A Journal of Māori Studies. Raumati (Summer), Volume 9, Number 2, Kaupapa Māori Theory: Transforming Theory in Aotearoa Page 5 Dr Leonie Pihama

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1 ISSN HE PUKENGA KORERO A Journal of Māori Studies Raumati (Summer), Volume 9, Number 2, 2010 CONTENTS He poroporoaki Page 4 Professor Taiarahia Black Kaupapa Māori Theory: Transforming Theory in Aotearoa Page 5 Dr Leonie Pihama Karakia Māori: Māori Invocations to Spiritual Authorities Page 15 Associate Professor Poia Rewi Cultural Fragments: Concerning Māori Research Development Page 21 Dr Mere Kepa In our Grandmothers Words: Māori Grandmothers Views on Māori Youth Page 29 Dr Shane Edwards & Leilana Harris Gambling & Whānau Ora: Changing Lifestyles and Life Choices Page 35 Dr Lorna Dyall Using Traditional Māori Waiata for the Restoration of Language Functions in Pare Hauraki: He Tauira Whakatakotoranga o te Whare Tāhuhu Kōrero o Pare Hauraki Page 44 Korohere Ngāpō Special Feature. Ngā Kupu Ora: Recognising Excellence in Māori Publishing Page 51 Spencer Lilley Book Review: Whaikōrero Page 56 Reviewed by Dr Darryn Joseph For publication details, including instructions for authors and subscription information: Copyright: He Pukenga Kōrero is published by Te Pūtahi-a-Toi, Māori Studies, Massey University. Articles in this Journal are entitled to the full protection given by the Copyright Act 1962 to holders of copy. Reproduction of any substantial passage from the works except for purposes of promotion or review is a breach of the copyright of the authors and/or the publisher. This copyright extends to all forms of photocopying and any storing of material in any kind of information transmission or information retrieval system. Views expressed in this journal are not necessarily the views of the Editor or Editorial Board.

2 Karakia Mäori: Mäori Invocations to Spiritual Authorities Associate Professor Poia Rewi, Te Tumu School of Mäori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, Otago University Kupu whakataki I te tupuranga ake o te Mäori, ahakoa he tirohanga nä te Uru nei, kua noho te körero ä-waha hei kaupapa tohe mä ngä kaiwhakangungu Mäori mö ngä tau whä tekau, neke atu, i te wä i uia ai e ngä mätanga o te Uru mënä he hua tö ngä tängata mohoao hei tuku körero ä-waha (Nä Buck i tä Cox, 1993: 12). E kitea mai ai te pono o te toi ä-waha, pënä i te karakia, hei momokörero ä-waha e tino ora nei, me öna hua maha. Ka wetehia tëtehi tauira o te karakia kia whakaaturia atu ai te mana o ia kupu ki te kawe i te ariä, i te whakapono o tua whakarere, ä, mä te piki, mä te heke o te tangi o te waha ka kawea atu taua mätauranga, aua whakaaro ki tua o te ätea, o te wä, ä, ora rawa ake nei. Heoi anö rä, ko tä tënei atikara he whakapümau i te mana o te körero ä-waha mä te tuhituhi tonu, anä, ko te tuhi tonu rä te hanga e patu nei i te oranga tonutanga o te körero ä-waha. Käti, he tohu noa iho nei pea nö te huringa o te wä me te rerekëtanga o te körero ä-waha a te Mäori i tënei wä. Abstract With the development of Mäori, albeit from a Western viewpoint, orality has been a subject of advocacy by Mäori educationalists for some forty years or more since Western scholars questioned the capacity of uncivilised peoples to transmit information orally (Buck in Cox, 1993: 12). The validity of oral arts, by way of karakia, as one of those living oral forms and its multiplicity of potential are reiterated. One sample karakia is examined to demonstrate the potential of individual words to encapsulate concepts and beliefs from a bygone era and, by way of the rise and fall of the voice, to push that knowledge and thought across space and time, thus affording it a perpetual existence. Ironically, this article seeks to preserve the status of orality through writing, the very medium that threatens its oral maintenance; however, perhaps this is merely representative of the transitional residual orality phase Mäoridom is facing. Introduction This article begins with a brief overview of what karakia are, their form and function. I briefly discuss the performers of karakia before focusing on one particular recitation where I provide my own interpretation of the lyrics employed in the composition. In analysing the constituent words of the karakia, I discuss who it is about and the historic relevance of the composition. To conclude I address the issue of when it may be recited in a presentday context and its role as a means of oral transmission and the transformative nature of historic compositions such as karakia and their place in the scheme of orality. Karakia may be interpreted as prayers, incantations, spells, charms, offertories, ritual words, rites, pleas, invocations and recitations. Commensurate with this range of interpretations, Mäori had a vast range of karakia types each of which might be employed for a specific purpose, time and location. Others might be deemed multifunctional and therefore cover more than one primary function and extend across multiple settings. Some karakia are believed to originate from Mäori cosmological origins: widely referred to by the majority of Mäori tribes as te wehenga o Rangi räua ko Papa, the separation of Rangi and Papa. In short, according to Mäori accounts and beliefs, Rangi-nui, the Sky father, was in close embrace with his concubine, Papa-tü-ä-nuku, and their children existed in a world of darkness between them. Disenchanted with this existence in a realm devoid of light, the senior progeny of Rangi and Papa discussed three possibilities that they remain in this darkness, that they separate their parents, or that they kill them. Debate among the siblings ensued and the final decision, albeit not a unanimous one, was that their parents be separated. As a consequence of the majority decision, some of the siblings sought to exact some punishment on the others. It was here that Tü-mata-uenga, the Mäori deity ascribed as the god of war, received a karakia by which he was able to overcome his elder brothers, essentially killing and devouring his brothers offspring ( Karakia, n.d). This is one of the earlier references to karakia referred to by Te Rangikaheke. i After the separation period, karakia from c1400 up to the present, appear to have been used in the construction of ocean voyaging vessels; the production and harvesting of natural resources; house construction; the assignment of unwritten, inferred laws and protection, amongst other uses. Ontologically, Mäori karakia could fall into one of the following major categories: offering, or dedication, and request; esotericism or exotericism; celestial or terrestrial; pre-christianity and post-christianity. Subforms exist in these categories, with their specific and/or generic applications: There were karakia for all aspects of life, including for the major rituals, i.e. for the child, canoe, kümara, war party and the dead. Karakia for minor rituals and single karakia include those for the 15

3 weather, sickness, daily activities and for curses and overcoming curses. (Moorfield, 2005) Offertory and dedicatory karakia may be both esoteric and celestial. Such karakia include the names of Mäori deities, whereby One petitions the gods through prayer in accordance with one s individual capacity to pray... (Barlow, 1991: 37). These enabled people to carry out their daily activities in union with the ancestors and the spiritual powers (Moorfield, 2005). The celestial relationship is affirmed through karakia that act as intermediary between the spiritual world and the temporal world (Rewi, 2010: ). Karakia may contain inferences to phenomena above the earth; that is, they consist of utterances pertaining to celestial forms. They may refer to heavens, celestial bodies and events that took place therein. Conversely, terrestrial karakia address events and situations with an earthly, human realism. They might include charms and spells that focus, for example, on foodgathering luring wild game to traps or spears to fly straight. They may acknowledge the spiritual authority of a deity with the hope that some positive investiture of power be embedded in a weapon to assist the wielder in a dual, or the opponent become beset with fatigue or become momentarily dispossessed of his formidability. They may seek to lighten personal burdens or ask for the return of some possession wrongfully taken. Dedicatory karakia may also have a hint of request but take a more indirect form by merely offering a newborn child, for instance, to the Mäori deity that possesses the qualities with which the parent(s) would ideally like their child to be imbued. Tü-mata-uenga and Tane-i-tewänanga appear to be popular in this instance because the art of warfare was synonymous with Tü-mata-uenga, and knowledge ascribed to the latter. In dedicating a child to a particular deity, the parents are subtly requesting that the child be of like being with that god. Karakia with a strong request dimension became more apparent after the introduction and subsequent adoption of Christianity by Mäori. Religious faiths, such as the Ringatü (Upraised hand), who modelled many of their scriptures on biblical readings recited prayers, karakia, that made direct requests to one supreme religious celestial entity God Almighty of Western beliefs. The contact period therefore had a major influence on dedicatory utterances contained in Mäori karakia. Pre-Christian karakia included Mäori gods and the form tended to: follow a pattern: the first section invokes and designates the atua, the second expresses a loosening of a binding, and the final section is the action, the ordering of what is required, or a short statement expressing the completion of the action. (Moorfield, 2005; karakia, n.d.) 16 Post-Christianity saw a shift away from Mäori karakia in both form and purpose to a form that accommodated the numerous gods of introduced ethnic belief systems Johanna, Jehovah, Almighty Father, Jesus Christ, to name a few. Mäori made higher order requests to these supreme entities, thanking and appealing for specific actions or results. Where the sanctity of the occasion was important, and the karakia would call on particular endowed individuals or spiritual experts known as tohunga, ii to use a karakia commensurate with the occasion, lower-order karakia, prayers, referred to as takutaku, worked on a terrestrial level and consequently there is less stricture on who may, or may not perform the takutaku. I heard one anecdote of this form where a gentleman stood to participate in the karakia, and in his takutaku asked that a neighbouring relative return to him a pig the relative had acquired without his consent. I have briefly mentioned tohunga, a term that says Moon (2003), eludes a straightforward explanation (p. 16). Tohunga of old tend to have been learned men, educated, healers, teachers and individuals who worked to improve the lot of people by communicating with the Gods and by providing spiritual guidance and by attempting to hold back the hand of fate so there is hope in life (Mead, 2003: 73-74). Pre-contact tohunga operated on behalf of the Mäori chief as the ritual leader the philosopher, the guide and friend of the chief (Ka ai & Reilly, 2004: 93). Therefore, the functions of karakia incorporated elements of natural healing, the diagnosis of physical and emotional elements, particular perspectives on the natural and supernatural worlds, aspects of Mäori religion, prophesy, interpretation of events, and a myriad [of] other abilities and gifts (Moon, 2003: 16). The prose I have chosen to discuss in this article may be employed as a Mäori karakia, as a tauparapara, and an historic narrative. Like many karakia, the detail surrounding the composer, the exact time it was written, and who it was arranged for are not known with complete certainty; however, by observing the varying tribal literary and oral accounts and analysing the text, we will now attempt to proximate some of the issues surrounding its coming of being, beginning with the historic narrative regarding Rätä, the forebear introduced in the first line of the karakia. There are accounts deposited in the tribal knowledge forums of the Takitimu people, that is, the federated tribes that assign their extended kin formation to the waka, or canoe, that brought the people from islands in the Pacific to landfall in different parts of New Zealand (Reilly, 2004: 64). Best (1922) observes, THERE are a great many versions of this story of Rata, indeed the Mäoris, Samoans, Rarotongans, Tahiti, Paumotu, and Hawaiians each have their separate versions, which differ so much from one another (p. 1). It is not my intention to address the historicity of

4 the narratives, and whether this account is posited before the migration of the primary fleets of ancestors from the Pacific, namely Tahiti, Hawaii, Samoa, circa 1350, or post the arrival of the great fleet in New Zealand. For the purposes of this article I will draw from the central threads that render the account accurate, regardless of the exact time and location. A genealogical representation of Rätä follows. Whaitiri(f) Kaitangata (m) Hema Tawhaki= Hine-piripiri Table 1. Geneaology of Rätä Source: Wikipedia (28 November, 2010). Wahieroa Rātā Works by Percy Smith in the early 1900s have attempted to date the existence of Rätä, and have him flourishing some thirty-one generations before 1922 (Smith, n.d). Calculating a generation to be approximately 22 years, this would place Rätä in the Pacific circa One account has Rätä born after his father, Wahieroa, is killed. When he grows up he asks the whereabouts of his father, and is told that his father had been taken away in the direction to the East. From this Rätä decides to build a canoe and go in search of his father. A Rarotongan account has Rätä growing up and enquiring where his parents are. His grandmother, his guardian at the time, duly explains the demise, albeit the loss, of his parents as a result of them searching for some seaweed that they could apply to a disease that had afflicted Rätä while he was a child. During their search a flood ensued and they were swept out to sea (Savage, 1910). From this, Rätä seeks the whereabouts of his parents, who may have been taken to an outer island, and then begins to construct a canoe with which to travel. The common thread in both versions is the desire by Rätä to build an ocean voyaging vessel, and thus we continue the narrative behind the karakia. As a propitiatory practice among Mäori, offertory karakia are a means by which the resources under the auspices of a particular Mäori god are acquired. In the case of Rätä and his desire to procure a tree from which he could fashion his canoe, the deity he would acknowledge would be Täne-mähuta, the great god of forests. In short, Rätä fails to follow the protocols expected of him in satiating the god: whether this is in asking for a tree for use, selecting the wrong tree to fell or not performing a particular rite. Rätä takes an adze and fells a tree after which he then returns home. He returns the next day to find that the tree has righted itself. He fells the tree again and returns home. On his return the next day, the tree has again righted itself. Rätä has suspicions that there is foul play afoot. He cuts the tree down again and feigns his departure. Hidden amongst the flora he hears something approaching, their voices chanting as they near him. He observes the resurrection of the tree, in as much as, these small forest creatures are meticulously repositioning the chips in their original places and therefore righting the tree. In Mäori thinking, these entities are the children of Tane-mähuta. They are his progeny, his servants, his helpers, his caretakers. Rätä emerges from the vegetation and questions them about their trickery. He is informed that they are rebuilding the tree because Rätä has not adhered to the practice of propitiating Täne-mähuta. Eventually, the bush-folk agree to help Rätä and actually built the entire canoe and deliver it to him. We leave the quest of Rätä to find his father (or his parents) and return to the chanting by the bush-folk that Rätä heard as they approached him. It is this very chant that forms the basis of the karakia, as follows: 1. Rätä-ware, Rätä-ware 2. Noho noa koe 3. Tuatua noa koe 4. I te wao tapu nui a Täne 5. Koia whekii 6. Koia whekä 7. Rere mai te kongakonga, 8. koia i piri 9. koia i mau 10. Rere mai te maramara, 11. koia i piri 12. koia i mau 13. E tü tämaota 14. E tü äta whakaarahia In analysing the composition, we draw links with the historic narrative, all the while discussing its purpose and application. Drawing on possible interpretations of the words, we also discuss their relevance to the function of the karakia. In this karakia, the bush-folk describe the behaviour of Rätä, the felling and resurrection of the tree. In Line 1 the bush-folk call out Rätä s name with the addition of the term ware, which in Mäori might be interpreted in this context as inconsiderate and lacking in knowledge as would be a lower ranked clansperson. Line 2 employs the words noho noa koe which I loosely interpret as you remain there and adopt your current position, that is, you take up a practice of disregard. This line is linked to Line 3, which reads tuatua noa koe you blatantly fell [the tree]. Line 4 refers to the dominion in which the tree belongs, that is, the sacred forest of Tänemähuta, shortened here to Täne. Lines 5 and 6 describe 17

5 the manner in which the chips fly, that is, they fly this way and they fly that way. Line 7 rere mai te kongakonga, may be interpreted as a directive by the bush-folk that the chips regroup in proximity to them, after which the words koia i piri, Line 8, assert that they now adhere. Line 9 further spurs the individual chips to bind together. Lines are almost repetitive of lines 7-9. We might surmise from White s (n.d.) text that the minor difference, if there is any, might be with regard to which particular parts of the tree are being reconstructed: the head of the tree, which was cut off, or the base, where it was adzed by Rätä. In interpreting Line 13, White s text mentions the unified chants of the bush-folk who summon the chips together to become fresh and green, and Line 14 that the tree stand upright once again. One might now ask where the actual relationship to the opening ontological descriptions of karakia types lies. In its original, chant-like form, it was neither offertory, dedicatory nor a request. I believe, however, that all karakia start off esoteric in nature because knowledge of them is restricted to small factions. In pre-migration, community numbers were small, and the repositories of oral arts even smaller. As cohorts in particular knowledge areas expanded this would ultimately bring about a form of exotericism, in that, as one individual recites the karakia in an open forum it is increasingly likely that it will be heard, possibly recorded, and recycled at subsequent events. Information technology allows all this information to transcend time, place and generations. Working from the timeline that Smith (n.d) estimated, we could extrapolate that this karakia is definitely terrestrial and has pre- Christian roots. I believe this karakia originated, as we mention above, as a chant by the bush-folk describing the events that were taking place around the episode of Rätä and the felling of the tree. The message that the bush-folk were alluding to is that correct rites should be adhered to when following Mäori cultural practices. Conciliation, in this instance, with Täne-mähuta, the god of forests, is seen as the act of neglect on Rätä s behalf. The disregard exhibited by Rätä to follow the correct propitiatory rites has had consequences. Fortunately, there were no dire penalties, such as debilitation, disablement or death. Hence, the chant has evolved from a specific context, that is, the procurement of a tree from the forest for building, to a karakia of propitiation. As an extension from the request that Rätä should have made to Tänemähuta, it broadens into a request to loosen restriction and allow a particular action to take place whereby the desired result will be realised. It contains inferences of unrestricted passage. It may, therefore be employed by the individual, or a group, who are on a maiden trek into the forest, or into unfamiliar surroundings. Where it refers to Rätä as being negligent, the person now performing the recitation is acknowledging the naivety, or ignorance of Rätä from a bygone era, and admits that where Rätä failed, this is not the intent of the performer. Although the realm in the original context is the forest, the forest might only be one locale whereby this karakia might be employed. It serves to appease any deities residing over the location he or she visits. Mäori would also consider this appropriate when visiting countries with a strong indigenous presence. In this manner, the karakia then serves as a waerea or an uruuruwhenua. Waerea are protective incantations performed to provide safe passage. The uruuruwhenua may refer to an actual place at which visitors to a locality make their offerings before going into the village of a local people (Graham, 1925) or the offertory recitation performed by a member of the visiting body with a goal similar to that of the waerea, that is, to acknowledge and appease the authority of the deity presiding over that location and thereby seek safe passage. In the past, there has been much scepticism in Western societies about the oral transmission of information (Cox, 1993), but others, such as Jane McRae (1981), Te Kapunga Dewes (1977), Agathe Thornton (1999), Edward Shortland (1856), Te Ahukaramu Royal (1992) and Michael Reilly (2004), for example, advocate strongly for oral traditions. Cox (1993) opines: It is important to remember that oral tradition has not ceased just because a more acceptable alternative is available. Mäori continue to store, maintain, and transmit historical details orally... The same events in which many ancestral figures have played a part are retold through waiata (songs), whakataukï (proverbial expressions), whakapapa (genealogical tables), and whaikörero (formal speeches). (p. 13) I would like to examine the last oral form Cox mentions above whaikörero. Whaikörero are formal orations conducted when there are either two or more autonomous entities (all, or one of these entities having Mäori representation) engaged in Mäori encounter rituals. One component of the whaikörero is the tauparapara. These tauparapara may take the form of: prayers or incantations composed for a variety of functions: protection, safe and unrestricted travel, rhythmic chants used while moving canoes across the land or for paddling in unison, dedicatory chants to assist in the acquisition of knowledge and genealogical recitations. (Rewi, 2010: 136) The Rätä karakia we have been discussing, therefore, may also serve as the tauparapara that normally opens the oral delivery. Like the waerea examined earlier, employing the Rätä chant to initiate the oration clears the oratorical 18

6 path of the speaker. If the encounter ritual is taking place on a marae complex, there is the understanding that Mäori departmental gods take their roles in this forum, therefore, this karakia may serve to propitiate those deities synonymous with this locale. Coincidentally, Täne-mähuta, who we referred to in the pre-migration Rätä narrative and his association as god of the forest, is also resident on the marae but under the guise of Täne-tewänanga Täne, the god of knowledge. This is only one example that serves as a model of the evolutionary potential of past compositions. What began here as a descriptive chant by bush-folk before the migratory voyage of Mäori in the 1300s recording the inappropriate behaviour of Rätä has evolved into a karakia with versatile use. I doubt that the bush-folk who are credited with its composition envisaged it would develop beyond a mere chant. For all we know, it may have merely developed as a chant to unify these bush dwelling entities, similar to the chants used by Mäori to keep time while they paddled their canoes in traversing the oceans, or the songs sung by enslaved African Americans to emphasize the community bond enhanced among them (Allen, Ware, & Garrison, 1867), compositions that served as an oral historical document (Fisher, 1991). Perhaps it started with a quip by one individual at the ignorance of Rätä, picked up and added to by another clansman, resulting in its current length. Like many other Mäori karakia, there are many possible interpretations. Karakia were composed in an era when only those alive at the time of composition could make the most accurate interpretations. However, with the gems of oral and written literature available, we are at least able to make some informed interpretations of the overall meaning and intent of the composition, and can teach current generations, either by rote or critical thinking, karakia that can be re-applied in the environs that evolve around them, thereby ensuring they maintain a valuable, tangible link to their forebears of traditional and mythical allusion. This tangibility, albeit merely in terms of the written medium, provides the spiritual connection with those ancestors through the archaic and semiotic nature of the words employed themselves, and as a corollary, the narrative transcends multiple generations and evolutionary shifts and transformations. This exemplifies the capacity of orality in that where oral forms such as karakia existed as primary forms of orality, their survival was ensured through formulaic styling. Colonisation in the mid-1800s put a strain on this capability and, consequently, one might assert that many Mäori tend towards a semi-residual orality through which they experience high exposure to non-verbal forms but strive for the oral maintenance of cultural knowledge. If Mäori are now consciously aware of the pull towards dependence on written forms and actively endeavour to eschew this tendency, one might speculate that secondary orality is nigh inevitable; however, increasing maintenance and engagement by Mäori in forums premised on the Mäori language would delay such a detrimental cultural threat and concomitantly preserve the very culture that gives New Zealand its unique identity as a nation. Reference List Allen, W.F., Ware, C.P., & Garrison, L.M. (Eds). (1867). Slave songs of the United States. New York: A. Simpson & Co. Retrieved on 3 August, 2010 from wer?a=v&q=cache:jso5hftrc8ij:nationalhumanitiescenter.org/ pds/mäi/community/text3/religionslavesongs.pdf+slave+song s+of+the+united+states&hl=en&gl=nz&pid=bl&srcid=adg EESi4cbt4H6FKPXLnT_lKl5Olyd3udHys64ylq3-d4Iz1gHC GxpMIND7Z4FVPFDdLOvxtWLUwW48EZYa5imu3fc-RD WQISHU4YqUP3n6VAJ8x1bzTV1lzTCH1PoXIABo4OB- 8RM5z&sig=AHIEtbQ0E-i48DafNdMqImAKiOEQdNGY5g Barlow, C. (1991). Tikanga whakaaro. Auckland, NZ: Oxford University Press. Best, E. (1922). Wahieroa and Rata: A tradition of Polynesia. The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 31(121), Retrieved on 3 August, 2010 from Volume_31_1922/Volume_31,_No._121/Wahieroa_and_ Rata._A_tradition_of_Polynesia, translated_by_elsdon_ Best,_p_1-28 Cox, L. (1993). Kotahitanga. Auckland, NZ: Oxford University Press. Dewes, T. K. (1977). The case for oral arts. In M. King (Ed.), Te Ao Hurihuri: Aspects of Maoritanga (pp ). Wellington, NZ: Hicks Smith. Fisher, M.M. (1991). Negro slave songs in the United States. Kensington, NY: Kensington Publishing Corporation. Retrieved on 3 August 2010 from com/negro-slave-songs-in-the-united-states/miles-mark- Fisher/e/ Graham, G. (1925). Te Toka-tu-whenua: A relic of the ancient Waiohua of Tamaki. The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 34 (134), Retrieved on 3 August, 2010 from jps.auckland.ac.nz/document/volume_34_1925/volume_34,_ No._134/Te_Toka-tu-whenua._A_relic_of_the_ancient_ Waiohua_of_Tamaki,_by_George_Graham,_p_ Ka ai T.M., & Reilly M. (2004). Rangatiratanga: Traditional and contemporary leadership. In T.M. Ka ai, J.C. Moorfield, M.P.J. Reilly, & S. Mosely (Eds.), Ki te Whaiao: An introduction to Mäori culture and society (pp ). Auckland, NZ: Pearson Education. Karakia: The words of the ancestors. (n.d.). Retrieved on 27 July, 2010 from McRae, J. (1981). Ngä iwi o te Tai Tokerau: Ngä körero nonamata me naianei hoki: Ngä mea i tuhituhia i perehitia ränei nä ngä whare pukapuka i tiaki: he rärangi he whakamärama hoki tä tënei pukapuka. Whangarei, NZ: Tari Mäori. Mead, S.M. (2003). Tikanga Mäori: Living by Mäori values. Wellington, NZ: Huia. Moon, P. (2003). Tohunga Hohepa Kereopa. Auckland, NZ: David Ling. Moorfield. J. (2005). Karakia. Te Aka Mäori-English, English- Mäori dictionary and index. Retrieved on 3 August, 2010, from ords=karakia&n=1&idiom=&phrase=&proverb=&loan= Reilly, M.P.J. (2004). Whänaungatanga: Kinship. In T.M. Ka ai, J.C. Moorfield, M.P.J. Reilly, & S. Mosely (Eds.). Ki te whaiao: An introduction to Mäori culture and society (pp ). Auckland, NZ: Pearson Education. Rewi, P. (2010). Whaikörero: The world of Mäori oratory. 19

7 Auckland, NZ: Auckland University Press. Royal, T.A.C. (1992). Te haurapa: An introduction to researching tribal histories and traditions. Wellington, NZ: Bridget Williams Books; Historical Branch, Dept. of Internal Affairs. Savage, S. (1910). The Rarotongan version of the story of Rata. The Journal of the Polynesian Society, 19(3), Retrieved on 3 August, 2010 from Volume_19_1910/Volume_19,_No._3/The_Rarotongan_ version_of_the_story_of_rata,_collected_and_translated_by_ Stephen_Savage,_p_ Shortland, E. (1856). Traditions and superstitions of the New Zealanders: With illustrations of their manners and customs (2nd ed.). London: Longman, Brown, Green, Longmans & Roberts. Smith, P.S. (n.d). Hawaiki: The original home of the Mäori. With a sketch of Polynesian history. Christchurch, NZ: Whitcombe and Tombs. Retrieved on 3 August, 2010 from org/tm/scholarly/tei-smihawa-t1-body-d2.html Tawhaki. (28 November, 2010). In Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia. Retrieved on 3 August, 2010 from wiki/t%c4%81whaki Thornton, A. (1999). Mäori oral literature as seen by a classicist. Wellington, NZ: Reed. White, J. (n.d.). The ancient history of the Mäori, his mythology and tradition: Te Arawa (Vol. VII, English). Retrieved on 3 August, 2010 from Endnotes i Wiremu Maihi Te Rangikaheke, of Ngäti Rangiwewehi, was a renowned chief of the Te Arawa district in the mid-1840s. His manuscripts have provided a valuable source of information about Mäori traditions, narratives and practices. ii Some classes of tohunga include pouwhiro (high class), tohunga ahurewa and tohunga tuahu (upper class), and horomata (third grade). There were also specialist tohunga in the art of black magic, prophesy, healing, navigation, and many other fields. 20