedlaender's appointment. As a sort of recompense, Friedlaender was allowed to go to the Ukraine in 1920 with a JDC delegation to dispense funds to Jewish victims of the war and subsequent pogrom. It is there that he and a

128 Book Reviews 263 fellow delegate, Rabbi Bernard Cantor, met their deaths. The facts surrounding their fate are unclear, but they were apparently ambushed and killed either for political reasons or for simple robbery. Israel Friedlaender was never a truly happy man. Although he had a large and apparently loving family, he worked hard his entire professional life only to be rewarded by his premature death. Baila Shargel is therefore to be commended for bringing Israel Friedlaender's many previously unnamed accomplishments to light. Within the shadow of his death (as well as the guilt that his death obviously brought to the American Jewish community), she has clearly captured the essence of the man as a scholar and a public figure. As evidenced by Friedlaender himself, Shargel has demonstrated that the roles of scholar and public figure were inextricably bound up in his unique personage. He spoke what he believed. Eventually, Dr. Friedlaender gave up his interests in scholarly research in history and Bible in order to face the critical social problems of the Jews. Although the sweeping change was probably unconscious, according to Shargel, as a result of this new emphasis he became a driving force in many vital areas, especially in the then burgeoning field of American Jewish education. He combined the best of John Dewey's cultural pluralism with Ahad Ha'am's spiritual Zionism in order to provide immigrant Jews with an education that would lead them to become the "new" American Jew. Friedlaender was true to his Jewish past, fully cognizant of the complicated challenges facing Jews in the contemporary world of the early twentieth century. At odds with most Reform Jews, especially those "uptown Jews" affiliated with the Educational Alliance who sought full and complete acculturation, he sought to meet creatively the challenges of the day without compromising Jewish ritual tradition and East European ethnicity, both of which he held very dear. He coined new terminology (borrowing from the emerging disciplines of psychology and sociology); he created magnificent metaphors; and he spoke out unrestrainedly at every opportunity. As Dr. Shargel points out, "Like all of Friedlaender's ventures into the public arena, [the] object was to inspire in American Jews the will to maintain the best qualities of their tradition." Although he generally had no regard for what he perceived as Reform Judaism's minimalist approach to facing the problems of Ameri-

129 264 American Jewish Archives can Judaism, as witnessed in many of his published lectures, he did feel that one Reform rabbi, Judah Magnes, had hit upon the ideal solution. Only through communal organization, agreed Friedlaender, could polarization in American Jewish life be prevented. And so, as the founding chairman of the Kehillah's Bureau of Jewish Education (and destined eventually to succeed Magnes as chairman of the entire Kehillah project had it prospered), he joined with Magnes and others, such as Mordecai Kaplan and Samson Benderly, to bring order from the chaos that had heretofore been the state of Jewish education. As stated by the author of Practical Dreamer, Dr. Friedlaender firmly believed "that only a Jewish educational system set up on a sound pedagogical basis would prevent the assimilation of the children of the ghetto." This "sound pedagogical basis" was John Dewey's educational philosophy of cultural pluralism as translated into Jewish education by Samson Benderly and his group of ColumbiaIJTS-trained educators who have come to be known as the "Benderly Boys." Together they built an educational system which, for the most part, is still in force in North America today. Solomon Schechter, at the same time, wanted the Seminary and not the Kehillah to be the focal point of American Jewry. A visionary in his own right, Schechter had created the famed JTS Teachers Institute and appointed Mordecai Kaplan and Israel Friedlaender as the primary instructional staff, but their student body was eventually composed primarily of Benderly trainees who were also studying under (John Dewey's successor) William Heard Kilpatrick at Columbia University Teachers College. Perceived almost as an act of academic treason, it was while Schechter was on a sabbatical leave during the academic year I I I that the Kehillah's Bureau of Jewish Education was founded, clearly usurping the influence of the Teachers Institute at JTS. This act and the controversies which followed as a result seem to have sealed Friedlaender's fate at the Seminary; he would never succeed Schechter at the helm of JTS even though he was one of the heirs apparent. Fostering Schechter's consternation, Friedlaender correctly maintained that the future of Jewish education lay in the hands of those who were concurrently trained in Wissenschaft des Judentums and modern education. This training was to be complemented by work in the field, what has come to be called practice-based education (e.g., in the Kehillah under Benderly). Those who were only trained in the classroom, no matter how extensive was

130 Book Reviews 265 that training, could not hope to meet the challenges of a Jewish community overwhelmed by the demands of the early decades of this century when Jewish survival was at stake. This perspective of Friedlaender remains ever constant among Jewish educators today, even those at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America. In her book, Dr. Baila Shargel has truly given us a profound insight into the life of one of the pivotal people in American Jewish history, especially in the vital area of Jewish education, understood both as an academic discipline and in the general sense. She has recreated his artistry for us in the pages of this book. Through her extensive research and understanding of the history of the period under study, she has also shown us his plight and his pain. For all of this, we are indebted to Baila Round Shargel for her scholarship and her sensitivity. Her own love for Jewish education and commitment to Jewish survival through talmud torah clearly stand behind her every word. She has given to us, the spiritual heirs of Israel Friedlaender, the legacy of this giant of a man, one which might have otherwise been lost in the archives of our recent past. -Kerry M. Olitzky Kerry M. Olitzky is director of the School of Education at Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion, New York. He is the author of numerous works on social gerontology and Jewish education. He serves as editor of the Journal of Aging and Judaism and as executive editor for COMPASS: New Directions in Jewish Education.

131 266 American Jewish Archives Dear Editor: Some of your readers might be interested to know that a bibliographic error crept into Thomas G. August's essay, "Family Structure and Jewish Continuity in Jamaica since I 65 5," in the SpringlSummer 1989 issue of American Jewish Archives. On page 31 it is noted that "the first English-language text on Judaism, DeCordova7s Reason and Faith of 1788," was produced in Jamaica. Actually, the first English-language text on Judaism was published in 1706 in London. It was written by Isaac Abendana, a Sephardic Jew, who was a teacher of Hebrew at Oxford University uewish Encyclopedia, volume I, page 53). The Abendana volume is a zoo-page book, titled Discourses of the Ecclesiastiurl and Civil Polity of the Jews, and it was published by Samuel Ballard. Yours truly, Norton B. Stern Editor Western States Jewish History

132 Brief Notices Bayme, Steven. Facing the Future: Essays on Contemporary Jewish Life. New York: Ktav Publishing House, xv, 234 pp. This volume of essays is dedicated to the memory of Yehuda Rosenman, the long-time director of the American Jewish Committee's Jewish Communal Affairs Department, who died in The essays deal with demography, culture, intermarriage, the family, and communal leadership within the American Jewish community. The authors include such wellknown scholars as Nathan Glazer, Steven Cohen, Charles Liebman, Jonathan Woocheq Deborah Lipstadt, and Egon Mayer. Cowan, Neil M., and Ruth Schwartz Cowan. Our Parents' Lives: The Americanization of East European Jews. New York: Basic Books, xxv, 305 pp. This volume is the Cowans' answer to Irving Howe's World of Our Fathers. Where Howe was almost entirely concerned with left-wing politics, the Cowans remain apolitical (which is what they claim most of their one hundred interviewees to be!): where Howe delved deeply into the historical sources, they prefer to let the voices of their parents' generation (East European Jews born between 1895 and 1915) speak, albeit in a composite manner. The result is an attempt at a kind of Alltagsgeschichte, an effort to view the history of this generation in its simplest, daily life routine. Certainly, there is much of interest in this. book. The chapters about schooling and sexual mores are interesting and insightful. But more is needed in the direction of Irving Howe's scholarship and the use of more extensive archival and secondary sources to allow us to understand fully the place of our parents' lives in America, and of America's place in who they were and what we have become. Just, Michael. Ost-und siidosteuropaische Amerikawanderung, x4. Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, pp. This volume was originally presented as a Ph.D. dissertation at the University of Hamburg under the direction of Professor Giinter Moltmann, the senior Americanist in the Federal Republic of Germany and a specialist in German immigration to America. That, in itself, would be an indication that this work should be a good piece of historical research and writing. Essentially, one will not be disappointed with the revised manuscript version which has now been published. Just concerns himself with the transit history of the "New Immigration," the story of the nearly eighteen million immigrants from eastern, southeastern, and southern Europe who came to America between the years 1881 and Just has utilized a number of previously unpublished archival sources in Hamburg and Bremen to demonstrate that the passage of these millions of Jews, Italians, and Slavs from their homelands through Germany to America was often a miserable one. Just focuses on the competitiveness of various steamship lines, the agents who lured the immigrants into booking with certain steamship companies, and the attitudes of the German authorities themselves as he develops the first part of his book.

133 268 American Jewish Archives The second part deals with the problems of the reception given to the immigrants upon their arrival in the United States. This part of Just's book is the weakest, essentially because he has written it for a German audience which, unlik: the American one, has seen relatively little published on the question of American native attitudes to the "New Immigration." Just's analysis here is essentially superficial. Much of Just's work focuses on East European Jewish immigration to America (although to his credit he extends his focus to other immigrants groups as well), and one is therefore surprised that Just seems to be unfamiliar with the work of Pamela S. Nadell, whose Ohio State University dissertation, finished shortly after Just's own, also focused on the immigrants' journey to America and also focused on the steamships and agents. Beyond this, recent work by Trude Maurer (on the anti-semitic background of German "medicine police" and their attitude toward Jewish immigrants who passed through Germany on the way to America) and Rivka Lissak (who is reassessing the "liberal" role of so-called liberal proimmigration organizations in America) will modify some of Just's conclusions. Nevertheless, Michael Just has made a useful contribution to the historiography of the "New Immigration," and especially of the East European Jewish element within it. It is hoped that his book will help historians in the Federal Republic of Germany to better understand this interesting and relatively unknown aspect of Wilhelminian politics and history. Kahn, Alison. Listen While I Tell You: A Story of the Jews of St. John's, Newfoundland. St. John's: Memorial University of Newfoundland, xii, 7.05 pp. The story is familiar: a small, North American town and an aging, rapidly disappearing Jewish community. There are so many memories, so many ghosts of things past, and only a future without a future to which to look forward. Then there is the enterprising young graduate student, Jewish in identity only, who stumbles upon the community and then becomes a part of it, consumed by it. Alison Kahn was that graduate student and she has produced a most readable oral history of one Canadian Jewish community which found someone with whom to share those memories. Lindstrom, Naomi. Jewish Issues in Argentine Literature: From Gerchunoff to Szichman. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, pp. Argentine Jewish history and literature have yet to remove the stamp of passion that defined them with the appearance of Alberto Gerchunoff's paean to the search for the Jewish place in the Argentinean national mind, The Jewish Gauchos (1910). But looming over this most lyrical love song of the dream of Jewish belonging to the Argentine nation are six decades of reality which stretch from the 1919 pogrom-like "Tragic Week" to Peron to the Jewish "Disappeared." Naomi Lindstrom examines the Argentine Jewish literary expression through the works of eight authors and does it in a most impressive manner. Lowenstein, Steven. The Jews of Oregon, Portland: Jewish Historical Society of Oregon, pp. With the publication of The Jews of Oregon. Jewish Oregonians may now take their rightful place among the Jewish communal and state histories that have emerged, with growing proliferation, over the past several decades. This volume is a gem. From it we learn that Rabbi Stephen S. Wise refined many of his progressive ideas during his pulpit years in Portland ( ) and that the search for a "normal" Jewish existence led a group of Jewish

134 Brief Notices 269 idealists from Odessa, Russia, to found an agricultural commune near Glendale in southern Oregon and to name it New Odessa. New Odessa did not last long, but the Jews of Oregon have survived and flourished. Thanks to Steven Lowenstein's clever mix of text, oral histories and photographs we now have a better idea why that survival and growth were possible. Miller, Randal M., and George E. Pozzetta, Edited by. Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race and the Urban South. New York and Westport, Conn., xvii, 229 pp. Shades of the Sunbelt is an important addition to the growing scholarly efforts at understanding the post-world War I1 ethnic and urban experiences in the South. Especially important are essays by Randall M. Miller and George E. Pozzetta that introduce and close the volume, and essays by Deborah Dash Moore and Ronald H. Bayor which focus on the Jewish experience in the post-194s South. Ornish, Natalie. Pioneer Jewish Texans. Their Impact on Texas and American History for Four Hundred Years, Dallas, pp. A few years ago a saying emerged which caught the imagination of many Americans and seemed to strike a collective anti-materialistlanti-big business nerve. "Less is more" was the battle cry. Someone apparently forgot to tell the Texans. Natalie Ornish's volume is in the Texas tradition of "bigger is better" and with a vengeance. Beautifully illustrated, printed on gorgeous paper, and the result of a dozen years of research, Pioneer Jewish Texans is the first history of Texas Jewry ever written. It is a real work of scholarship and one only wishes that Ms. Ornish had focused somewhat more on Texas' impact on its Jewish citizens. Nevertheless, this is a contribution produced in a style that is bigger, better and very much Texas. Singer, David, Edited by. American Jewish Yearbook (volume 89). New York and Philadelphia: American Jewish Committee and Jewish Publication Society, xi, 588 pp. The 1989 edition of the American Jewish Yearbook contains two very important articles, among several, by Sylvia Barach Fishman on "The Impact of Feminism on American Jewish Life," and by Jack Wertheimer on "Recent Trends in American Judaism." Wisse, Ruth R. A Little Love in Big Manhattan. Cambridge, Mass., xiii, 279 pp. Ruth R. Wisse has performed a miraculous art of rescue. She has rescued the Yiddish poets of New York's Lower East Side from four decades of obscurity. She has given us back our immigrant Jewish literary culture, its characters, its publications, its meaning, its ideologies. Mani Leib and Moshe Leib Halpern, two of the most influential members of a marvelous group of talented Yiddish poets and writers known as di Yunge (the Young) become young once more. We can now read their passionate thoughts and feelings in the superb translations offered by Professor Wisse. We can feel the hopelessness of the creative dilemma-to write or to starve. That they could do both, workin the sweatshops of New York for endless hours and then create such beauty of the word, is an inspiration and a reminder of what the Jewish spirit is capable of achieving.

135

136 Index Abendana, Isaac, 266 Abolitionism, I 57 "About the Meaning of Uohn] Ruskin for Life and Education in England" (Fechheimer), I 3 3 Acheson, Dean, 257 Action sociale catholique, 105 Adams, Franklin P., 222 "Adapting to Abundance: Eastern European Jews and Urban Consumption in America" (Heinze), 134 Adelberg, Abraham, I 32 ' Adenauer, Konrad, 258 Adler, Cyrus, 262 Adler, Frank J., 132 Adler, Jacob, 67 Agriculture, Jews in, passim, 269 Agriculture Department, U.S., 72 Ahad Ha-Am, 85-86, 86-88, 234, 237, 262, 263 Albany, Ga., I I Alexander (Toledo rabbi), 18, 19 Alexander, Moses, I 3 3 Alexander I1 (Russian tsar), 54 Aliyah, 239 A1 Parshat Derakhim (Ahad Ha-Am), 87 Alsace and Lorraine, 121 Altman's, 21 2 Alvaro, David, 35, 36, 37 Alvaro, Esther, 36 Alvaro, Jacob Baruch, 37 Alvaro, Judith, 36 Alvaro, Moses Levy, 39 Alvaro, Rica, 36 Alvaro, Sarah, 36 Ambivalent Image: Nineteenth-Century America's Perception of the Jew, The (Mayo), reviewed, American, Sadie, 16 "American Connection of Canadian Jews, , The" (Brown), IOO American Council for Judaism, I 3 3, 253 "American Council for Judaism: Origin, Inception and Fate, The" (Looper), I3 3 American Hebrew, 180 American Historical Association, I 34 Americanization and acculturation, 10, 96, 19, 178 "American Jewish Activities on Behalf of Polish Jewry During the Years , The" (Rojanski), 133 American Jewish Archives agricultural exhibit, 73 and Latin America Jewish Studies Association, 123 Warburg papers, I I 3 wills collection, 27, 28, 30 American Jewish Committee, 133, 257, 267 American Jewish Conference, 175 American Jewish Congress, 175, 181, 262 "American Jewish Family's Farm Odyssey, An" (Omstein-Galicia), American Jewish Farmer in Changing Times, The (Levine and Miller), 72 American Jewish Historical Society, 134 "American Jewish Pulpit Thinkers of the Nineteenth Century" (Gertel), 134 American Jewish Yearbook, vol. 89, reviewed, 269 American Psychological Association, zzo American Quarterly, 227 American Refugee Policy and European Jewry, (Breitman and Kraut), reviewed, I 12 - I 18 American University, I I z American Zionist Emergency Council, 257 "America the True Canaan" (De Quille), 44,45> 46-48, 50 "Analysis of the Annual Reports of the American Jewish Committee-1913 to 1917, An" (Starkoff), 133 Andersonville, Ga., 133 Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry,

137 272 American Jewish Archives Anshe Chesed Congregation (New York), I57 Anshe Maarabh Congregation (Chicago), 158 "Anthropological Bases for Jewish Music" (Herzog), 81 Anti-Semitism in Argentina, 93 Black, 110 dual loyalty charge, 29, 46 of Du Ponts, 131 in England, 103, 122 in France, 103, 243 in Germany, 268 in Guatemala, 92 in Jamaica, 29, 32 Jewish mercantile stereotype, 54 and Populist movement, 43, 44, 48, 49 in Quebec, 102, ritual murder charge, 103, 105 in State Department, 114, "5, 122 in U.S., 43, 44, 45, 48, 49, 57, 63, , ,181 Anti-Stalinism, 226 Apostasy, Apprenticeships, 14, 146, 154, 155, 156 Arab Higher Committee, 257 Arabs, 122, 124, 248 Arcand (Canadian ~olitical figure), 105 Argentina, 93, 123, 268 Arnold, Abraham B., I 57 Arnold, Aron, 149 Arnold, David, I 5 I Arnold, Edwin, I 56, I 57 Arnold, Eli, 157 Arnold, Ezra, 156 Arnold, Helen, 16 Arnold, Hezekiah, I 56 Arnold, Isabella (Mrs. Isaac Bernheimer), I57 Arnold, Mayer, 146, 156, IS7 Arnold, Simon W., 156 Ashkenazi, Elliot, Ashkenazim, 3 5, go,^ 88. See also East European Jews Assimilation, 32 Atlanta, Ga., I 2, I I o Attlee, Clement, 2.47 August, Thomas G., 27, 266 Auschwitz, 117 Ausmus, Harry J., 244 Avodah Zarah, 236 Avni, Haim, 123 Azevedo, Abraham, 3 5 Azuby, Abraham, 187 Azuby, Esther, 187 Babbitt, Irving, 241, 242 Back to the Ghetto: Zionism in Retreat (Huppert), reviewed, I 24 - I 25 Baden, Germany, 145 Baker, Richard A., 134 Bamberger, Fritz, 254 Bank of Central California, 159 Bar-llan (Berlin), Meir, 179 Batlle y Ordofiez, Josi, 91 Bavaria, 145 Bayme, Steven, 267 Bayor, Ronald H., 269 Beeley, Harold, 249 Benardete, Jose Mair, 97 Benderly, Samson, 174, 264 Benit, William Rose, 222 Benevolent societies, 8 Bene Yeshurun Congregation (Cincinnati), 252 Ben-Gurion, David, 179, 237, 256, 259, 260 Ben Yossef, Nahom, I 33 Benyunes, Joseph de, 96 Berdiczewski, Micah Joseph, 234 Berger, Graenum, I 30 Berkove, Lawrence I., 42 Berkowitz, Michael, 133 Berman, Morton M., 131 Bernheimer, Emanuel, I 57 Bernheimer, Herman, I 57 Bernheimer, Isaac, I 50, 15 I, 157, 158 Bernheimer, Isabelle Arnold, I 57 Bernheimer, Simon, I 57, I 58 Bernheimer & Schmid, I 57 Bernheimer, Einstein & CO., I 58 Beth El-Keser Israel Congregation (Chicago), I 34 Beth Elohim Congregation (Charleston), I 3, 187,188, 190 Bevin, Ernest, 249 Bialik, Chaim, 131 Bierce, Ambrose, 50

138 Index Biltmore Program, 256 Bintel Brief, 67 Birth control, 21, 22 Black-Jewish relations, I 11, 134 Black River, Jamaica, 28 Block, Mrs. Jacob, 10 Blooah, Charles G., 80 Bloom, Alexander, 23 I B'nai B'rith, I 2, I 29 B'nai Israel Congregation (Elmira, N.Y.), 129 B'nai Moshe, 85 Boas, Franz, 79 Bodenschatz, Johann Christoph Georg, 191 Boni, Albert, 218, 223 Boni, Charles, 223 Boni & Liveright, 218 Borgenicht, Louis, 207 Borochov, Ber, 238 Borsht Belt, 73 Bourassa, Robert, 105 Braganza family, 27 Brandeis, Louis, 233, 234, 257 Brandeis University, 47, 130, 227, 241 Brandon, David, 3 5, 37 Brandon, Isaac Pereira, 33, 3 5, 37 Brandon, Jacob, 3 3, 3 5, 37, 38 Brandon, Joseph, 3 8 Brandon, Hannah Rodriguez, 38 Brandon, Leah, 33, 38 Brandon, Moses, 3 5 Brandon, Rebecca, g 5 Bravo, Benjamin, 37 Bravo, David, 3 I, 3 7 Bravo, Isaac, 38 Brazil, 123 Breitman, Richard, I I 2 Breton, Jean Baptiste le, 189 Brett, Dorothy, 222 Brewers, 157 Brody, Samuel, 72 Brooklyn, N.Y., 95 Brooks, Sidney H., 132 Brotherhood of Memory: Jewish Landsmanshaftn in the New World (Weisser), 98 Brotherhood Synagogue (New York City), 129 Brotherly Benevolent Association (Jersey City, N.J.), 130 Brown, Michael G., IOO Bryan, William Jennings, 43 Buber, Martin, 131, 234 Buckley, William E, 245 Budapest, Hungary, 78 Buenos Aires, Argentina, 129 Bullitt, William C., 217 Burial societies, 90, 96 Bureau of Jewish Education (New York City), 262, 264 Burning Secret, The (Zweig), 21 8 Business, Jews in, 27, 121, , 208, 212 Business of Jews in Louisiana, , The (Ashkenazi), reviewed, Butchers, 154, 155, 159 Cable, George Washington, 50 Cahan, Abraham, 67 Canby, Henry Seidel, 222 Canada, 268. See also Quebec Cannonites, 228 Cantor, Bernard, 263 Capitalism, 121 Cardoza, David N., 192 Cardoza, Sarah Cohen, 192 Carr, Wilbur J., 114 Casanova's Homecoming (Schnitzler), 219, 220, 223 Catskills region, Cattle-dealers, 145, 147, I 5 5 Ctline, Louis-Ferdinand, 241, 242, 243 Cemeteries, in Jamaica, 27-28, 3 3 Censer, Jane Turner, I 8 5 Censorship, 220, 223 Central Conference of American Rabbis, Chambers, Whittaker, 242 Chapman, Binche (Elizabeth), 187, 189, 190, 191 Charleston, S.C., 8, 13, 18, 19, 193 Chattanooga, Tenn., I 3 3 Cherry Hill, N.J., 129 Chicago, Ill., 155, 158, 159 University of, 77 Chicago Women's Aid, I 6 Childbearing patterns, 7 Chinese, in U.S., 45, 49 Chyet, Stanley E, 243 Cincinnati, 130, 133, 150, 157

139 274 American Jewish Archives Cincinnati Jewish Community Center Forum, I 3 I Circumcision, I 5 6 Civil rights movement, I 10 Civil war, 133, 188 Clarendon, Jamaica, 28 Clayburgh, Martin, I 59 Clean Books League, 221 Cleveland, Grover, 49 Cleveland, Ohio, 12, 55 Cleveland Plain Dealer, 67 Clifford, Clark M., 134 Cliffside Park, N.J., 129 Cohadas family, 59 Cohen, Asher, 34 Cohen, Baruch, 132 Cohen, Dinah Comgile, 190 Cohen, Fanny, 190, 192 Cohen, Henry, 13 Cohen, Isaac, 187, 190, 192 Cohen, Judith, 190, 192 Cohen, Judith DeLyon, 187 Cohen, Michael J., 250 Cohen, Moses, 187, 190, 192 Cohen, Naomi W., 122 Cohen, Philip Jacob, I 30 Cohen, Rachel Moses, 192 Cohen, Rinah Tobias, 187 Cohen, Sarah (Mrs. David N. Cardoza), 190, 192 Cohen, Solomon I., 190, 192 Cohen, Steven, 267 Cohen Henriques family, 3 5 Cohodas, William L., 129 Cold War, 226, 249 Collen, Mort, 66 Collier, Jane, 37 Columbia, S.C., 188 Columbia University, 78, 215, 264 Columbus, Christopher, 27, 48 Columbus Platform, 254 Commentary, 180, 225 Communism, , 244 "Comparison of the Dallas Jewish Population of with That of , A" (Jacobs), 133 Comstock Lode, 43, 49 Concord Hotel, 73 Concordia Club, 12 Concubinage, 3 8 Conference on Jewish Material Claims Against Germany, 25 8 Conrad, William, Conservative Judaism, 178 Conservatism, political, 242, 24 3, See also Neoconservatism Contemporary Jewish Record, 23 I Cooney, Terry A., 225 Council of Jewish women See National Council of Jewish Women Cowan, Neil M., 267 Cowan, Ruth Schwartz, 267 Coxe, T., 130 Crippled Giant, The (Hindus), 7-41 Crinenden Homes, 21 Crossman, Richard, 248 Crowder, David L., I 3 3 Crum, Bartley C., 248 Crystal, Laura, 14 Current Literature, 21 5 Daily Gleaner (Jamaica), 3 5 Dairy farming, 57, 58 Dallas, Tex., I 3 3 Daniels, Roger, I I 7 Da Silva, Mordecai, 34 Da Silva Fonseca, Isaac, 30 Davidson, Gabriel, 54 Dean, Hugh, 187 Decline of the New, The (Howe), 225 DeCordova family, 3 5 DeCordova (author of Reason and Faith), 31, 266 Delgado family, 3 2 Delgado, Isaac, 3 3 Delgado, Menasseh, 3 3 Delgado, Moses, 3 2, 3 3 DeLieben, Hannah Levy Hart, 187 DeLieben, Israel, 187 Della Pergola, Sergio, 123 Democrats, I 56 "Demographic Characteristics of the Jewish Population of the United States and Philadelphia in I 830" (Rosenwaike), 129 "Demographic Study of the Jewish Community of Nashville and Middle Tennessee, A," 129

140 Demography, 267 Jamaica, 27, 28, 29, 34 Jebenhausen, 149 Nashville, Tenn., 129 Sephardim in U.S., 95 Denver, Colo., 12, 19, 20, 21, 22 Department stores, 208, 21 2 De Quille, Dan, Desaparecidos, 93, 268 "Descendants of Meyer Fechheimer and His Fourteen Children" (Fechheimer), 132 Desertion, of wife, 12 Deuteronomy, Book of, 208, 23 5 Dewey, John, 263, 264 Diggins, John P., 227 Dinnerstein, Leonard, I I I Discourses of the Ecclesiastical and Civil Polity of the Jew (Abendana), 266 Divorce, 22, Dollard (colleague of E. Sapir), 77 Donaldson, La., 156 Dowries, 33, 35, 37 Drew University, 245 Dreyfus, Julie, 10 Dreyfus Case, Dropsie College, 262 DuBois, W. E. B., I 10 Dubrowsky, Gertrude, 59, 73 Dubnow, Simon, 234 Du Pont, Irene, 131 Du Pont, Lammont, 13 I Du Pont Co., 131 Dyk (colleague of E. Sapir), 77 East European Jews, 178, 199, 201, 204, 208, 263, 267 Educational Alliance (New York City), 263 Einhorn, David, 157, Einstein, Edwin, 158 Einstein, J. & S., 160 Einstein, Lewis D., 158 Einstein, Louis, 146, 151, 157, 158 Einstein, Louis (nephew of above), 159 Einstein, Moses, I 50 Einstein, Moses (Morris), I 59 Eisen, Arnold M., 23 3 Eisendrath, Maurice, 25 5 Elkin, Judith Laikin, Index Ellis Island, 53 Elmira, N.Y., 129, 133 Emancipation Jamaica, 29 Wiirttemberg, 146 Emanuel-El Congregation (Buenos Aires), 129 Endelman, Todd M., England, Louis, I 34 England, Moses, 134 England, Richard, I 3 2 Englander, Mrs. (member of Toledo NCJW sec.), 19 Epstein, Elijahu, 257 Erhardt, John G., 116 Erlanger & Blumgart, 150 Essays: Personal and Impersonal (Hindus), , reviewed, Esslingen, Germany, I 5 5 Ethnic humor, 45 Ethiopian Jews, I 29, I 3 0, I 3 3 Ezrah (Uruguayan charitable organization), Facing the Future: Essays on Contemporary Jewish Life (Bayme), reviewed, 267 Fackenheim, Emil, 23 5 Falashas, 129, 130, 133 Falmouth, Jamaica, 28, 33 Family. See Marriage and family "Family Structure and Jewish Continuity in Jamaica since I 65 5" (August, 27-41, 266 Fargo, N. Dak., 10, 11 Farmingdale, N.J., 59, 73 Farrell, James T., 229 Fascism, 105 Fathers and Sons (Turgenev), 218 Fechheimer family, I 3 2 Fechheimer, Richard, 13 2 Fechheimer, Samuel S., I 3 3 Federal Bureau of Investigation, 230 Federation of American Zionists, 173 Federation of Jewish Charities (Toledo), 19 Federation of Women's Clubs, 16, 19 Fein, Leonard, 121, 234 Feingold, Henry, I I 5 Felsenthal, Bernard, 25 2 Felsenthal, Julia, 16

141 276 American Jewish Archives Feminism, 269 Finkelstein, Louis, I 30 "First Histldruth Delegation to the Jewish Trade Unions in the United States, The" (Goldstein), I 34 Fishman, Sylvia Barach, 269 First Rabbi: Origins of Conflict Between Orthodox and Reform; Jewish Polemic Warfare in Pre-Civil War America, The (Sharfman), reviewed Fonseca, Jacob, 34 Ford, Henry, 217 Ford, John, 221 Foreign Office, British, 248, 249 Fourth International, 228 "France, the Catholic Church, French Canadians and the Jews before 1914'' (Brown), roo Frank, Abraham, 130 Frank, David, I 30 Frank, Glenn, 223 Frank, Herbert H., 130 Frank, Leo, 110, 11 I Frank, Moses Ascher, 146, I 5 I Frankfurter, Felix, 257 "Free Silver and Jews: The Change in Dan De Quille" (Berkove), FrCmont, John C., I 57 Fresno, Calif., 159 Freud, Sigmund, 220 Friedlaender, Israel, Friedman, Murray, I I I "From Wiirttemberg to America: A Nineteenth-Century German-Jewish Village on Its Way to the New World" (Rohrbacher), Frost, Robert, 242 Fundamental Constitutions of Carolina, 193 Gadol, Moise, 96, 97 Gal, Allon, 173 Galut (exile), passim Galveston, Tex., 9, 10, 11, 12, 13 Ganin, Zvi W., 250, 257 Gannett, Lewis, 222 Garland, Hamlin, 72 Garment industry, 156, 157, 158, 160, 212 Gates of Hope Congregation (Cleveland Heights, Ohio), 130 Geauga County, Ohio, 57, 58 Geist, Raymond, r 16 Genealogies, I 3 2 "George Herzog: A Peerless Musicologist Remembered" (Siskin), General Zionism, 178 Genesis, Book of, 23 5 Gerchunoff, Alberto, 268 German Hebrew Benevolent Society (New York City), I 57 German Jews, in U.S., 121, 143, 207, 254 Germany anti-semltism in, 268 Federal Republic, 256, 258, 267 and Israel, 256, Jewish life in, Weimar Republic, 259 Gertel, Elliot B., 134 Geuerkshaften, 176 Giants in the Earth (Rolvaag), 72 Gibraltar, 96 Gilbert, Martin, 250 Glazer, Nathan, 267 Glueck, Helen I., I3 3 Glueck, Nelson, 25 5 Gold, David L., I 3 5 Goldman, Moses, 45 Goldmann, Nahum, Goldring, Douglas, 219 Goldsmith, Helena, 9 Goldstein, Jonas, 220 Goldstein, Yaacov, I 34 Good, Barbara, 134 Gappingen, Germany, 145, 149, 154, 15 5, 158, 160 Gordon, A. D., 231 Gorki, Maxim, 215 Gottheil, Richard, 262 Gottschalk, Alfred, 85, 87, 130 Great American Tea Co., 205 Great Atlantic & Pacific Tea Co. (A & P), 205 Great Depression, 225, 228 Greeks, in U.S., 203, 204, 206 Greenberg, Chaim (Hayim), 180, 247 Greenberg, Clement, 231 "Greenhorn Peddler, The" (Rosenfeld), I99 Green's Hotel, 73 Greenwich Village, 217, 225 Grossinger's Hotel, 73

142 Index Groulx (Canadian political figure), 105 Grove, Milton, 52, 54, 55 Gurock, Jeffrey S., 124 Gutmann, Jekef, 147 Haas, Isabella, 9 Haas, Mary, 77 Hadassah, I 80 Hadoar, 180 Hagy, James, W., 185 Haifa, University of, I 3 6 Haile, Bernard, 80 Hall, G. Stanley, 220 Halpern, Ben, 23 5 Halpern, Moshe Leib, 269 Hamburg, University of, 267 Hamilton, Andrew, I 30 Hammerslough, Freda, 130 Handler, Evelyn, 130 Happy Workers (Charleston, S.C.), I 5 Harper's Weekly, 21 5 Hart, Ezekiel, 103 Hart, Hannah Levy (Mrs. Isaac DeLieben), 187 Hartford, Conn., I 30 Hart, Schaffner & Marx, 212 Hart, Stewart & Co., 187 Hatikvah, 180 Heaney, Gerald W., I 3 2 Hebrew Benevolent Society (Sacramento), I59 Hebrew Education Society (Philadelphia), Hebrew language, 180 Hebrew Orphan Society (Charleston), 189 Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion, 131, 134, 2x1, 254, 7-55 Hebrew University, I 36 Heinze, Andrew R., 134, 1 99 Heller, James, 252 Henderson, Loy, 249 Henriques family, 3 2 Henriques, Sam, 3 3 Herberg, Will, "Her 'Scandalous Behavior': A Jewish Divorce in Charleston, South Carolina, 1788" (Hagy), Hershey, Burnet, 218 Herzl, Theodor, 13 I, 234, 7-37 Herzog, Chaim, I 30 Herzog, Elizabeth, 8 I Herzog, George, Heschel, Abraham Joshua, 235, 244, 254 Hess, Moses, 234 Hexter, Maurice B., 130 Heymont, Irving, I 32 High Holidays, 31, 59 Higman, Barry, 38 Hindus, Maurice, 242 Hindus, Milton, Hirsch, Joseph, 132 Hirsch, Emil G., 253 Hirsch, Maurice de, 54, 70, 71 Hiss, Alger, 230 Histadrut Campaign, Histadruth Ivrith of America, 134 Historias de vida de Immigrantes Judios a1 Uruguay (Porzecanski), reviewed, "History of the East European Jews in the United States During the Period, , The" (Stern), 134 History of the Israelitish Nation (Wise), 157 Hitler, Adolf, 106 Hofstadter, Richard, 226 Hollinger, David A., 227 Holmes, 0. W., Jr., 114 Holocaust, 91, 105, 109, 112, 113, 122, 178, 256 Holocaust Memorial Museum, I 30 Holzberg, Carol, 32 House Un-American Activities Committee, 230 Howe, Irving, 225, 267 Howells, William Dean, 50 "How the Treves Family Name Changed to Sichel in the Judengasse of Frankfurt am Main" (Adler), 132 Hughes, Charles Evans, I 14 Huntsburg, Ohio, 56 Huntsville, Ala., I 29 Huppert, Uri, I 24 - I 25 Hutcheson, Joseph C., Jr., 248 Idaho, 133 Idelsohn, Abraham Zvi, 80-8 I, 8 2 Imber, Naftali Herz, 180 Immigrant Aid Society, I 2

143 2-78 American Jewish Archives Immigration, 7, 12, 95, 97, 98, 127, zoo from Eastern Europe, 199, 201, 204, from Germany, , , 254 from Morocco, IOI from Russia, 132, 215, 254 from Ukraine, 5 3 to Canada, 101, 105 to Latin America, 89, 90 tou.s., 29, 89, 199, 201, 204, 267 See also Migration patterns, Jewish Immigration and Naturalization Service, U.S., I12 Indiana Federation of Women's Clubs, Indians, American, 45, 80 Inquisition, 103 Insurance, I z Interfaith relations, 30, 37-38, I23-124, 146,153 Intermarriage, 32, 33, 37-38, 124, 267 International Institute of Agriculture, 72 International Ladies' Garment Workers Union, 244 In the American Province (Hollinger), Intifada, I 24 Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary, 179 Israel, Clarence E., 13 I Israel, State of, 178, 239, and American Jews, 111, 124, 175, U.N. membership, 259 and West Germany, 256, 258 Israelow family, 130 Italians, in U.S., 203, 204, 206 lvanhoe (Scott), 17 Jabo Proverbs from Liberia: Maxims in the Life of a Native Tribe, 80 "Jacob Trieber: Lawyer, Politician, Judge" (Heaney), 132 Jacobs, Angle, 34 Jacobs, Ginger C., I 3 3 Jacobson, Victor, 256 Jackson, Jesse, I I I Jaffa family, 132 Jaffa, Aaron, I 32 Jaffa, Henry, I 32 Jamaica, 27-4 I James, Henry, 201, 219 Jebenhausen, Germany, Jersey City, N.J., 130 " 'Jerusalem' on the Ohio: The Social and Economic History of Cincinnati's Jewish Community, , A" (Mostov), I 33 Jewish Agency for Palestine, 130, 257 Jewish Agricultural Society, 53, 54, 56, 59 Jewish Americans, The (Muggamin), reviewed, 126 Jewish Apostasy in the Modern World (Endelman), reviewed, I 23 - I 24 Jewish Colonization Association, 130 Jewish Daily Forward, 67 Jewish education, 17, 96, , passim Jewish Encyclopedia, 217 "JewishEntrepreneurs in the Far West, " (Wilson), 133 Jewish Farmer, 67 Jewish Federation of Nashville, 129 Jewish Foundations of Canada: The Jews, the French and the English, to 1914, The (Brown), roo Jewish Gauchos, The (Gerchunoff), 268 Jewish Hospital (Baltimore), 156 Jewish Hospital of St. Louis, 129 Jewish identity, 31, 32, 124, 134, Jewish Issues in Argentine Literature: From Gerchunoff to Szichman (Lindstrom), reviewed, 268 Jewish Language Review, I 3 5, I 36 Jewish Music Forum, 80 Jewish Presence in Latin America, The (Elkin and Merkx), reviewed, "Jewish Problem and How to Solve It, The" (Brandeis), 233 Jewish Publication Society, I 5 6 "Jewish Street Merchants and Mass Consumption in New York City, '' (Heinze), Jewish Theological Seminary, 100, 261, 262, 264 Jewish Theology (Kohler), 253 Jewish Women's Religious Congress, 16

144 Jew or Juif? Jews, French Canadians, and Anglo-Canadians, (Brown), reviewed, IOO - I 08 Jews of Oregon, , The (Lowenstein), reviewed, Johnson, Alvin, 116 Johnson, Hiram W., I I 5 John Paul I1 (pope), I 3 I Joint Distribution Committee, 176, 262 Joliet, Ill., 159 Judaism and Modern Man (Herberg), 244, 246 Judengesetz Uews' Law) of 1828, Wiirttemberg, 146, I 5 3 Judeo-Spanish, 97 Judisches Ceremoniel oder Beschreibung dererjenigen Gebrauch (Kirchner), 191 Just, Michael, Kahal Kadosh Beth Elohim (Charleston), 13, 187, 188, 190 Kahn, Alison, 268 Kaplan. Mordecai, 174, 175, 235, 264 Kaplan, Regina, I 3 2 Katz, Jacob, 36 Katznelson, Berl, 260 Katzir, Ephraim, 130 Kaufman, Sarah, 18 Kaufmann, Yehezkel, 234 Kazin, Alfred, 225, 230, 231 Kenis, Audrey Skirball, 132 Kent State University, 66 Kerber, Linda K., I 8 5 Kilpatrick, William Heard, 264 King, Martin Luther, Jr., I 3 I King-Crane Commission, 249 Kingston, Jamaica, 28, 33, 38 Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden sonnerlich derer in Deutschland (Bodenschatz), 191 Kirchner, Paul Christian, 19 I Klatzkin, Jacob, 234, 237 Knee, Stuart E., 250 Knopf, Alfred, 223 Kohanski, Alexander S., I 3 I Kohler, Kaufmann, 9, 253 Kohler, Max, I I 3 Kohn, David, 146 Index Kohn, Julius, I 59 Kohn, Theresa Levi, I 58 Kohn Bro's., I 58 Kollek, Teddy, I 30 Kominisky, David, 55 Kook, Abraham I., 234, 238 Kook, Zevi Y., 234 Kovner, B., 67 Korn, Bertram W., 13 I Krausko~f, Joseph, 17 Kraut, Alan M., I I z Kraut, Benny, 124, 240 Kristallnacht, 113, I77 Ku Klux Klan, 57, 70 Kuppenheimer, B., 159 Kutz, Milton, 13 I Kutztown, Pa., I 56 La America, 95, 96 Labor Department, U.S., I 12, I I 3 Ladies Deborah Society, Hartford, Conn., 130 Ladies Hebrew Benevolent Societies, 8-10, I4 Ladino, 97 Lake Erie Jewish Community, 58, 59, 71 Lamb, Sarah, 38 Landscape Painter, A (James), 219 Latin America, Jews in, 89-94, 123, 268. See also names of countries Latin American Jewish Studies Association, Lauchheimer, Max, I 55 Laurendeau (Canadian ~olitical figure), 105 Laval University, loo LaVara, 96 Lawrence, D. H., 215, 219, Lawrence, Frieda, 221, 222, 223 Lazarus, Elias, 39 Lazarus, Emma, 17 Lee, John, 3 I Leeser, Isaac, 156 Lehman, Herbert H., I I 5, I 3 I Lehman, Durr Co., 131 Leibowitz, Isaiah, 234, 238 LeMaster, Carolyn Gray, 132 Leon, Arnold & Co., I 57 Lkvesque, Ren6, 106 Levi, Liebman, 147, 158, 160

145 280 American Jewish Archives Levi, Theresa (Mrs. David Kohn), I 5 8 Levin, Alexandra Lee, 215 Levin, Moses Naphtalison, 72 Levine, Herman J., 72 Leviticus, Book of, 208 Levy, Hyam, 187 Levy, Michael, 37, 38 Levy, Moses (Jamaica), 27 Levy, Moses C. (Charleston), 189 ~ichtenstiin, Aharon, 234, 238 Liebman, Charles, 267 Lienhardt, Godfrey, 79 Life Interests (Goldring), 219 Life Is with People (Zborowski and Herzog), 81 Lilienthal, Alejandro, 89 Linas Hazedeck association, 130 Lincoln, Abraham, I 57 Lindauer, Baruch (Benjamin), Lindauer, Benedict, I 5 I Lindauer, David, I 5 9 Lindauer, Juda, 150 Lindauer, Martin E., 160 Lindauer, Moses Jacob, 150 Lindauer, Seligman, 160 Lindauer, Solomon Seligman, I 5 I Lindauer Bros. & CO., 160 Lindstrom, Naomi, 268 Liph, Sampson, 59 Lipman, Jacob G., 72 Lipstadt, Deborah, 267 Lissak, Rivka, 268 Listen While I Tell You: A Story of thelews of St. Iohn's, Newfoundland (Kahn), reviewed, 268 Literary Digest, 21 5 Little Love in Big Manhattan, A (Wisse), reviewed, 269 Little School: Tales of Disappearance and Survival in Argentina, The (Partnoy), reviewed, 93 Liveright, Horace, 218 Lochner, Louis, 218 London, Gloria, I 3 3 Long, Breckinridge, I I 3, I I 5 Longview, Tex., 129 Looper, Scott, 133 Los Angeles, 95 Louisiana, , I33 Lousada, Aaron Baruch, 3 I, 36 Lousada, Emmanuel, 36 Lousada, Esther, 36 Lousada, Rachel, 36 Lovestone, Jay, 244 Lowenstein, Steven, 268 Lower East Side, 5 3, 124, zoo, 201, , 205, 207, 211 Lubin, David, 72 Lucea, Jamaica, 28 Luther, Martin, 46, 103 Luxembourg Agreement, 256, 258 Lyon, Adeline, 192 Lyon, Binche (Elizabeth), 187, 189, 190, 191 Lyon, Joseph, 189, 190, 192 Lyon, Judith Cohen, 192 Lyon, Mordecai, 187, , 190, I92 McAllester, David, 78, 79 McCarthy, Mary, 229 McClure, S. S., 218 McDonald, James G., 248 MacDowell, Edward, 79 McKinley, William, 43 Macy, John, 222 Magnes, Judah, 171, 262, 264 Magnin, Edgar E, 13 I Making It (Podhoretz), 225 Mani Leib, 269 Manischewitz, Dov Behr, I 3 I Marcus, Jacob Rader, 27, 3 I, 34, 13 I, 132 Marranos, 30 Marriage and family, 7, 3 2, , 39-40? Marshall family, 132 Marshall, Louis, 114, 262 Marty, Martin E., 244 Marxists, 229, 244. See also Communism Massenbacher, Samuel Solomon, I 50 Masses, z I 5 Massias, Jael, 33 Matalon family, 32, 3 3 Matza, Diane, Maurer, Trude, 268 Maurice de Hirsch Fund, 54 Mayer, Egon, 267 Mayer, Rebecca, I 3 2 Mayo, Louise A., I

146 Index Melhado family, 35 "Memorial Book of Our Family, " (Cohen), 132 Memphis, Tenn., 1x9 Mendelssohn, Moses, 234, 237 Menorah Journal, I 80 Merchant of Venice, The (Shakespeare), I7 Merkx, Gilbert W., Messersmith, George, I 14, I 16 Metro-Goldwyn-Mayer, 21 z Mexico, I 23 Meyer, Michael A., 25 I Meyers, Sidney, I 3 I Michael Reese Hospital (Chicago), I 59 Michigan, I 29 University of, 228 Migration patterns, Jewish, I 26 - I 27 Mikveh Israel Congregation (Philadelphia), 156 Miller, Benjamin, 72 Miller, Randal M., 269 Minhag America (Wise), 253 Minorities and Power in a Black Society (Holzberg), 32 Mirelman, Victor, I 23 Missionizing, Christian, I Missouri, University of, 72 Mizrachi, 179 Modern Library, 218 Moltmann, Giinter, 267 Moment, 124, 234 Mondale, Walter, I I Montagu, Lily, 2x3 Montefiore, Claude, 2x3 Montego Bay, Jamaica, 28 Montiel, Luz Maria, I 23 Montreal, P.Q., IOO Moore, Deborah Dash, 269 Morgen Zshurnal, I 32 Morley, Christopher, zzz Morocco, IOI Morrow County, Ohio, 53 Morse, Arthur D., I 12 Moscow trials, 226 Moses, Adeline, 189, 192 Moses, Catherine, 189, 192 Moses, Hart, 192 Moses, Henrietta, I 89 Moses, Joseph, 192 Moses, Rachel, 189, 192 Moses, Sarah, 189, 192 "Moses Alexander: Idaho's Jewish Governor, 191 I " (Crowder), I33 Mosley, Oswald, I I 5 Mostov, Stephen G., 133 Mother (Gorki), 215 Motherhood, 9 Mount Carmel, Ill., 160 Mount Gilead, Ohio, 53, 55 Moynihan, Daniel Patrick, I 26 Mueller, Ignatz, I 3 I Muggamin, Howard, I 26 Murrow, Edward R., 228 Myers, Israel, I 87 Myers, Samuel, 187 Nadell, Pamela S., 268 Nahum Goldmann: His Missions to the Gentiles (Patai), reviewed, Narbona, Daniel Lopez, 33 Nashville, Tenn., I 29 Nasser, Gamal Abdel, 259 National Broadcasting Co., 21 z National Conference of Charities and Corrections (1899), 21 National Council of Jewish Women, 8, 13, 14, 15, 16, 18, 21, 22, I30 National Jewish Hospital (Denver), 12, to National Review, 245 Naturalization Act (1740), 29 Navaho language, 80 Nazism, 175, 178, 181 Nazi-Soviet Pact, 244 Neoconservatism, 226, 242 Neologs, 78 Neumann, Emanuel, 177 Neusner, Jacob, 235 Nevele Hotel, 73 New England Woman's Club, 7 New Haven, Conn., 158 New International, 229 New Jersey Experimental Station, 72 New Jersey State College of Agriculture, 72 Newman, Marshall T., 77 New Mexico, University of, I 23 New Odessa, Oreg., 269 New Orleans, La., 12

147 282 American Jewish Archives New York City, 129, 155, 157, 158, passim, 225. See also Lower East Side New Yorker, 230 New York Herald, 46 "New York Intellectuals, The" (Howe), 225 New York Intellectuals: The Rise and Decline of the Anti-Stalinist Left from the 1930s to the I ~ ~ O S The, (Wald), reviewed, I New York ]ew (Kazin), 230 New York Kehillah, 174, 179, 262, 264 New York Society for the Suppression of Vice, zzo New York Times, 205 New York Tribune, 207 Niebuhr, Reinhold, 244 Nobel Prizes, 66, 21 8 North Dakota, 129 "A Note on 'One of the People' " (Schafler), 85-86, 87 Novinsky, Anita, I 23 Nunes, Isaac, 36 Nunes, Rachel, 3 I Oasis, The (McCarthy), 229 Odyssey of Henry Ford and the Great Peace Ship, The (Hershey), 21 8 Office of Strategic Services, 70 Olat Tamid (Einhorn), 253 Olitzk~, Kerry M., 265 Opinion, 180 Oral history, 90-91, 113, 133 Oregon, Organo del Centro Israelita Sionista de Costa Rica, 130 Ornish, Natalie, 269 Ornstein, Bertha, passim Ornstein, Fran, 65, 66 Ornstein, Joseph, passim Ornstein, Max, 5 3 Ornstein, Rose, 56, 65, 66 Ornstein-Galicia, Jacob L., passim Orthodox Judaism, 59-60, 67, 25 I in Israel, I 25 in Jamaica, 3 I music of, 8 I "separatist," I77 and Zionism, 177, 23 3 Osgood, Charles E., 77 Ost-und siidosteuropaische Amerikawanderung, , (Just), reviewed, Ottenheimer, Hirsch, 15 I Ottenheimer, Solomon, I 50 Ottoman Empire, 95, 98 Our Parents' Lives: The Americanization of East European Jews (Cowan and Cowan), reviewed, 267 Patai, Raphael, 260 Palestine, I 30, riots, 122, 249 Partition, 256, 257 "Palestine Question in American History, The" (Clifford, Rostow, and Tuchman), 134 Palestine Relief Fund, 176 Paper, Herbert H., 135 Papineau, L. J., 104 Papo, Joseph M., Paquet, Msgr., 105 Parker, Irvin O., 13 I Parloa, Maria, 205 Partisan Review, I passim Partnoy, Alicia, 93 Pastor, Rose, 199, 200 Peck, Abraham J., 134, 185 Peddling, 145, 153, 157, 159, 160, Peel Commission, 249, 256 Pennsylvania, University of, 21 5 People's Relief Committee, 176 Perera, Victor, Peres, Shimon, 130 Perkins, Frances, I I 3 Perlmuter, H. Goren, I 3 I Peron, Juan, 268 Pktain, Philippe, 106 "Peter Wiernik-His Life and Philosophy as Editor of the Morgen Zshurnal" (Hirsch), I 32 Petuchowski, Jakob J., 23 5, 246 Phagon, Mary, 111 Philadelphia, Pa., 129, 156, I 57 Philipson, David, 22, 251, 253 Phytopathology, 72 Pioneer Iewish Texans: Their lmpact on

148 Texas and American History for Four Hundred Years, (Ornish), reviewed, 269 Pirkei Zikhronot (Ahad Ha-Am), 87 Pisco, Seraphine, 19, 21 Pittsburgh Platform, 25 I Plato, 242 Plaut, W. Gunther, 255 Podet, Allen Howard, Podhoretz, Norman. 225 Pograms, 54, 73, 262, 268 Polish Jewry, 133 Political candidacies, 21, I 58 Politics, 229 "Politics and Nationalism in a Jewish Community: Zionists and Communists in Toms River, New Jersey" (Berkowitz), 13 3 Poltava, Russia, 21 5 Poor People (Dostoyevsky), 218 Populism, 44, 48 Portland, Oreg., 8, 11, 12, 19, 20, 21, 22, 159, 268 Portland Women's Club, 21 Port Royal, Jamaica, 28 Porzecanski, Teresa, Poultry farming, 73 Pozzetta, George E., 269 Practical Dreamer: Israel Friedlaender and the Shaping of American ]udaism (Shargel), reviewed, Present at the Creation (Acheson), 257 Primitive music, 77, 78 Prodigal Sons: The New York Intellectuals and Their World (Bloom), 23 I Proskauer, Joseph M., 257 Prostitution, 19, 21 Protestant, Catholic, ]ew (Herberg), 244 Protestantism, 7, 8, 46, 47 influence on Judaism, 128 Proust, Marcel, 242 Pumin, Jennie Franklin, I 5-16, 21 Quixano, Abraham Mendes, 3 3, 36 Quebec, IOO "Quiet Revolution: Jewish Women's Clubs and the Widening Female Sphere, , A" (Toll), 7-23 Index Rabbis, 3 I, 127, 187. See also names of rabbis Rabinowitz, Clara Greenhut, 13 I Rabinowitz, Jacob, 13 I Rahv, Philip, 227 Rainbow, The (Lawrence), 219 Raphael, Marc Lee, 260 Raritan Woolen Mills, 158 Rashi, 85, 87 Rattner, Henrique, I 23 Reason and Faith (DeCordova), 31, 266 Recife, Brazil, 27 Reconstructionism, 175 Reconstructionist, 180 "Redefining Ahad Ha-Am: Israel and the Diaspora as Coexisting Centers of Jewish Life" (Gottschalk) 85 Redemptioners, 147 Reformation, Protestant, 46, 47 Reform Judaism, 25 I , and East European immigrants, 254, 263 and German Jews, 254 and women, 9, 17 and Zionism, 178 Reform Movement in Iudaism, The (Philipson), 25 I Refugees, 247, 248, 254 "Regina Kaplan: Arkansas's 'Lady with the Lamp' " (LeMaster), 132 Reinharz, Jehuda, 260 Republican Party, 44, 157, 158, 181 "Response to 'A Note on "One of the People,"' A" (Gottschalk), 87 Response to Modernity: A History of the Reform Movement in Iudaism (Meyer), reviewed, 25 I Retailing, 146, 156, 159, 160, 188, 189 Reznikoff, Charles, 242 Rice (Reiss), Abraham Joseph, 127 Richman, Julia, 16 Richmond, Va., 13 3 Rise of the New York Intellectuals: Partisan Review and Its Circle, , The (Cooney), reviewed, I Rites: A Guatemalan Boyhood (Perera), reviewed, 89, Ritual murder, 103, 105 Robles family, 130 Rockdale Avenue Temple (Cincinnati), 22

149 284 American Jewish Archives Rodeph Shalom Congregation (Philadelphia), I 56 Rohrbach, Ulrich, 160 Rohrbach, Lindauer & Co., 160 Rohrbacher, Stefan, 143 Rojanski, Rachel, I 33 Rolvaag, 0. E., 72 Roman Catholics, 57, 63, 70, 188 in Quebec, Rome, David, 108 Roosevelt, Franklin D., 109, I 13, I IS, , 249 Roosevelt, Theodore, I 58 "Roots of Temple Emanul-El of Longview, Texas, The" (Sachnowitz), 129 Rose, Norman, 260 Rosen, Robert, 193 Rosenberg, Julius and Ethel, 230 Rosenfeld, Auguste, I 59 Rosenfeld, Feissel, I 59 Rosenfeld, Morris, 199, 200 Rosenfield, Morris S., 159 Rosenheim, Abraham Moses, 150, 157 Rosenheim, Benedict, I 50 Rosenheim, David, I 57 Rosenheim, Jettle, I 59 Rosenheim, Brooks & Co., 157 Rosenman, Yehuda, 267 Rosenwaike, Ira, 129 Rosenwald, Lessing, 253 Rosenzweig, Franz, 234, 244 Rostow, Eugene V, I 34 Rotenstreich, Nathan, 234 Roth, Cecil, 212 Roth, Philip, 243 Rothman, Sheila, 8 Rubinow, Isaac M., 208 Rural New Yorker, 67 Ruskin, John, 133 Russian Jews, in U.S., 55, 132. See also East European Jews Russia, 54, 73. See also Soviet Union Rutgers University, 72, 230 Sabbath observance, I 5 I Sachar, Howard M., 250 Sachnowitz, Sandra Galoob, 129 Sacramento, Calif., 159 St. Andrews, Jamaica, 28 St. Catherine, Jamaica, 28, 39 St. Jago de la Vera, Jamaica, 28 St. John's, Newfoundland, 268 St. Louis, Mo., 129, 155 St. Louis (ship), I 13 St. Paul, Minn., 254 St. Thomas-in-the-Vale, Jamaica, 28 Salomon, Marylynn, 185 Salt Lake City Daily Tribune, 44, 49 Salvation Army, 19 Sam Holman (Farrell), 229 Sanders, Ronald, Sandow family, 131 San Jose, Costa Rica, 130 Sapir, Edward, 77, 79, 80, 82 Sarna, Jonathan D., 123, 126, 130 Sasso family, 130 Savannah, Ga., 17, 18 Sav-le-Mar, Jamaica, 28 Schachtmanites, 228 Schafler, Samuel, 85, 87 Schechter, Solomon, 235, 261, 262, 264 Schiff, Jacob, 71 Schiff, Therese Loeb, 217 Schindler, Mrs. Sali, I 3 I Schindler, Solomon, 17 Schnitzler, Arthur, 219 Schwartz, Delmore, 23 I Schweid, Eliezer, 234 Schwimmer, Rosika, 21 8 Scholle, Ellen, I 3 2 Scholem, Gershom, 234 Scott, Temple, 218, 219 Scott & Seltzer, 219, 223 Seattle, Wash., 8, 10 Seltzer, Adele Szold, 217, 219; photo, 21 6 Seltzer, Thomas, ; photo, 216 Sephardic Home for the Aged (Brooklyn), 9 8 Sephardim, 90, 91, 95-98, 188 Sephardim in Twentieth Century America: In Search of Unity (Papo), reviewed, Settlement houses, 18-20, 96 Shades of the Sunbelt: Essays on Ethnicity, Race and the Urban South (Miller and Pozzetta), reviewed, 269 Shafir, Shlomo, 260 Shapira, Anita, 260

150 Index Sharett, Moshe, 258 Sharfman, I. Harold, 127 Shargel, Baila Round, Sharis Sphard Congregation (St. Louis), 129 Shark, Myer R., 129 Shaw, Eliza, 38 Shaw, John, 38 Shearith Israel Congregation (New York City), 96, 98 Sheppard-Towner Act, 19 Sherman, William Tecumseh, 188 Sherman Silver Purchase Act, 49 Sherwin, Byron L., 132 Shores of Refuge: A Hundred Years of Jewish Emigration (Sanders), reviewed, Sichel family, 132 Silver, Abba Hillel, 177, 181, 7-17, 258, 260 Simon, Julia, 18 Simpson, George W., 220 Sinai Congregation (Chicago), 159 Singer, David, 269 Singleton, John E., 248 Siskin, Edgar E., 77 Sisterhoods, temple, 13 "Slap at the 'Hidden-Hand Presidency': The Senate and the Lewis Strauss Affair, A" (Baker), 134 Slave Population and Economy in Jamaica, (Higman), 38 Slavery, 27, 28, 36, 37, 38-39, 157, 189, 190, 253 Slesinger, Tess, 229 Socialist Workers Party, 228, 229 Social workers, 20 Society for the Advancement of Jewish Musical Culture, 80 Socrates, 242 Soloveitchik, Joseph B., 23 5 Solow, Herbert, 228 Sonneschein, Solomon H., 124 Son of the Middle Border, A (Garland), 72 Sons of Israel Synagogue (Cherry Hill, N.J.), 129 Sorosis Club, 7 Sosnowski, Saul, 123 South Carolina, 185, 192, 193 Southern Jews, 109, 110, , 185 Southern Patriot, 189, 190 Soviet Union, 229, ~ 4 4 Spanish Town, Jamaica, 28, 33 Spinoza, Benedict, 231, 237 Spy. The (Gorki), 215 Stalin, Joseph, 244 Standard Club (Chicago), I 59 Stanford University, 234 Starkoff, Bernard, 133 Star of Redemption (Rosenzweig), 244 Starting Out in the Thirties (Kazin), 225 State Department, U.S., 113, 248, 249 Steinberg, Milton, 244 Steinberg, Saul, 230 Steinem, Pauline, zr Steinhardt, Laurence, I 14 Steinmetz, Sol, I 36 Stern, Malcolm H., 130, 134 Stern, Norton B., 266 Sterne, Mabel Dodge, 221 Storekeepers. See Retailing Strauss, Lewis L., I 34 Strauss, Lou R., Jr., 132 Street merchants, Stuttgart, Germany, I 5 5, 160 Success and Failure of the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry (Podet), reviewed, Sulzberger, Mayer, 156 Sumner, John S., 220 Swadesh, Morris, 77 Swados, Harvey, 228 Sweatshops, 53, 215 Swett, Julia, 21 Swope, Herbert Bayard, 228 Szold, Adele (Mrs. Thomas Seltzer), 217, 219, 221, 222 Szold, Benjamin, 217 Szold, Henrietta, 16, 219, 221 "Talkers in the City: The New York Intellectuals as Historical Past" (Whitfield), Talmud, 208, 236 Tailors, 189 Taylor, A. E., 242 Tel Aviv University, 234 Temple Emanuel (Montreal), IOO Temple Ernanu-El (Longview, Tex.), I 29 Temple Israel (Cliffside Park, N.J.), I 29

151 28 6 American Jewish Archives Terre Haute, Ind., 16, 17-18, 19, 21 Teveth, Shabtai, 260 Texas, 269 Textile industry, 154, 159 "Their Brother's Keepers: Isaac Mayer Wise, Stephen S. Wise and the Dilemma of American Jewish Responsibility" (Peck), 134 Thesaurus of Hebrew Oriental Melodies (Idelsohn), 80 Thompson, Ohio, 57, 58 "Thomas Seltzer: Publisher, Fighter for Freedom of the Press, and the Man Who 'Made' D. H. Lawrence" (Levin), Thomas Seltzer: The First Five Years (souvenir booklet), 223 Thomas Seltzer, Inc., 215 Thoreau, Henry David, 242 Tiffin, Ohio, 159 Tobias-Fredericks-Neger family, I 3 2 Toledo, Ohio, 13, 18, 21 Toll, William, 7, 124 Toms River, N.J., 133 Torner, Rebekah, 21 Torres, David, 39 Torres, Jacob Lopes, 39 Touch and Go (Lawrence), 215, 7-19 Trennungsorthodoxie, 177 Trieber, Jacob, 13 2 Trinidad, Colo., 9, 10, 11 Trotskyists, 228, 229 Truman, Harry S., 218, 257 Tuchman, Barbara W., 134 Twain, Mark, 43, 45, 50 Ukraine, 261, 262 Ulm, Germany, I 55, 160 Ultramontanism, Uneasy at Home: Anti-Semitism and the American lewish Experience (Dinnerstein), reviewed, I I I Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 254 Union Prayer Book, 253 United Hebrew Charities (Philadelphia), I 56 United Jewish Appeal, 177 United Nations, 257, 259 Unpossessed. The (Slesinger), 229 Up from Communism (Diggins), 227 Urofsky, Melvin, 260 Uruguay, Van Doren, Carl, 220 Van Doren, Mark, 223 Vicksburg, Miss., 8, 13 Villard, Oswald Garrison, 222, 223 Vineland, N.J., 73 Virginia City, Nev., 43, 45 Virginia City Enterprise, 44 Visalia, Calif., 159 Viticulture, 59 Visznevo, Lithuania, 260 Waelder, Abraham, I 17, 153 Wailing Wall riots (1929), 249 Waksman, Selman A., 72 Wald, Alan M., 225 Wald, Lillian D., I 3 I Warburg, Felix, I I 3, I 30 War Refugee Board, I I 3, I I 7 Warren, Avra, I 13 Warren, Frances, 37 Washington, Booker T., I 10 Washington University, 156 Waterman family, 13 2 Weisser, Michael, 98 Weizmann, Chaim, 130, 256, 260 Wellsburg, Va., 159 Wenger, Beth, 20 Wertheimer, Jack, 269 West Africa, 77 West Germany. See Germany West Indies, 27 Weyl, Walter, 201 Where Are We? The Inner Life of America's ]ews (Fein), reviewed, 124 While Six Million Died (Morse), I I z Whitfield, Stephen J., 110, I 11, 130, 2.25 Whitman, Walt, 242 "Who is a Jew" controversy, 121 Wiernik, Peter, 132 Will Herberg: A Bio-Bibliography (Ausmus), 245 Will Herberg: From Right to Right (Ausmus), reviewed, Wills, 27, 28, 30, 33, 34, 35, 189 Wilson, Don W., 133

152 Index Wisconsin, University of, 217 Wise, Isaac M., 134, I 57, 252, 253 Wise, Stephen S., 22, 134, 177, 181, 260, 262, 268 Wisse, Ruth R., 269 Wolf, Abraham S., I 56 Wolf, Alfred, I 3 I Womanhood, true, 8-10 Women, I 85 education of, 14, 17 in Jamaica, organizations and clubs, 7-23, 129 political candidacies of, 14, 17 Women in Love (Lawrence), 21 5, 219, 220, ZZI,222 Woochrr, Jonathan, 267 Woodhead Commission, 249 Woolf, Virginia, 241 Workers Party, 228 "Work of A. Z. Idelsohn in the Light of Modern Research, The" (Herzog), 80 World Congress of Religions, 16 World Jewish Congress, 181, 257, 258, 259 World of Our Fathers (Howe), 267 World Union for Progressive Judaism, 254 World War I, 175, 176, 217, 262 World War 11, 106, 109, 131, 175, 229, 230, 256 World Zionist Organization, I 80 Wiirttemberg, Germany, 145, I 58 Wyman, David S., I I z Wyoming, I 3 3 Wysocko, Ukraine, 53 Wyzanski, Charles, I 13 Yale University, 77 Yarmulke, as symbol, 254 Year After the Riots: American Responses to the Palestine Crisis of , The (Cohen), reviewed, 122 Yeshiva University, 47, 179 Yiddish, 58, , 180, 199, 254, 269 Yiddish and English: A Century of Yiddish in America (Steinmetz), I I 36 Yiddishes Tageblatt, 199, rot Yom Kippur, 3 I Youdovin, Ira S., I 3 I Young, Melvin A., I 3 3 Zager, Melvin, 28 Zangwill, Israel, I 7 Zborowski, Mark, 8 I Zionism and exile (galut), General Zionism, 178 in Germany, 81 Labor Zionism, 177, 180, 237 and Orthodox Judaism, 177, 233 political, 234, 237 religious, 175, 179, 234, 238 among Sephardim, 98 socialist, 176, 180 spiritual (cultural), 234, 237, 263 Twentieth Zionist Congress, 256 in U.S., 133, 173, , 233, 257, 262 "Zionist Influence on American Jewish Life, The" (Gal), Zionist Organization of America, 173, 178, I79 Zweig, Stefan, 219

153 8P "Informative, exhaustive, enlightening-this volume is important to anyone wishing to understand one of the most meaningful events in contemporary history!'-elie Wiesel The German- Jewish Legacy in America, From Bildung to the Bill of Rights % Edited and Introduced by Abraham J. Peclz Originally a special issue of American Iewish Archives and now available in both hardcover and paperback editions, this volume commemorates the passing of one of the greatest communities in Jewish history. In defining the spirit that characterized more than a century of German-Jewish culture, contributors rely on the notion of Bildung, understood as character formation, moral education, the primacy of culture and a belief in the potential of humanity. The aim of the volume is to understand the nature of the German- Jewish legacy in its American context, exploring those elements which are still relevant and useful for insuring a productive Jewish community. 267 pages lsbn hardcover, $35.00 lsbn paperback, $ Order from our bookstore or direct1 from WAYNE ST& UNIVERSITY p~es.4 The Leonard N. Simons Building 5959 Woodward Avenue Detroit, Michigan (313)

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