first Position of Women in Pre-Medieval Period- Changes and Continuities

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1 ABSTRACT History is not mere study of kings and their military exploits. There were different classes of people as the subjects of king. These were according to their financial and social status. There were nobles who constituted higher section of society. Beside which there where merchants, saints and landed aristocracy who belonged to different class. The Indian society on the eve of Muslim invasion was a Hindu society. By the coming of the Muslims the two societies had interaction with each other. As the result of the Muslim invasions and their impact on society the Hindu order suffered to some extent. The northern India was conquered and a mighty Muslim power was established. Political changes made social changes inevitable. The intruders succeeded in establishing a foundation, which proved strong enough for changing the social conditions of India. Thus, the study of the social conditions is an integral part of the study of any history. When we study the social conditions of any particular age, we cannot ignore women. The present work is an attempt to study the social aspects of the Sultanate age, the age in which the activities of the royal ladies as well as common women seems significant theme. The 12 th century was a period of transition where the ancient Indian society was overpowered by the Muslim society. It is not possible to make an extensive study of the social life of the Hindus particularly women. One cannot do correct appraisal of the social system of ancient India, unless one goes through the original sources of ancient India which are written in Sanskrit, Apabhramsa, Sauraseni, languages and other regional dialect respectively. Women play an important role in society as mothers, sisters, daughters and wives. A girl child has to pass through all these stages of life. Being an important section of society particularly family, which is primary unit of society she has to go through many phases in her life. 1

2 Indeed she is an important constituent of society as she reproduces, takes care and is a helpful hand for her counterpart; she also sustains the family by laying down the moral, educational foundation of the future generation. A woman deals very effectively in society; she has to interact with various people in her day to day life and has many domestic as well as social problems to face. In every social organization women has been considered as important as men. The treatment given to females in any particular society reflects the societal conditions of that particular society. Since times immemorial it has been men that played a role in deciding the status of women. My first chapter of the thesis, Position of Women in Pre-Medieval Period- Changes and Continuities, is an attempt to explore salient features of ancient Indian society related to women. Position of women in ancient society, system of education, treatment given to women especially female slaves, practices like sati, purdah, child marriage are dealt in this chapter. The law givers like Manu, Yajnavalkya, Yama, Marichi had their own laws for women. These law givers insisted that girls must marry before they attain puberty. Education a useful tool in the hands of women which makes her strong and independent in many ways was how far imparted in ancient India is also discussed in this chapter. What were the societal conditions of ancient India regarding the women and what was the place given to women is the focal concern of this chapter. An important part of a woman s life is marriage. How marriages were solemnized, what was the marriageable age and the important institution of polygamy is discussed in this chapter. The study of female slavery in ancient India explains how lower class women were treated by their masters. Beside these the position of widows, the custom of widow remarriage, institution of divorce, presence of purdah, presence of Sati system, moral lapses such as adultery and wine drinking, the presence of sex workers and devdasis in the society, prevalence of women administrators in late ancient India are also dealt with. 2

3 The study of the Vedic age confirms that it was a glorifying age for the women folk. Women were highly educated they were philosophers, educationalist and also had knowledge of Vedas. In spite of the patriarchal character of the family, the position of women was much better in the Vedic period than in subsequent times. Girls normally married after puberty and there were girls like Ghosha 1 who remained unmarried and grew up in the home of their parents. Woman had liberty through which they could freely mix with young men and have love affairs. She could take part in sacrifices with her husband though some unmarried women like Visvavara 2 and Apala 3 offered the sacrifice all by themselves. The institution of marriage seems to have been established. But we have also some evidence of incestuous relationships. Change comes after 200 A.D. The formality of upanayana (Sacred Initiation) was continued during the last period down to 200 A.D. It was completely stopped during this period and the religious status of women, even of the Brahmin class was universally recognized to as low as that of the Shudra. The ineligibility for upanayana unfortunately reduced the status of women to that of shudras and it had prolonged effects on their social status. It will not be wrong to call the age of Smriti as the Dark Age for the women. The law givers had proved this by writing such remarks for women In childhood a woman is to be dependent upon her father, in youth on her husband and in old age on her son; a woman is never fit for independence. 4 The above statement of Manu proves that a patriarchal system was willingly enforced and tended to keep the status of women at a low level by curtailing their freedom. The rights of women in practically all law books are identified with those of shudras, slaves and children. 5 Manu writes women do not care for beauty, nor is D.N. Jha, Ancient India, Manohar, New Delhi, 2004, p. 48. Ibid. Ibid. Manu, Manusmriti, Eng. Tr., The Laws of Manu, G. Buhler in F. Max Muller ed., The Sacred Books of the East, in fifty volumes, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, Vol. XXV. p P. Thomas, Indian Women through the Ages, Asia Publishing House, New York, 1964, p

4 their attention fixed on age; thinking it is enough he is a man, they give themselves to the handsome and the ugly 6 Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this world. Knowing their disposition which the Lord of Creatures laid in them to be such, every man should most strenuously exert himself to guard them. When creating them, the Lord of creatures, allotted to women a love of their bed, of their seat and of ornaments, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice and bad conduct. For women no sacramental rite is performed with sacred texts, thus the law is settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of the knowledge of the Vedic texts, are impure as falsehood itself, that is the fixed rule. This was the thinking of Manu for women; later law givers were harsher in their thinking for women. A law giver Daksha is of opinion that A good wife was not born but made. Contrary to this in both Manu and Yajnavalkya we find passage using men to honor women and keep them contended and happy, because they are of the view that where women are unhappy, neglected and sorrowful misfortunes over take the household. The guidelines which the law givers had formulated for treating the women were based on a harsh and humiliating treatment towards women. According to them women in a family were to be dealt in strict ways. The question is when a man is advised to deal with her wife in strict ways how it is possible that the wife will remain happy and contended? Up to the Upanishadic age the social position of women was very high 7 they were considered in many respect equal to men. Child marriage was unknown and no 6 The Laws of Manu, op. cit., p

5 girl could be married against her wishes, they composed Vedic hymns and suffered from no religious disabilities. After that gradually their social and religious standard deteriorated and their education was neglected. Both Upanayana and Vedic studies were denied to them. Their marriageable age was considerably lowered and social evil like Sati became prominent. The society where the practices like sati, prevailed, where girls were devoid of education and were married before puberty, widows, even if a girl of tender age became a widow she was not allowed to remarry, and they were ill treated, how it is possible that women in that society would have remained happy and contended. Manu, asserts that where women are honored there the gods are pleased but where they are not honored no sacred rite yields any reward. He further says where the female relations live in grief that family wholly perishes but where they are not unhappy that family even prospers. The same venerable Manu regards women by nature, as of such depraved character that they are sure to go astray if they are not kept under rigid control. Verses 14 and 15 of chapter IX in Manusmirti 8 depict the licentious and grossly sensuous character of women in general in such terms as cannot be reproduced without violating decency and modesty. The creator Implanted in them carnal passions, 9 love for ornaments, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice and bad conduct. In view of their inherent wicked character they must be carefully guarded, especially by their husbands, to whom they are naturally disloyal. We also find the view of Manu for wife who has committed fault. According to him she may beaten with a rope or a spilt bamboo. If we consider these statements of Manu we find that women were theoretically honored but practically they were given a subservient position in male dominant society B.N.Sharma, Social Life in Northern India(A.D ), Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1966, p. 10. Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, Great Women of India, Advaita Ashrama, Almora, 1953, p.19. Ibid. 5

6 The second chapter of the thesis, as the name suggests Aristocratic Women, Sultan and Rulers is about the prominent royal ladies of the sultanate period who ruled independently and directly (like Razia) and also those who ruled indirectly. The sources of Sultanate period also have narrations of some prominent ladies who indulged themselves in politics directly or indirectly. This chapter throws light on Razia, the first lady monarch and other ladies of the sultanate period who indulged deep in the political affairs. Most of the times these royal ladies involved themselves in intrigues to benefit their son. Without the study of these women personalities the study of the sultanate period remains incomplete. Focus is on the study of royal ladies, but while exploring the facts and observation of the historians of the Sultanate age one cannot ignore the minutest detail regarding the common women. So, an attempt has been made to explore their place in politics and social conditions of women in a general way. Harem which was the residing place of the Royal ladies during the Muslim rule in India witnessed a lot of influence in the court politics directly or indirectly, especially during the war of succession. Among the royal ladies mother of the sultan was titled Makhduma-i-Jahan and chief queen was titled Malika-i-Jahan. The first lady monarch, Razia tactfully dealt with the conspiracy of Shah Turkan and directly ruled the Sultanate for four years. Mention may be made of two other royal ladies of this period. They are the daughter and the widow of Sultan Iltutmish. The daughter of Iltutmish who happened to be the real sister of sultan Muizuddin Bahram Shah ( AD) was first married to the son of Qazi Nasiruddin but the marriage was dissolved afterwards. After that she was married to Aitigin, who had become the Naib-i-Mulk (regent) after her brother s accession to the throne in 1240 A.D 10. An another widow of Sultan Iltutmish also married a senior noble, Qutlugh Khan and with the support of her husband and his friends at the court she compelled Sultan Alauddin Masud Shah ( ) to release from prison the sons of Sultan 10 Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Anjuman-i-Tarikh-i-Afghanistan, Kabul, 1963, Vol. I, p. 463; Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing House, Printed at CAS dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, p

7 Iltutmish, Prince Naisiruddin Mahmud (her own son) and Prince Jalauddin. On the advice of nobles, her son Nasiruddin Mahmud was entrusted with the charge of the territorial unit of Bahraich, while Jalauddin was posted as Wali (Governnor) of Qannauj. She is also said to have accompanied her son to Bahraich because the latter was still a minor, aged less than fourteen years 11. Daughter of Balban is known for influencing the politics during the Ilbari rule; Balban had married her to sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1249 AD 12. Balban took advantage of this new relation and became Naib -i- Mumaliqat. People lodged several complaints against the working of Balban but Sultan Nasir-uddin Mahmud did not take any notice because of the influence of Balban s daughter. Ultimately her influence in political matters had strengthened Balban s position and he succeeded to the throne after the death of Nasiruddin Mahmud. During the reign of Jalaluddin Khilji his wife had a lot of interference in court politics and the wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji too indirectly influenced the life of Alauddin khilji in his early life and later on also. The Mother of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq was a respectable lady at the court. She was known for her benevolent nature. Khudavandzada sister of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq indulged in politics and supported the cause of her son Davar Baksh against Firoz Tughlaq. She was so willing to enthrone her son that she even planned the murder of Firoz Tughlaq. Mubarak Shah Sayyid had a daughter Bibi Raji who was married to Mahmud Sharqi, she is well known for her love for architecture. Jaunpur has many buildings built by her. Lodi period had three influential ladies, first was Bibi Matto wife of Islam Khan Lodi, Shams Khatoon the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi, and an another wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi named Bibi Amba known for her beauty and cherished manners. Among brave women of the Sultanate period Raziya is of great importance Tabaqat, vol. I, pp ; Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Vol. II, p Habib.M, Nizami K.A., A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People s Publishing House, New Delhi, Reprint November 2006, Vol. V, part -one, p

8 for the medieval historian. She was the first woman empress of India who ascended the throne when no woman appeared publicly unveiled. The third chapter, Women in Various Roles in Society during the Sultanate Period focuses on women in different fields of work. What was the importance of these women in the society during the Sultanate is the main concern of this chapter. A family is the primary unit of the society. Many families combine to make society. What role women played in her household and how she performed her duties in society is discussed in this chapter. Amir Khusrau advices women to be loyal observe purdah and involve themselves in weaving and spinning. Tells them the way to domestic peace and amity and winds with a tirade against women of loose character. 13 Isami stressed that the place of women was the home. Instead of wearing crown she should take interest in spinning and weaving. In spite of the obligations in Islam, like purdah, women actively participated in playing music and dance. They also ran shops, worked as maids in household of upper aristocracy and helped their husbands in fields where they specially looked after the cattle. 14 The Sufis also employed female slaves in their Khanqahs. 15 The harem was guarded inside by female daroghas, and eunuchs. There was a separate accounts office inside the harem managed by female clerks. 16 Ibn Batuta informs us that the Sultans of the Sultanate employed slave girls who acted as spies on Amir. They informed the Sultan about the minutest detail of the day to day development of the Sultanate Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi, 1974, p Ashraf K.M., Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1969, p Rashid. A, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K.L. Makhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p Abdul Halim, History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, Delhi, 1974, p Ibn Battuta, Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, Gaekwad s Oriental Series, Baroda, 1976, p

9 The Sultan also appointed female scavengers who entered the harem without permission and to them the slave girls communicated information. The female scavengers conveyed this information to the chief of the secret intelligence services, who informs the sultan accordingly. The Poet Amir Khusrau informs that a wet nurse was paid ten tankas for suckling a child. 18 After the thorough study of the sources of sultanate period we can conclude that women played several roles in society which are still in practice. The female slavery took the form of female servants found in modern household. Prostitution been a big stigma to a society has been continuously in practice since ancient times. In ancient India, prostitutes were protected and supervised by the court and two days earning was collected from them as tax. 19 Not any age played a role in the removal of these institution like slavery, prostitution etc. Forbidden issues in Islam related to women were also practiced. Thus, we can conclude that women had a special place in society. They worked as slaves in the houses of rich and poor and earned their living. There was a class of prostitutes, female singers and dancers who earned through these means of recreation. Some references are found were women ran shops, acted as spies and scavengers. The fourth chapter Sufi and Bhakti Women is a detailed description of the Sufi ideas of that time. The views of Sufis on marriage and celibacy as both the ideas are related to women. Fortunately, in the lives of the Sufis their mothers played an important role in developing mystic cult, some references are also found where the wife played an important role in developing and maintaining the spiritual tendencies of her husband. In case of some Sufis the mother identified the mystic aptitude in their son and played important role in transforming them into eminent Sufis of the age. Baba Farid s first instructor was his mother; he had deep influence of his mother s teaching on him. Her name was Qarasum Bibi. She in order to inculcate the habit of offering regular prayers used to place sugar candies under his prayer carpet. Mother of famous Chisti saint Nizamuddin Auliya was Bibi Zulaikha, he had great Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p A.L. Basham, The Wonder That was India, Surjeet Publications, Delhi, 2013, p

10 impact of the teachings of his mother. Most of the Sufi literature of the Sultanate period has abundant references of how the mother and son were spiritually related with each other. The Sufi saints imparted respect to the women in their family as well as the women in the society. They came across number of women in their Khanqahs and in the society too. Their perception, views and attitude towards different kind of females as a part of society is an important matter to deal with. The chapter is divided into two parts; the first part deals with eminent Sufis of the Sultanate period, their views and attitude towards the women folk and their views regarding marriage and celibacy. The second part of the chapter is a collection of biographies of the women Sufi saints of the Sultanate period. Few women of religious attitude find place in the Sufi literature of the period because they had love and respect towards Sufis and their disciples. These women were religious minded and kind towards Sufis and very often worked in the khanqahs in order to render them help. Men and women both are important part of society and their union results in the growth of population. The common means of union of a man and a woman is by the means of marriage in this way marriage forms an important part of the society. What were Sufi ideas about marriage and celibacy is also discussed with respect to the traditions (hadith) of the Prophet. The nature of companion or the selection of proper match for a boy or girl has been always a problem and the same was the circumstances in the Sultanate period. Eleventh century Sufi saint Hujwiri speaks on companionship with women and mentions the following tradition of the Prophet. Four qualities must be sought in a woman i.e. beauty, nobility, wealth and religion. 20 The Prophet also stated that, a married man perfects half of his religion A. M. A. Shustery, Outlines of Islamic Culture, Banglore Press, Banglore city, 1938, Vol. II, p Ibid., p

11 After studying the Malfuzat literature we find that Sufis had an attitude of deep respect towards womenfolk. Women also respected Sufis and their thoughts. Their khanqahs were place where women worked and rendered their humble services to the Sufis and their disciples. We have references of Khanqahs were women swept the floor, made food for the disciples in the khanqah and washed clothes of some Sufis. Biographies of the Sufi women inform us that there were presence of spiritually elevated ladies in the Sultanate era which I think is of rare existence these days. Thus we see that in the days of Sultanate Sufism was an integral part of society which respected women and rendered their services to the mankind. Women had been an integral part of society in every era. The concept of society is very vast. It is made up of many families, religion, caste, customs and practices. Every custom and practice has its own relevance and none of the customs and practices takes place without the intervention of women. From birth to marriage and till death the females form an integral part of all these. In the fifth chapter, Society and Women, I have explored all such practices and customs which were related with the women of the Sultanate period. Attainment of education which is considered an important part of a woman s life is discussed at lengths. How Sultans helped women in providing them education by establishing maktabs and madrasas is also dealt with curiosity. Marriage the best way through which the opposite sexes are united and God has blessed women with the ability to reproduce gives her a special place in society. Different topics related with marriage such as the types of marriages that took place in Islamic world, how the Sultan, royal ladies, nobles rendered their help to the poor girls of marriageable age is of great importance. The customs related to marriage, matrimonial alliance between the royalty and the Sufis are also dealt with. After marriage I have also tried to find out facts regarding the practice of divorce, which is considered something highly detestable in the eyes of God. Sultanate period has rare references of it. If a historian works on gender studies and does not find out the place given to widows in society he does not do justice with his or her work. The position of the 11

12 widow is one of the most important topics which the historian of the woman has to discuss and elucidate. The same is done in this chapter. The study of the position of widow in the sultanate society make it complete. Beside these polygamy, sati, jauhar, purdah, dresses of women, cosmetics are various topics on which work has been done. After the study of the social conditions of the society during the Sultanate period; I found that there was an inevitable line of demarcation between the royal ladies and the common women. The position of royal ladies was an exception. Poor women had to work hard for their livelihood. We see royal ladies busy in formation of cliques and intrigues for the benefit of their sons. Polygamy strongly existed; Sultans were polygamist due to various reasons may be because of their sensuous nature or due to the appeasement policies for various other states. Divorce is rare in Sultanate. Royalty spends a huge amount on marriage ceremonies of their kith and kin. Female slavery was an integral part of the society without the study of which the research is incomplete. Purdah is also followed by the royal ladies and common woman only covered her head with lapel of her dupatta or sari. Practice like Sati and Jauhar had its roots deep penetrated in the Hindu society. Cosmetics and ornaments were also a part of society of royal ladies and poor women were devoid of it. The above study thus indicates that there was a strong line of demarcation between the elite class of ladies and common women. We can also discern that contrary to the existing notions regarding the seclusion of womenfolk our evidence suggests that women participated in all arenas of society and polity. One does not find even religion as a privilege of the men counterpart alone. The harem played an active role in factional politics of the time. 12

13 CENTRE OF ADVANCED STUDY Prof. Tariq Ahmed DEPARTMENT OF HISTORY Aligarh Muslim University Aligarh (U.P) INDIA Dated: Certificate This is to certify that the thesis entitled Women and High Culture during the Sultanate Period is the original work of Ms. Bushra Abbasi completed under my supervision. The thesis is suitable for submission for the award of the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in History. (Prof. Tariq Ahmed) Supervisor

14 Dedicated to My Parents who rendered every possible help for this work

15 ACKNOWLEDGEMENT All the Thanks to the Almighty and Merciful. First and foremost I wish to express immense gratitude to my supervisor Professor Tariq Ahmad for his able guidance, encouragement and moral support without which it was difficult to successfully complete my research. It was his moral support and masterly guidance which helped me in peacefully pursuing and successfully completing the task. I also wish to express my special thanks to Prof. Ali Athar, Chairman and Coordinator, centre of Advanced study, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. I have significantly benefitted from his advice, help and able guidance. I feel delighted to express my gratitude to Dr. M. K. Zaman, who never hesitated in providing any sort of help. I am thankful to him for his support and motivation. The constant encouragement of Dr. Sumbul Halim Khan gave me inner strength due to which I was able to successfully complete my work. Beside moral support her valuable suggestions, co operation and guidance worked like a blessing for me. Deciphering Persian script was something very difficult if I was not helped by Dr. Abdus Salam Jeelani, the Persian instructor, Mr. Raza Abbas, Assistant Professor in Shia Theology at Womens College and Mr. Azad Husain, employee in Persian research institute, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. I am thankful for their help rendered to me in undertaking original Persian source vital for my research.

16 I am also thankful and gratefully acknowledge all those persons who has been a constant source of moral support and blessings for me. My grandmother, Mrs Shafiqa Begum who passed away while this work was in progress always used to encourage me to successfully complete the research work. I express sincere gratitude towards my parents Mr. Mohammad Ali Asif and Mrs Nuzhat Ara for their constant encouragement and support throughout my life. Their fervent prayers have resulted in my happiness and progress. Their affection and support continuously kept my spirit high throughout my research work. I am thankful to my only sister Ema Abbasi who inspired me in all the ways to complete my work. My special token of reverence is due to my husband Mr. Mujeebul Haque, whose kind persuasion and unfailing sympathy encouraged me to complete the task. For all this I am sincerely thankful to him. I am also thankful to my four year old son Asad for his many innocent smiles which sparked in me a strong desire to successfully complete my research. I humbly acknowledge the constant motivation, co-operation, encouragement and assistance given to me by my family members. My Parent-in-Laws, Mr. Mazharul Haque and Mrs. Sarvat Jahan gave me constant moral support to complete my research work. My brother -in-laws Dr. Mohammad Mohibul Haque, Assistant Professor at Department of Political Science, Aligarh Muslim University and Mr Mohd Khursheed Anwar, Ehtesham Gul Khan and sister-in -laws (Ishrat Fatima, Nazia Aman, Tasneem Kausar and Zeba Afreen) extended plenty of moral support and care in hours of distress. Finally, the confederation of my close friends and colleagues who were there with me throughout include Seema Khan, Samreen Iram, Farhat Kamal, Monica Sharma, Shamim Bano, Fazeela Shahnawaz, Rakhi, Mohammad Shahnawaz and

17 Tariq Ahmad Shaikh. They were forthcoming with suggestions and group discussions to sort my academic queries. I offer my grateful thanks to the entire staff of the Research Library, Department of History and Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh for furnishing the requisite facilities. It is my duty to acknowledge the gratitude to the University Grants Commission for providing the scholarship which immensely facilitated conducting smoothly my research work. Bushra Abbasi

18 Contents Page No. Introduction 1-14 Chapter POSITION OF WOMEN IN PRE-MEDIEVAL PERIOD- CHANGES AND CONTINUITIES Chapter ARISTOCRATIC WOMEN, SULTAN AND RULERS Chapter WOMEN IN VARIOUS ROLES IN SOCIETY DURING THE SULTANATE PERIOD Chapter SUFI AND BHAKTI WOMEN Chapter SOCIETY AND WOMEN Conclusion Bibliography Appendices

19 Introduction

20 INTRODUCTION The study of the position of women in social sphere is an interesting work and it is helpful in investigating the actual position held by the women at any particular age. The historians have worked on gender history and tried to assess the role of women in various spheres in different periods. There are scholars who tend to look at the position of women as generally deplorable and same was thought of the women of Medieval Indian society. The common thought regarding the Muslim women is that she shares an inferior status in society as compared to her male counterpart. 1 My study entails an investigation of the elite or high culture women however as a comparison a cursory perusal of common women was deemed necessary. The significance of high culture is crucial as it is an essential segment of any culture. Women have always been considered as an important and inseparable section of the society. It has been very correctly observed Without consideration of women as subjects of social processes who constitute, reproduce and change social system, social sciences remain incomplete. 2 As women are called subjects of social process one can determine how civilized a culture is, to gauge how they treat its women. Colonel James Tod also observes in a similar fashion, he opines It is universally admitted that there is no better criterion of the refinement of a nation than the condition of the fair sex there in. 3 The same view is supported by S. Sen when he states that One way to judge the state of a nation is to study the status of women. In reality, the status of women represents the standard of culture of any age. The social status of the women of a country symbolizes the social spirit of the age. 4 Thus an attempt has been made to find out the contribution of women in elevating the caliber of Sultanate society Reuben Levy, Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge University Press, Second Edition, 1957, Irfan Habib, Exploring Medieval Gender History in S. Z. H. Jafri, Recording the Progress of Indian History, Primus Books, Delhi, Prof Dube in ICHR sponsored seminar on Indian History, Punjab University, Chandigarh, February James Tod, Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, Oxford University Press, London, Vol. II, p S. Ram, ed., Women Through Ages, Commonwealth Publishers, New Delhi, 2004, p

21 The purpose of my study is to examine the role of women in the Sultanate of Delhi. To find out how much involved the elite class ladies were in the politics and other matters. There was presence of women in various other fields also. The intention is to explore various fields where women played important roles. She contributed in the growth of the Sultanate by providing help in various fields. The position of women was not so in the pre-sultanate times as it was in the Sultanate age. As a daughter, a woman lived under the ward ship of her father, as a wife under the tutelage of her husband and as a widow under the care of her eldest son. Generally, the idea behind the position of a woman had been a subordinate creature to men. And she was understood as someone meant for the service of the male and also dependent upon him in every stage of life. The change in the political structure by the advent of the Muslims made social changes inevitable but for most of the historians history meant only the study of kings and their military exploits. Beside political history, economic and social histories were also studied by various historians. The study of gender history also gained importance keeping in view the idea of the complete study of social sciences. The present work seeks to examine the role of royal ladies in the Sultanate and their contribution in the political sphere and also towards the society. Significant research has been undertaken keeping in mind various aspects of the Sultanate period. Such works have focused on military history, court politics, economy and administrative reforms. Some works have outlined history of all the dynasties of the Sultanate of Delhi. I The major works which provide an insight on the political aspect of the Sultanate are A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate 5 by Mohammad Habib and K. A. Nizami. Beside this comprehensive work there are two more works which deal with the political history of the Sultanate and provide a better understanding of the political conditions of the Sultanate. These are The foundation of 5 M. Habib, K.A. Nizami, A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People s Publishing House, New Delhi, Vol. V,

22 Muslim Rule in India 6 by A. B. M Habibullah and Some Aspects of Muslim Administration 7 by R. P. Tripathi. These works are quite descriptive in nature and provide description as well as offer analysis of the development of political matters. There are certain works which deal with the history of the particular dynasties. Among these the work of Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi ( ) 8 is a detailed work on the history of the slave dynasty which initially ruled the Sultanate and paved the way for upcoming dynasties. This work studies the political history and political institutions of the slave dynasty. Likewise, History of the Khiljis 9 ( ), a work by K. S. Lal is a descriptive work of the Khiljis. Agha Mahdi Husain s two works are relevant for the study of Tughlaq dynasty, these are namely Tughlaq Dynasty 10 and Rise and Fall of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq 11 and for the detailed study of the reign of Firoz Tughlaq, J. M. Banerjee s work, History of Firozshah Tughlaq 12 and Firoz Tughlaq 13, the work of R. C. Jauhri, fulfills the need of study. For the study of Lodi dynasty the pioneering works of Abdul Haleem The Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra 14 and Awadh Bihari Pandey s work The First Afghan Empire in India ( ) serve the purpose. We find a good amount of work done on the social history of the Sultanate period. These works provide little information regarding the position of women in society in the Sultanate. Among these works Society and Culture in Medieval India ( ) 15 by A. Rashid, deals with the position of women in society. K. M. Ashraf also provides some information about women. Mohammad Habib and K. A A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Central Publishing House, Allahabad, R. P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, Muhammad Aziz Ahmad, Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi ( ),Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, K. S. Lal, History of the Khiljis, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, Agha Mahdi Husain, Tughlaq Dynasty, S. Chand and Co. Ramnagar, New Delhi, Reprinted, Agha Mahdi Husain, The Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughlaq, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Oriental series, No 9, Delhi, J.M. Banerjee, History of Firozshah Tughalq, Munshiram Manoharlal Oriental Publishers, Delhi, R.C. Jauhri, Firoz Tughlaq, Shivlal Agarwal Co., Agra, Abdul Halim, The Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat i-delli, Delhi, A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K.L. Makhopadhyay, Calcutta, (pages ) 3

23 Nizami s work Politics and Society during Early Medieval Period 16 also provides a deep insight into political history as well as social history of the Sultanate period. In this book we find a beautiful description of the majlis (social gathering) at the court of Jalaluddin Khilji where we find music and dance by the professional women, musicians and dancers at its zenith. The historians have covered almost every aspect of society. The edited work of Kiran Pawar provides good deal of knowledge into various topics in form of papers related to women. The work of Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate 17 is a comprehensive work on women of the Sultanate period. It is noteworthy to mention here, an article of Pushpa Prasad on Female slavery, Female Slavery in 13 th Century Gujarat:Documents in Lekhapaddati 18 and two articles of Shadab Bano, first is Women performers and Prostitutes 19 and another is Women Slaves in Medieval India 20 It was 1970 s that the gender studies gained attention of the historians. Irfan Habib observes that gender history is not only about women; it is about them as well as the society as a whole in which they are placed along with men. 21 Similarly, famous archaeologist Gorden Childe observes that women were the real originators of agriculture and of many associated inventions of the Neolithic Revolution. 22 Thus we see that before the initiation of gender studies, women were seen as an isolated class of society without much attention paid to them. The study of gender history attempts to treat women as an integral segment of society and as stated earlier the progress of any civilization depended on the treatment met to women M. Habib, K. A. Nizami, Politics and Society during Early Medieval Period, Vol. I and II, people s publishing house, New Delhi, Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publishers, Allahabad, Pushpa Prasad, Female Slavery in 13 th Century Gujarat:Documents in Lekhapaddati, Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No.1-2, Shadab Bano, Women Performers and Prostitutes in Studies in History, Sage Publications, Shadab Bano, Women Slaves in Medieval India, Proceedings of Indian History Congress, 65 th session, Barielly, 2004 Irfan Habib, Exploring Medieval Gender History in S. Z. H. Jafri ed., Recording the Progress of Indian History-Symposia papers of the Indian History Congress ( ), Primus Books, Delhi,2012, p V. Gorden Childe, What Happened in History, Cf, Irfan Habib, Exploring Medieval Gender history op. cit., p

24 The present work deals with the royal ladies of the Sultanate. The main purpose of my study is to examine the role of women in the Sultanate of Delhi. To find out how much involved the elite class ladies were in the politics and different other matters. There was presence of women in various other fields. The purpose is to explore various roles in which women contributed towards the society. What was the extent of her contribution in the political and social growth and development of the Delhi Sultanate is studied in this work. II The Sultanate period has a rich treasure of Persian work. There are number of primary and secondary sources which acted as a store house of information for my thesis. These primary sources can be categorized in to chronicles, official histories and Sufi literature. I have culled information from these Persian sources. One of these sources are Tabaqat-i-Nasiri 23 of Minhaj us Siraj. This work contains historical events from the beginning of the world to 1261 A.D. i.e. the sixteenth regnal year of Nasiruddin Mahmud. The word tabaqat literally means the chapter and this work is divided into twenty three chapters. The author of this work was the qazi under Sultan Iltutmish. The accession of Sultan Razia was a political turnover. During her reign Minhaj us Siraj acted as the in charge of the Nasiriya College of Delhi. Therefore the information provided by Minhaj for the period of Razia is very reliable. He has written the events of her reign year wise. Next to Minhaj is Ziauddin Barani and his work Tarikh-i-Firozshahi 24 for which he himself writes that This is a work of solid worth, which combines several virtues. If you consider it a history you will find in it an account of kings and maliks. If you search in this book for laws, government regulations and administrative affairs, you will not find it without them. If you want precepts and advice for kings and rulers, you will find them more plentiful and better presented in this book than in any other. And because everything I have written is true and correct, this history is worthy of Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Vol. I, II, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Kabul, Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. I, II, ed., Sheikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh Muslim UNiversity, Aligarh,

25 credence. Also as I have put a lot of meaning in very few words, the example of mine deserves to be followed. 25 Barani was the courtier of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq for the time period of nearly seventeen years. He initiates writing history from Balban s reign and ends with the six regnal year of Sultan Firozshah Tughlaq. Barani has given vivid description of the reigns of Jalaluddin Khilji and his nephew, son-in-law and successor Alauddin Khilji. The aged Jalaluddin Khilji had been overpowered by his chief queen Malika-i- Jahan. He used to take her advice in political matters and once when he wished to adopt the title of Al-mujahid fi Sabilillah he asked Malika-i-Jahan to gather the support of the nobility. After the death of Jalaluddin Khilji, Malika-i-Jahan affected the court politics by placing her son Qadr Khan with the title of Ruknuddin Firoz. He also writes about the relations of the Sultan with his wife and Malika-i-Jahan, we come to know by him that the relation was not so cordial. Ziauddin Barani has also dealt with the social aspect of the Sultanate period. He writes about women dancers and musicians at the court of Jalaluddin Khilji, emphasizes that music and dance was a regular feature of the court life of the Sultans. He writes at lengths on slavery, describes the slave market (bazaar-i-bardah) at Delhi. The description of slave market includes the process of selling of female slaves, their prices according to the work they performed. The prices were set according to the nature of work; those who only performed household chores were cheaper than those who were used as concubines. He also mentions about the brokers of the slave market. By his work we come to know that when these slave girls went to fill the pitchers they were often molested by the mewatis. He confirms the authenticity of his work by writing that incorrect statements lower the prestige of the historian and reduce the value of his worth. Further, as a punishment for uttering lies, salvation is denied to him in the world hereafter Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, (Bib.Ind ), 23, Cf. Mohibul Hasan, Historians of Medieval India, Meenakshi Prakashan, Delhi, 1968, p. 28. Ibid.,p. 29 6

26 Malik Izzuddin Isami was also a contemporary historian of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq. He composed his work Futuh-us-Salatin 27 in five months and nine days. He began on 9 th December 1348 A.D and completed on 14 th May 1349 A.D. Isami has criticized Razia for discarding purdah and appearing publicly unveiled. It is historian Isami who pen downs his negative thoughts for women in his work and almost dedicates a page on casting slur on women. According to him, it is women being inferior in intellect are suited only to work with spindle. 28 He also alleges Razia for her so called relations with her slave Jamaluddin Yaqut. Ibn Battuta, was an important traveller who visited India in fourteenth century. He visited the court of Mohammad bin Tughlaq and stayed in India for several years and wrote his travelogue under the name of Rehla. The work of Ibn Battuta is considered as a very significant source of information. It gives the information related to women, the information contains the description of female slaves, beautiful women of Qarajil, female dancers and singers and social customs like sati, purdah and description of marriage ceremonies. It is Ibn Battutas s Rehla which gives a very poignant description of women taken for being a sati. A vivid description is given of the court of Makhduma-i-Jahan, the mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq. The work Masalik al Absar fi mamalik al Amsar 29 can also be used in deriving information for the Sultanate period especially the period of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq. The work was written by Shihabuddin Al umri. The strange thing about this work is that, the author of this work never visited India and his source of information were the people who visited India and their narration about historical events and geographical conditions of India. The work is translated by Iqtidar Husain Siddiqui and Qazi Mohammad Ahmad under the title A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq 30 and also translated into English by Ottospies, Shaikh Abdur Rashid and S. Moinul Haque Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, ed., M. Usha, University of Madras, Madras, Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing House, Dept. of History, AMU, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, p Shihabuddin al Umri, Masalik al Absar fi Mamalik al- Amsar, Eng. Tr., Ottospies, S. A. Rashid and S. M. Haque, Aligarh, I. H. Siddiqui, Q. M. Ahmad, A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq, Siddiqi Publishing House, Aligarh,

27 The present research work of mine has utilized many works of Amir Khusrau for gathering information on the social aspect of society concerning women. Amir Khusrau, the most dynamic historian of the Sultanate age has almost covered every aspect of society related to women. Along with Sufi bent of mind he was a historian, a poet of eminence and an accomplished musician. The works of Amir Khusrau from which information have been culled are Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Khazianul Futuh, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Matlaul Anwar, Hasht Bihisht, Nuh Siphir. Amir Khusrau s Khazainul Futuh 31 was written when he was the court historian of Alauddin Khilji and due to this reason we can assert that the work is an authentic source of information as he must have based his narrative on authentic official records. Sultan Alauddin Khilji took measures to stop prostitution and prostitutes were lawfully married. Nuh Siphir 32, the Masnavi by Khusrau was completed in the month of Jamad I, 718 A.H., when the poet was almost 67 years of age and celebrates the glories of Mubarak Shah Khilji s reign. The poem is divided into nine parts of unequal lengths each being named a siphir peculiar to one of the nine heavenly bodies, headed by an introductory verse and concluded by a gazal. The work has beautifully described the birth celebrations of Prince Mohammad. The description of the jashn contains the presence of beautiful dancing girls of India and Persia. 33 The description of dancing girls is very picturesque, the Indian girls are shown having sandaled and bejeweled foreheads, pearls filling the parting of their hair, diamond pendants in their noses, clad in fine garments presents a charming picture of these dancing girls. 34 Beside this kind of description Khusrau also writes about sati. Amir Khusrau s work Ijaz-i-Khusravi 35 a voluminous work of five volumes presents a detailed account of the society and deals with almost every issue related with women. The poet talks about music and musicians and mention one female Amir Khusrau, Khazainul Futuh, ed., Mohammad Wahid Mirza, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh. Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi, 1974, p Ibid., p. 187, footnote.6. Amir Khusrau, Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Vol. I, II, III, IV, V, Naval Kishore, Lucknow,

28 singer named as Turmati Khatoon. 36 The source also gives a long list of musical instruments like sarood, chang, dholak, rabaab, damdama, tambora etc. Beside music and musicians Ijaz-i-Khusravi provides details of cosmetics and apparels of women. Amir Khusrau has not left any aspect related to women. In volume four and five 37 he mentions about public women, their activities and the incidents related to the prostitutes. Maulana Shams Asadi visited a public woman is also informed to the readers. 38 Hasht Bihisht 39 (The eight paradises) of Amir Khusrau contains 3,350 couplets. The work provides information about the attitude of Amir Khusrau towards the fair sex. The long sermons to his daughter and to all women folk in Hasht Bihisht are an advice of Khusrau to all women to be chaste and pure in morals and follow purdah. The advices of Amir Khusrau to women in general by the means of his daughter in Hasht Bihisht and Matlaul Anwar 40 are almost the same. The twentieth and last part of Matlaul Anwar is devoted to the women. Like Hasht Bihisht, it also contains advices to his daughter, and to women in general. The poet lays great emphasis on the loyalty of women, advices them to observe purdah, tells them the way to domestic peace and amity. Deval Rani Khizr Khan 41 a masnavi of Amir Khusrau is also known as Ashiqa or Ishqiya. The work is the narration of the love story of Prince Khizr Khan and a Hindu princess Deval Rani, the daughter of King Rai Karan of the conquered Kingdom of Gujarat by Alauddin Khilji. The work has a beautiful description of the marriage ceremony of them. The description of beautiful Indian and Iranian dancers, the female singers, the vivid description of the marriage ceremonies like rukhsati and Jalwa provide interesting details of those times. The sources of Amir Khusrau are helpful in providing information till the age of Tughlaqs. For the Lodi period there are other numbers of sources utilized. The important Lodi Sultans were Bahlul Lodi, Sikandar Lodi and Ibrahim Lodi. There is Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Vol. II, p Ibid., Vol. V, p. 130, p Ibid., Vol. IV, p Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, ed., Syed Sulaiman Ashraf, Aligarh Institute Press, Aligarh, Amir Khusrau, Matlaul Anwar, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1302 A.H. Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh,

29 no complete contemporary history of their rule over India and one has to depend on books written under Akbar and Jahangir. The important source is Tarikh-i-Daudi 42 Abdullah and dedicated to Daud Shah of Bengal. composed in A.D. by The next important source is Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui 43 by Rizquallah Mushtaqui. It is a collection of detached narrative and anecdotes relating to the period of the Lodi and Sur dynasties. It contains accounts of the nobles of the Lodi period, description of their life style particularly their harem is very informative. The Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui is the only source of the Sultanate period where we find mention of female thugs and women involved in road side robbery. The Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani 44 by Niamat Allah bin Khwaja Habib Allah is an important work on the general history of the Afghans in India from the time of Bahlul Lodi to the death of Khwaja Usman (1612), when Afghans lost all power and finally submitted to Jahangir. Tarikh-i-Shahi of Ahmad Yadgar is mainly the history of Lodi and the Sur dynasty. Near contemporary sources utilized are Tabaqat-i-Akbari of Nizamuddin Ahmad, Muntakab-ut-Tawarikh of Badauni, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi of Yahya Sirhindi and Tarikh-i-Ferishta of Ferishta. Apart from official chronicles and historical works there is Sufi literature which is a storehouse of information about the society during the period of study. In the words of K. A. Nizami, the mystic literature has however greater historical value than any other type of non-political literature produced in India during the medieval period. 45 Thus mystic literature provides a deep insight of the society of the period. The Sufi literature is of two types (a) Malfuzat and (b) General works on mystic subjects. Malfuz writing is one of the most important literary inventions of medieval Abdullah, Tarikh-i-Daudi,ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Department of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqi, Rampur, Khwaja Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, ed., Sayyid Mohammad Imaduddin, Dacca, 1960, Vol. 1. K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2000, p

30 India. These were the records of the conversation of the Sufi saints. Through their records of conversation we can have an overall glimpse of the medieval society. Following are some mystic works of the Sultanate age from which I have culled the information for my work. Among the sources useful for the purpose is the famous malfuzat, Fawaid-ul-Fuad 46 of Amir Hasan Sijzi which contains the conversations of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya from 707 A.H to 722 A.H. Amir Hasan Sijzi decided to write down whatever he heard from his master, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Another important malfuz literature consulted is Khair-ul-Majalis 47. It is a compilation of the sayings of Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag Dehlavi by his disciple Maulana Hamid Qalandar. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar 48 of Sheikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddis Dehlavi is a biographical work of Indian Sufis of the four main orders which flourished between the thirteenth to sixteenth centuries. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar becomes more important for imparting information about women Sufis as it contains a particular chapter on female Sufis. Siyar-ul-Auliya is a work of biographies of the Chisti saints by Mir Khurd in the reign of Firozshah Tughlaq. K.A. Nizami calls this work a mine of information for the religious and cultural life of the Sultanate period. Siyar-ul-Arifin by Sheikh Jamali is also a biographical work of the Chisti saints; he finished the work in the reign of emperor Humayun. Muslim invasions started in India from eleventh centuries onwards but the thirteenth century witnessed the consolidation of Muslim power in India by the establishment of the Delhi Sultanate. The influx of the people was of mixed origin and ruling elite comprised of Muslims who were Turks, Afghans, and Central Asians. The Turks had a very liberal attitude towards women and they enjoyed a privileged position. The Khitai Turks, from whom many nobles of Delhi Sultanate shared their origin, were for several years in the 12 th century, successively ruled in full Amir Hasn Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, ed., Khwaja Hasan Sani Nizami Dehlavi, Urdu Academy, Delhi, Hamid Qalandar, Khair-ul-Majalis, ed., K. A. Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Sheikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddis, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Matba-i-Mohammadi, Dehli, 1283, A.H. 11

31 sovereignty by the widow of deceased Gur Khan and his daughter Koyunk Khatoon. In this way they participated in an active manner in the politics of their country. Keeping in mind the societal and political conditions of women in these countries and presence of these races in Indian ruling elite my research work is an enquiry of the position of the women in the Delhi Sultanate. With this aim the research work is divided into certain chapters which basically revolve around women from the thirteenth century to the year 1526 A.D. III The first chapter of the thesis Position of Women in Pre Medieval Period- Changes and Continuities is an attempt to examine the place accorded to women in the pre-sultanate India, the practices related to women which prevailed in the pre- Sultanate era and to find out what were the changes in the condition of women when the power shifted from the scattered non Muslim states to the centralized Sultanate. The women have always played an integral part in the political matters whether it is the ancient Indian society or the establishment of Muslim rule. The second chapter of my thesis Aristocratic Women, Sultan and Rulers is a research work of the aristocratic ladies who were involved in politics directly or indirectly. Razia, the first lady had the opportunity to participate directly in the political matters. She was the Sultan with her name on the coins and ruled for complete four years. For the convenience of the study this chapter is divided into two parts. The first part of the chapter is related to the first empress in the Sultanate period, Razia. The chapter discusses the conditions when Razia ascended the throne the difficulties she faced before and after her accession. Her military campaigns and ultimately how her reign came to an end. There were ladies in the harem like mother of the Sultan, chief queen and sometime sisters of the Sultan who exercised considerable influence on the Sultan. For example the wife of Jalaluddin Khilji and sister of Mohammad bin Tughlaq. Most of the times, these ladies are found intriguing for the accession of their son to the throne. The second part of this chapter is a chronological research work of these royal ladies who indirectly affected the court politics. 12

32 The third chapter Women in various roles in society during the Sultanate period is an attempt to explore what were the roles assigned to women during those days. The existence of music and dance as source of entertainment was not possible without the involvement of women musicians and dancers. Ziauddin Barani and Amir Khusrau have reflected in their work many aspects of music and dance. Among the practices related with women, prostitution and female slavery are discussed at lengths in this chapter. Concubines and eunuchs are also dealt in short in this chapter. By the inquisitive study of sources I have found that women also acted as spies, scavengers, wet nurse, female daroghas, female clerks and were also shopkeepers. The fourth chapter Sufi and Bhakti Women proposes the study of the saintly ladies of the Sultanate age. Among these ladies there were eminent Sufi women like mother of Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya named Bibi Zulaikha, mother of Baba Farid named Bibi Qarasum Masuma, daughters of Baba Farid and other ladies who had Sufi bent of mind. The chapter also deals with the views of Sufis regarding marriage and celibacy and their attitude towards women folk. The acting force behind Bhaktism was Sufism and hence both these aspects were related with each other. The Bhakti saints had a liberal attitude towards women and respected them. Few of the women who were immersed in Bhakti and devotion of their Lord are mentioned in this chapter. The fifth and last chapter of my thesis is Society and Women is a detailed study of the various customs and practices related with the women of the Sultanate age. Education imparted to the ladies, the marriage and customs related with it, polygamy, divorce, position of widow in the society, purdah, Sati, Jauhar, are some topics which are worked out in this chapter. The chapter also throws light on the apparels of women, cosmetics and the jewellery of that age. The present study is an earnest endeavor to offer a comprehensive investigation related with the women. The royalty or lower strata women both have been studied so as to render completeness to our theme. 13

33 Chapter 1 Position of Women in Pre-Medieval Period-Changes and Continuities

34 Chapter 1 POSITION OF WOMEN IN PRE-MEDIEVAL PERIOD- CHANGES AND CONTINUITIES Indian society is cohesion of Hindu and Muslim culture. India at the eve of Muslim invasion was basically a Hindu society. As a result of Muslim invasion the two cultures had interactions with each other. Political changes made social changes inevitable. When we talk about society the study of the various aspects related to the women becomes necessary. We get a better understanding of the position of women in society when we study various practices, traditions, customs and rituals related to women. The well being and prosperity of a society depends upon the status accorded to women in that particular society. A comparative study of these customs and practices of ancient India and medieval India is necessary to find out what exactly was the place accorded to the woman, in both the eras. Some historians assert that only in the ancient period women enjoyed a privileged position and as Muslims invaded India the position of women deteriorated. 1 Altekar opines that the education of women suffered with the coming of Muslims 2. In this way the deterioration in the status of women is attributed to the coming of Muslims in India. But when we study the societal conditions of ancient India we find that the women enjoyed a privileged position in the Vedic period and with the passages of time their position deteriorated 3 in all aspects. By the coming of the Muslims in the beginning of the eleventh century the position of women had been already reduced to the status of the shudras. The treatment given to females in any particular society reflects the societal conditions of that particular society. Since Indian society has been patriarchal in nature. Law givers like Manu, Yajnavalkya, Yama, Marichi prescribed laws for Rekha Pande, Religious Movements in Medieval India, Gyan publishing House, New Delhi, 2005, p A.S. Altekar, Position of women in Hindu Civilization, in Kumkum Roy, ed., Women in early Indian Societies, Manohar, New Delhi, 1999, p. 63. Rashmi Upadhaya, The Role of Women in Rajput Policy in B. L.Bhadani, ed., Medieval India 3 Researches in the History of India, CAS, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, 2012, p

35 women. These law givers insisted that girls must marry before they attain puberty. Law-giver Manu says something very strange regarding the women he is of the view that in childhood woman is to be dependent upon her father, in youth on her husband, and in old age on her son, woman is never fit for independence. 4 Education a useful tool in the hands of women which makes her strong and independent in many ways was how far imparted in ancient India is discussed in this chapter. This chapter proposes to investigate what were the societal conditions of ancient India regarding the women and what was the place given to women is the matter of concern of this chapter. The most important part of a woman s life is marriage and marriages did take place in ancient Indian society too. How marriages were solemnized, what was the marriageable age and the most important the institution of polygamy is discussed in this chapter. The study of female slavery in ancient India explains how lower class women were treated by their masters. Beside these the position of widows, the presence of widow remarriage, institution of divorce, presence of purdah, presence of Sati system, moral lapses such as adultery and wine drinking, the presence of sex workers and devdasis in the society, presence of women administrators in late ancient period are various other topics which are dealt with in this chapter. For better understanding of the position of women, the laws of Manu in Manusmriti have been studied. This provides a better picture of the place accorded to women in later Vedic period. Secondly, the accounts of Abu Zaid, an early Arab geographer and extracts of Chachnama in History of India by its own historians, Elliot and Dowson, volume one have been studied. Alberuni s India is a good source of gaining a better understanding of women in late ancient India, at the time of Muslim invasion. Along with these primary sources, information is collected from various secondary sources on ancient India. 4 P.Thomas, Indian Women Through the Ages, Asia Publishing House, New York, 1964, p

36 Education The position of women was much better in the Rig-Vedic period than in subsequent times 5. The girls could attend lectures by the gurus and learned the Vedas as the early age of marriage was not customary. Women could at all time take up a life of religion though they were not a substitute of male priests. A few Vedic hymns were ascribed to women seers. 6 Some of the hymns in Rik Samhita are actually attributed to women; twenty such hymn composing ladies are named in the Sarvanukramanika. 7 Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar are of the opinion that there is no valid reason to doubt that some of the Rig-Vedic hymns were actuality composed by women Lopamudra, Apala, Vishwavara, Sikata Nivavari and Ghosha are some of the famous women names have been preserved in the literature. 8 Brhadaranyaka Upanisad tells of a learned lady and philosopher Gargi Vacaknavi who attended the lectures of the sage Yajnavalkya. 9 She was one of the most celebrated examples of women s learning. 10 Gargi and Yajnavalkaya were two philosophers of the Vedic age who were on continuous debate on some topic. The lady Gargi, for a time so nonplussed him with her searching questions that the sage could only jestingly reply, Gargi, you must not ask too much, or your head will drop off 11 At this stage the sage arbitrarily threatens Gargi with dire consequences if she persists in questioning him. 12 This shows the discomfort of the sage towards her. The grounds for such higher education were prepared in childhood. The girls like boys underwent the Upanayana ceremony (sacred initiation) at an early age, perhaps the age of eight and began the Vedic studies D. N. Jha, Ancient India, Manohar, New Delhi, 2004, p. 48; Miss Nileshvari. Y. Desai, Ancient Indian Society, Religion and Mythology as depicted in the Markandaya Purana, The M. S University of Baroda, Baroda, 1968, p. 42. A. L. Basham, The Wonder That was India, Surjeet publications, Delhi, 2013, p Swami Madhavananda and Ramesh Chandra Majumdar, ed., Great Women of India, Advaita Ashrama, Mayawati, Almora, 1953, p. 5. Ibid.; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 43. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Uma Chakravarti, Beyond the Altekarian Paradigm:Towards a New Understanding of Gender Relations in Early Indian History, in Kumkum Roy ed., Women in Early Indian Society, Manohar, New Delhi, 1999, p. 76. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Beyond the Altekarian Paradigm: Towards a New Understanding of Gender Relations in Early Indian History, op. cit., p

37 An interesting observation made in the Atharva Samhita( ) that by Vedic studentship a girl wins a young husband. This shows that high education was regarded as a necessary accomplishment. 13 One can discern by this statement of Atharva Samhita that girls would have been self-interested in attaining education. When the practice of early marriage ceremony came into vogue the upanayana ceremony was reduced to a mere formality and then (upanayana) was dropped altogether putting an end to her education. 14 The discredit for reduction in the age of marriage goes to the law givers like Manu. In later Vedic age we hear two classes of women students, Brahmavadinis and Sadyodvahas. Brahmavadinis were who did not marry and pursued their studies throughout life. 15 They were students of theology and philosophy. 16 Sadyadvahas were those who continued their studies till their marriage. Some of the teachers were Gargi, Vadava, Pratitheyi, Sulabha, Maitreji. 17 Thus we can conclude that the higher education including Vedic studies was open equally to men and women, and many ladies excelled themselves not only as Vedic scholars but also as great philosophers, debaters and teachers. It may be asserted that the general position and status of Indian women in the Vedic Age was much higher in matters of education By the time of the smritis, around the beginning of the Christian era, Vedic knowledge was almost closed to women. 18 And early marriages were encouraged and became obligatory. This directly affected girl education and there was very little opportunity for women to have higher education. The lack of Vedic knowledge made them unfit to perform sacrifices and various sanskara. The Vedic studies became very extensive and lengthy commentaries written on the texts needed many years to specialize in the subject. As the learning of the Vedas will require about at least nine years and if a woman begins to learn them at the age of eight by the time she finished her education, she will be mature and will possess the knowledge which is useless in Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 5. Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p.43 Great Women of India, p. 5. Ancient Indian Society, p. 43. Great Women of India, p. 5. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., pp ; Ancient Indian Society, pp

38 her future existence as a mother and wife. 19 The highest duty which has been prescribed for her is to serve her husband by which she can attain heavenly bliss. 20 The upanayana or initiation into Vedic studies having been stopped, women lost the status of dwija or twice born and came to be regarded as shudras i.e. creatures unfit for reciting or even listening to Vedic hymns. 21 The formality of upanayana was continued during the last period down to 200 A.D. It was completely stopped from 600 A.D. 22 Altekar considers the further lowering of marriageable age proved a setback to promotion of female education in 8 th -9 th century, but adds that some primary education would have been imparted to the girls. 23 Still women were still competent enough to become poets like men without any gender biasness. Rajshekhara (8 th century A.D) writes that he had heard and seen the daughters of kings, nobles and courtesans. Wives of jesters were well versed in sciences and were accomplished poetess. 24. B.N. Sharma states that education among women flourished during the first millennium of the Christian era. There were few famous lady scholars and poetesses during the period. Some of the notable poetesses were Reva, Roha, Madhavi, Anulakshmi, Rahai etc. 25 Vijayanka s fame was second only to that of Kalidasa. She seems to have attained a really high position among Sanskrit writer. 26 Surprisingly enough some women were attracted towards medical studies and were also physicians. They had specialization in medical studies. A treatise on this subject was written by a lady Anjali Chatterjee, Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras, in Chandrakala Padia, ed., Women in Dharmasastras, Rawat Publications, Jaipur, 2009, p.154. Ibid., p.155. Great Women of India, op. cit., p.16. Ibid., p. 40. A.S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, Motilal Banarsidas, Varanasi, 1956, p.17. B. N. Sharma, Social Life in Northern India( A.D ), Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1966, p. 31. The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from PrehistoricTimes to the Present Day, op. cit., p. 17. Ibid. 19

39 physician. Her name appears as Rusa in the Arabic garb, it was translated in the eight century A.D. into Arabic at the orders of Khalifa. 27 But the number of doctor was small and the profession was usually picked up by the widows in some doctors families. 28 In the 9 th Century A.D. higher education of women was confined to those who belonged to aristocratic and affluent families. Dancing girls were also inclined towards education. 29 Shri Somadeva Suri, who lived in the Rashtrakuta, court also, declared that discrimination between men and women was justified only in physical respect but in intellectual sphere women were superior to men. 30 More than two thousand and five hundred years intervened between the Rig- Vedic Age and the close of the ancient period at about A.D Many changes happened in Hindu society during this period. It is inevitable that the status and position of women too would have undergone many changes. In the matter of education there was existence of number of women scholars in different phases of ancient Indian history. Unfortunately, early marriages restricted the education of girls but there was no restriction or discrimination if a girl was talented and eager to pursue higher learning. Altekar is of view that during the Muslim rule the percentage of literacy among Hindu women declined with great rapidity. 31 It can only be asserted for the girls in aristocratic and affluent families which experienced a setback due to invasion but the position of education in the common strata of society was very poor and as the marriageable age was lowered it deprived girls from primary education. B.N. Sharma opines that in spite of their confinement within four walls of the house, women were not without education. The entire literary evidences prove that in The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit., p. 19; Great Women of India, op.cit, p. 42. Great Women of India, p. 42. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, op. cit., p. 19. Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 31; B.P. Mazumdar, Socio-Economic History of Northern India, Firma, K.L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1960, p Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit., p

40 urban areas they were trained in fine arts. Singing, dancing and playing on musical instrument were suitable subject for a girl born in an aristocratic family. 32 Female Slavery This fact cannot be ignored that slaves, male as well as females were an important section of society. 33 They were the helping hands of the person who possessed them. The slaves were very important for their owners as all the menial work of the household was done by them. The treatment for this integral section of society was very harsh. They were sometimes treated equivalent to shudras and were provided with difficult living conditions. Their position can be judged by the fact that they were declared by law to have no wealth exclusively of their own; the wealth they may earn is regularly acquired for the man whom they belong. 34. How the institution of slavery came into being has been a matter of concern of many historians. Basham writes that the Mahabharata declares that it is a law of war that the vanquished should be the victor s slave and the captive would normally serve his captor until ransomed. 35. There were several other types of slaves, children born of slaves normally become the slaves of their parents master, and slaves were usually bought, given away or mortgaged. A text speaks of ten thousand women slaves captured form various countries and given by Anga to his Brahmana priest; but there is no mention of male slaves. 36 There were certain unusual circumstances like famines in which a helpless person was compelled to sell him or herself. A person might he reduced to slavery for crime or debt, All these types of slavery are recognized in the smriti literature and elsewhere Social Life in Northern India, op. cit, p. 29. Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p.189. Indian Women Through the Ages, op. cit., p The wonder That was India, op. cit., p Ancient India, op. cit., p. 55. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p

41 To steal women was also found in early ancient India and is also a custom reprehended by Aryan law. 38 The purpose of capture of women was to admit them into slavery. The duty was of the king to prevent the women from being stolen. Katyayana (3 rd century Sanskrit grammarian and Vedic priest) is of the view that an independent woman on being married to a slave also become a slave and had to serve her husband s master. This has been approved by Devannabhatta. 39 Female slaves are mentioned in Khathasaritsagara (11 th century work) These slave girls were married to hired-servants and Brahmans. Thus, they were used for domestic work as well as fulfilled the sensual desires of males. Sometimes a wife of king might be made a slave if staked at play. 40 We are told by Jimutavahana (12 th century Sanskrit scholar) that if a female slave is inherited by a number of persons, she should serve all the share holders by turns. It shows that one female slave was property of many people and she had to serve them turn by turn. 41 We can easily judge the miserable condition of female slave in late ancient India. The duties of the slave especially female slave included cutting of vegetable, pulverizing (spices), washing the floor, sweeping, bringing fuel, water etc. Menial works like cleaning of gutters were also a part of the duties assigned to a female slave and any negligence of these duties or not following the orders of master were severely dealt. The punishment, which was to be given for mutation of duty, was also proclaimed in public before the agreement of slavery was entered into. 42 It is advised that the slaves would not be ill treated. The law books have laid certain codes for kind treatment given to slaves A man may go short himself or stint his wife and children, but never his slave, who does his dirty work for him. 43 But whether practically these codes were enforced or not is a matter of doubt E.W. Hopkins, The Social and Military Position of the Ruling Caste in Ancient India, As Represented by The Sanskrit Epic, Bharat Bharti, Varanasi, 1972, p Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p Ibid., p The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p

42 Some law books have limited the right of a master to give corporal punishment to his slave. A wife, a son, a slave, a servant or a younger brother may, when they do wrong, be beaten with a rope or a cane but only on the back and not on the head. If a man beats them otherwise he should be punished as a thief. 44 Sources also mentioned about slave trade. It was a common practice though condemned. Those who buy or sell slave women were regarded as sinful. 45 The Arthasastra, is more concerned about the chastity of slave girls. It insists that the chastity of slave girl must be preserved by her master. The master who assaults a slave girl must set her free and pay her compensation, and if she has a child by her master, even with her own consent, both mother and child become free. Thus slavery existed in ancient Indian society but the treatment given to slaves was not rigid but considerate. Alberuni describes the inhumane treatment given to slaves when they escape from the Muslim countries and reach their own countries and want to embrace their religion again. The following was the description he has given. The Hindus order that they should fast by way of expiation, and then they bury them in the dung, stale and milk of cows for a certain number of days till they get into a state of fermentation. Then they drag them out of dirt and given them similar dirt to eat. 46 Alberuni informs us that the Brahmins when enquired about this way of the expiation denied it and are of the view that no expiation is possible for such an individual. If we notice the statement of Alberuni we see that the female as well as male slaves were not in a good state in late ancient India at the eve of Muslim invasion. They were forced to live life of a destitute. The institution of slavery continued form ancient India to medieval India and was a well known feature of both the ages. At the same time it was also found in other The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p Abu Al Raihan Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Alberuni, Alberuni s India, Eng. Tr., Dr. Edward C. Sachau, Oriental Reprint, 1983, Vol. II, pp

43 parts of the world. Initially, the rulers who ruled India were slaves and hence the dynasty was also named as slave dynasty. The description of both male and female slaves is found in the sources of Sultanate period the treatment given to slaves was not such harsh as sometimes we notice in ancient India. Marriage In ancient days the marriage was the source for uniting two souls into one, but according the Dharmasastras there was no union but only it was means of merging of the woman into man, as a river merging into ocean. 47 Romila Thapar is of the view that rules of the marriage were rigidly enforced and marriage was primarily a social institution. 48 Marriage had three main purposes: the promotion of religion by the performance of household sacrifices, progeny, whereby the father and his ancestors were assured of a happy after life and the line was continued and rati, or sexual pleasure. 49 In marriage while a man s eligibility was judged by his intellectual and spiritual accomplishments, the girl s desirability was solely dependent upon her physical attractions. 50 Marriage was made compulsory for a woman without which she could not hope to go to heaven. Thus the law givers of the time made marriage a religious obligation for the salvation 51 of girls. The reason to believe that marriage was a religious obligation is that the samhita of the Rig-veda has fortunately preserved one particular hymn (10.85) which proves that not only the institution of marriage but also the ideals which characterized it in India in later days were already deeply rooted in the mind of men. 52 It is (Rig Veda) perhaps the oldest written document in the world which gives an ideal picture of the marriage system with all that it involves in a civilized society Indian Women Through the Ages, op. cit., p Romilla Thapar, Ancient Indian Social History, Orient Longman, Hyderabad, 1978, p. 72. The Wonder That was India, op. cit, p Indian Women Through the Ages, p Ibid., p Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 2. Ibid. 24

44 This remarkable hymn is regarded as the earliest expression of human thought concerning marriage viewed as a sacrament and a willing union of two loving hearts and also confirms the fact that the institution of marriage was fully developed long before the end of the age represented by the samhita of the Rig Veda. 54 The hymn holds out before us the pleasant picture of a happy home where husband and wife, faithful to each other, pass their lives in peace and prosperity, and spend the well earned rest in old age amid sons and grandsons. 55 This hymn of Rik Samhita expresses the high ideals of married life i.e. lifelong faith, devotion and love between the husband and wife. Institution of marriage is justified by every religion but when the age of marriage for a girl was reduced it had its own drawbacks and proved harmful for the girls. In the Vedic age girls were married after maturity. 56 But unfortunately, Manu and other law givers recommended early marriage for girls. 57 From the time of the Dharmasutras we find opinions slowly growing in favor of an early marriage of girls. Some of them recommend marriage not later than three years after the attainment of puberty, whereas others shorten the period to three months. 58 The main idea behind this move was to preserve the physical purity, since it was that one should marry a girl who should not have even dreamt of sexual love. 59 But the real intension behind this idea is different. The lowering of the marriageable of age or marrying girls in childhood effected her education. Girls married at an early age could hardly achieve proper education beyond the elementary stage. 60 Thus depriving them of higher learning particularly vedic studies. They lacked knowledge of Vedas which made them unfit to perform the sacrifices and various samkaras (Sacramnets). 61 The women thus lost the status of dwija or twice Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 4. Ibid. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 166; Ancient India, op. cit., p. 48; Great Women of India, p.13; The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p Beyond the Altekarian Paradigm: Towards a New Understanding of Gender Relations in Early Indian History, op. cit., p. 75 Great Women of India, op. cit p. 15 Ibid. Ibid. The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p

45 born, and came to be regarded as shudras. Thus the law givers gave women a status of inferiority. Lowering the age of marriage by the law givers took away the freedom of girls to choose their husband. As an unmarried girl a woman had to depend on her father, and being married on her husband and as a widow on her son. 62 The childhood marriage had its own drawback. The marriage had been the turning point in the life of girls. Early marriage devoid them of any education only of name, regarded as ineligible for any holy sacraments and religious sacrifices, and too young to exercise any influence on the choice of her husband and the position of wife steadily deteriorated. Instead of possessing co-ordinate authority and equal partnership with the husband in dealing with household affairs her status confined to that of an obedient and humble servant to her lord. 63 A very heart moving drawback of the child marriage was marital faithlessness on the part of the husband. 64 Early marriages were naturally followed by early maternity, which increased the mortality among women between the ages of fourteen and twenty two. 65 The enormous disparity between the ages of the two parties naturally helped the spread of the practice of having concubines in society. 66 To some extent a polygamous society was also a result of early marriages of girls. Polygamy There are clear references in Indian literature to a state of promiscuity in ancient Indian society. A passage in the Mahabharata describes in detail how such a state of things existed in Indian society, till it was prohibited by a sage named Shwetaketu, who was shocked to find his own mother going out with a stranger in the presence and with the full approval of this own father. 67 Markandaya Purana gives many examples to prove that polygamy existed. Daksha and Prasuti had twenty four daughters and Dharma married thirteen out of them Ancient India, op. cit., p Great Women of India, p. 18. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, op. cit., p. 64. Ibid. Ibid. Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 3. Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p

46 Kings were polygamists some were king Kavitra who had three wives, King Aviksit and Marutta also had many wives. Savarocisa, Manu s father is also said to have four wives. 69 The popularity of polygamy was well established in ancient India and cannot be denied 70 Kings and chiefs were almost invariable polygamous, as were many Brahmins and wealthier members of the lower orders. 71 But the ordinary people of India were generally monogamous. 72 The presence of co-wives was a discordant factor in the married life of a woman. Oppression or torment caused by rival wives is referred to in Rik Samhita. By this we can assert that polygamy prevailed in the age of the Rik Samhita. 73 One more reason for the institution of polygamy was the absence of a son to a woman. Son was believed to be necessary for spiritual salvation and so absence of a son from a wife justified the second marriage. 74 One Dharmsutra (Apastamba, ii, 5, 11 f) definitely forbids a man to take a second wife if the first one is of good character and has bore him son. 75 Alberuni has discussed polygamy and states that a man may marry one to four wives. He is not allowed to take more than four wives but if one of his legitimate wives dies, he may take another one to complete the legitimate number. However, he must not go beyond it. 76 He also informs that some Hindu think that the number of wives depends upon the caste; that accordingly a Brahmin may take four, a Kshatriya three, a vaisya two wives and a shudra one. Man of a caste may marry women of his own caste. 77 Number of wives also depended on the means of a person. 78 It is very surprising when we come to know that law giver like Patanjali considered maid servants and shudra women as mere objects of pleasure for the men of upper caste Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 28. R.C. Majumdar, Advanced History of India, Macmillan, Madras, 1981, p. 190 The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Ibid. Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 7. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, op. cit., p. 68; The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p. 173; Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 17. The Wonder That was India, p. 17. Alberuni s, India, Eng.Tr., Sachau, op. cit., Vol. II, p Ibid. The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 62. Ancient India, op. cit., p

47 During Vedic period the girls were married after attaining maturity and marriage was not an obligation but as time passed the law givers stated their own rules. Lowered the age of marriage for a girl and rules of marriage were rigidly enforced. The women were not given any propriety right; the intention was to keep the status of woman at a low level and to develop a patriarchal system in which male dominance prevailed. 80 In ancient India if a daughter was born the worriers of the parents came into being as if their problems were born. Daughters were unwanted creature in the family. The Rig- Veda does not say anything direct on this point, but the prayers for ten sons in the marriage hymn, without any reference to any daughter, seem to indicate that the girl was less welcomed than the sons. 81 The presence of this hymn asserts that sons were preferred than daughters. The people pray for son which is proved by the two Rig-Veda hymns in which the prayer for sons is performed 82 Widow Remarriage In early ancient India or Vedic society a widow could generally remarry. 83 Evidences show 84 that the remarriage of widow was fairly common in earlier times. It is proved by the story of Nala and Damayanti in which the lady decides to hold a second swamyvara after she was separated by her husband for many years and assumes that her husband is dead. Nileshvari. Y. Desai is of the view that widow remarriage gradually came into disrepute during the period 300 B.C to 200 A.D 85 and from about 600 A.D the widow remarriage was considered something wrong and people grew prejudiced regarding the remarriage of the widow. A.S Altekar goes one hundred years back and asserts that from 500 A.D the widow remarriages were completely prohibited. 86 Both the historians (Miss Nileshvari.Y.Desai and A.S. Altekar) consider smriti writers responsible for this prohibition of widow remarriage. Manu writes that no where a Ancient Indian Social History, op. cit., p. 32. Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 6. Ibid. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.186; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45. Ibid. Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, op. cit., p

48 second husband is permitted to a respectable woman. 87 In this way the practice of widow remarriage gradually disappeared among the higher classes. The ksatriya father did not ever think of marrying his daughter whenever the son-in-law died 88 in the battle field. Behind not marrying a widow there had absolutely absurd reasons. According to the Markandaya Purana a man who marries his daughter twice is verily born as a worm (15.13) and who marries a widow is considered to be a sinner. Moreover, the good deeds done by the son and daughter of a remarried widow are stated to bear no fruits for themselves and also the son of the remarried widow is not allowed to attend the Sraddha 89 ceremony of his mother, when she dies. All these ideas clearly state that the widow remarriage is disapproved in Markandeya Purana. 90 Thus, we see that widows were not remarried and they lived a lonely and destitute life. By reading the description of Alberuni regarding the widows we see that widows preferred to be burnt because as a widow they were extremely ill treated as long as they lived. 91 The queens when widowed were usually burnt whether they wished or not the reason provided was that they would commit something unworthy which would defame the deeds of their illustrious husbands. 92 The life of a widow lady was extremely miserable and painful. The widows who survived turned into nuns, remained enclosed into their houses, wore white clothes discarded ornaments and embellishments, performed fasts and austerities. During Kautilya s time widows had to earn their living by spinning, 93 weaving and taking to domestic duties. 94 She had to live a life of an ascetic, sleeping on the ground and eating one simple meal a day without honey, meat, wine or salt. She had to regulate her days by austerity in hope of being remarried to her husband in the next life The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.186. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, p. 63; Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 18. A ceremony performed for the peace of the departed soul. Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45. Alberuni s India., op. cit., p.155. Ibid. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit., p. 23; Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 42. Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p

49 The law and epics are of the view that the state should provide pension to the widows of the soldiers dying on the battle field. 96 The Arthashastra of Kautilya states down that the state should provide special facilities to destitute women to help them earn a living by spinning. [Arthashahtra 11, 23]. 97 There was a selfish reason behind the idea of engaging women in spinning work. It is very strange when we notice that the law givers had a better understanding of the society and the laws were made especially to make use of weaker section of society like women and shudras. Cloth was much costlier in ancient India 98 and medieval India and was in great demand in the neighboring countries down to the beginning of the last century. 99 The production of cloth in bulk and after that export of the same would have brought a handsome amount of money to the country and state would have flourished. When we study the sources of medieval India we find same stress of the historians on the spinning activity. Isami and Amir Khusrau insist that women should engage themselves with spinning wheel instead of casting their looks in different directions. We find that the freedom of a widow was curtailed by the prohibition placed on her remarriage and her happiness took the place of sorrows. Widows were regarded as in auspicious on occasions of festivals but also had a positive aspect of their life when they were respected by their sons and controlled their household affairs. 100 A widow was an embodiment of devotion, self sacrifice and service of humanity. Instead of claiming for the right of remarriage she resigned herself to her lot and led a life of service and self sacrifice. 101 It is noteworthy here to mention about niyoga or levirate system in which an issue less widow woman could have an off spring from the brother in law after her husband dies. Only issue less women with their consent could carry out niyoga The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.186. The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 51. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, p. 23. Ibid. Ibid., (Cited from, Moreland, India at the death of Akbar.) Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 47. Ibid. 30

50 Divorce Divorce was not practiced in early societies prior to Kautilya. But in Arthashastra, Kautilya has elaborately discussed the issue. 102 Divorce was allowed in special provocation 103 but it is formally stated that one should not separate from his wife. 104 According to some of the grounds on which divorce could be sought was absence of compatibility between husband and wife or if apprehensive of actual physical danger from his or her partner. 105 The Arthasharta would allow divorce ever after religious marriage, to a wife who has been deserted by her husband and lays down waiting periods of from one to twelve years, which vary according to circumstances and class. 106 Position of Mother Manusmriti the most celebrated and the most ancient of all the Smritis pays a great tribute to woman. It is stated that a mother excels thousand fathers in glory ( ). 107 In Atri Smrti (14) another ancient smriti, mother is stated to be the greatest guru or object of veneration on earth. 108 One who troubles a mother and gets her curse and is the most unfortunate person because a mother s curse is not averted and it has no antidote, although all other curses may be averted Lakshmidhara on certain conditions recommends that a son may abandon his father but must not abandon his mother ever if she is excommunicated. 110 No doubt, mother was honored is all the ages and almost by everyone. Amir Khusrau, also emphasizes the importance of mother The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.173. The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p Ibid., p Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 20. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Ibid., p.110; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 44. Great Women of India, p The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 314, Ancient Indian Society, p. 44. Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p

51 Purdah in Ancient India Rig-Veda depicts free intermingling of young boys and unmarried girls 111 and gives no evidence that married women were in any way secluded. 112 But kings kept their wives in seclusions. Arthashartra explains the antahpura, or royal harem which was closely guarded and its inmates were not allowed to leave it freely. 113 In the royal harem, the only attendants allowed to enter were the hunchbacked, dwarfs and decrepit chamberlains. 114 The purpose was to protect the royal ladies from the evil eyes of males and protect their chastity. Sukra does not allow a young man to be appointed in the inner apartment even if he be a friend. (Sukra Niti, Sara III, VV, ) 115 Thus, we see that free intermingling of the royal ladies with even intimate friends was not allowed. The purpose was to maintain a distance from unwanted males and maintain the chastity of women. Where free mixing of young boys and girls were allowed in society we find unwanted love affair, illegitimate children and even elopements. 116 The ladies of high families used a piece cloth to veil their faces. By this male outside the family was not able to get attracted from the beauty of a female of a high family. Some of the ladies so strictly followed the purdah that they only saw the faces of their husband. 117 In Mahaviracharita of Bhavabhatti, Rama, finding that Parasurama was coming to see him says to Sita, Dear one, he is our superior, therefore turn aside and veil yourself. 118 Hence there are sufficient examples to conclude that in ancient India veiling of face from other males was a customary practice. Bimla Sen is of the view that reason Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p.179; The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 238; Great Women of India, op. cit., p.10. The Social and Military Position, p The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 24. Ibid. Great Women of India, p.10. Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 24. Ibid. 32

52 for adoption of this custom was the additional protection it offered to the women, and there is some evidence that women themselves welcomed the custom at the time. 119 Chachnama describes how Ladi, the wife of Dahir uncovered her face and said, I am Ladi the wife of Dahir, at one more place Janki, the daughter of Dahir is described as unveiling herself in front of the Khalifa for the purpose of communication. 120 B.N. Sharma s 121 view is that purdah before the Muslim rule in India could have been partial. Purdah system became fairly well grounded in northern India by 1200 A.D with the advent of Muslims culture. Sati The widows had to suffer a great deal of humiliation and misery and the only way for them to get rid from all this was to immolate them in the pyre of their dead husbands. 122 Fortunately, no reference is found of Sati in Vedic period and Manu and Yajnavalkaya have forcefully protested the burning of the widow. The word Sati means a woman who is virtuous and truthful and as an extension of the term, a woman who is chaste and totally devoted to her husband. 123 Moreover, the extreme devotion towards the husband impelled them to end their lives on the pyre of their husbands. The custom gained popularity because of the beliefs, like Sati is a sure means of reunion with the dead husband and that by performing it the widow managed to wipe out the sins committed by her husband. 124 Smriti writers (Brahaspati and Visnu) 125 stated that a woman is devoted to her husband who died on the funeral pyre of her husband and would enjoy eternal bliss in heaven. 126 Medhatithi admits that the custom has been mentioned by Angirassmriti Bimla Sen, Role of Women in Indian Society, Better Books, Panchkula, 2007, pp H. M. Elliot and John Dowson, The History of India as Told by its Own Historians-The Muhammadan Period, Vol. I, Low Price Publication, Delhi, 2008, pp Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p.25. Alberuni s India, Eng. Tr., Sachau, op. cit., Vol. II, p.155;the Wonder That was India, op. cit., p.188. Mandakranta Bose, Sati-the Event and the Ideology, in Mandakranta Bose ed., Faces of the Feminine in Ancient,Medieval, and Modern India, Oxford University Press, New York, 2000, p. 21. Indian Women Through the Ages, op. cit., p Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras, op. cit., p.157. Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p

53 but maintains that it has no authoritative value. 127 The custom of Sati became gradually popular and came into general vogue from 400 A.D. 128 Abu Zaid confirms the practice of Sati and says that wives of a king burnt themselves with the corpse of their husband but it was voluntarily and they were not compelled to burn themselves. 129 He even informs us of voluntarily burning of old men and women when they become old and their senses do not response properly. 130 Earlier the Brahmin women were exempted from Sati 131 and the custom was more prevalent among the Kshatriyas. Sati from 8 th century onwards was also the outcome of the internal struggle for supremacy. The Palas, Prathiharas and Rashtrakutas were often at wars with each other. Constant wars inevitably increased the number of war widows and the widows of the defeated army could never feel secure under the protection of the conqueror. Thus, they prefer self immolation. 132 Manu also opposes the women to be burnt by means of Sati, he considers women as pujarha grhadiptayah- worthy to be worshipped and the lamp that lights the household. 133 Vasistha and Yajnavalkya (3 century A.D) are also silent on this matter. 134 The poet Bana (625 A.D) has the credit of opposing this inhuman custom and writes that it is a custom followed by the foolish. The women of advance age and those who had young children were exempted from being Sati. 135 Adultery and Wine drinking People of ancient Indian society were also not devoid of moral lapses. Adultery and wine drinking were present in the society. Adultery is considered as severally punishable offence according to Hinduism as well as Islam; still every era had people who were indulged in adultery Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras, p.157. Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, op. cit., p.121; Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 45. History of India as Told by its own Historians-The Muhammadan Period, op. cit., p. 6. Ibid., p. 9. Ibid., p. 231; Sati- the Event and the Ideology, op. cit., p. 24. Social Status of Women in Dharmasastras, p Sati- The Event and the Ideology, p. 25. Ibid. Alberuni s India, op. cit., Vol. II, p

54 A woman was expected to be chaste and pure in her conduct in every stage of her life. Emphasis was on married ladies who had to be very chaste and lived a life of obedient wives. Some smritis make the husband liable to pay a heavy fine for deserting a virtuous wife. 136 Adultery was considered greatest evil which undermined the chastity of the women and shook the very base of the sacred institution of marriage and destroyed the religious acts and the life of man. It was considered to be the most harmful to a man s life than anything. 137 When we talk about the adultery of woman a penance is prescribed in most cases after which a wife is restored to all her ordinary right. 138 There are also references of severe punishment for an adulteress. Although there is a general rule that women are not to be executed 139 yet through a terrible law an adulterous wife shall be slain in a much worse manner than that implied by simple Vadha or execution. 140 The laws books vary in their attitude towards the adulterous wife. The criterion of punishment of the adultery committed was decided by that caste of the person involved. If a woman committed a willful intercourse with a man of low caste according to Manu and some other sources such woman should the torn by dogs. 141 But the adulteress who stayed with a man of higher cast was more fortunate. Most authorities agree 142 that she should be made to wear dirty clothes sleep on the ground and eat only enough food barely to sustain life until her next menstruation. Surprisingly, she might due restore to her husband s bed and her old position in the household. The man involved in adultery was to be tied upon an iron couch and roasted. In the case of adultery with the guru s wife the stress of punishment is the man s: and Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 23. Ancient Indian Society, p. 40 Great Women of India, p. 23 The Social and Military Position, p. 280 Ibid., p. 310 The Wonder That was India., p. 172 Ibid., p

55 he is also roasted till death and afterwards reborn as wolf or according to Manu as a jackal. 143 Laksmidhara states that a son should abandon his father who cohabits with a female of low caste. This shows that rigid caste system prevailed and followed strictly by the inhabitants. As the same time this statement of Lakshmidhara confirms that adultery existed in society. There are certain hymns in Rig-Veda 144 which seem to look upon the existence of the paramours as nothing abnormal. Unmarried girls had affairs with males and to our surprise we find birth of illegitimate children and even of destruction of the fetus. 145 These moral lapse were due to the free association of grown up boys and girls in festival and other social gatherings 146 The wine drinking was considered as the chief stumbling-block of the ancient Hindu society. 147 Men and Women used to drink freely, there were many kinds of simple wines, and women preferred a sweeter kind of wine than men. 148 Queens also used to take wine habitually. Hemchandra says that the queen Mayanalladevi (10 th - 11 th century) had to give up her drinking habit while Siddharaja was in her womb. 149 Sex workers in pre-medieval India In almost all important cities even in the famous city of Pataliputra a seat of learning lived sex workers. Chandbardai tells us that when; one entered Kannauj one could see the gambling houses and dances of the prostitutes and rich markets full of dealers in gold, jewellery and clothes. 150 Indeed prostitutes were found in ancient India too. They were a normal feature of city life. 151 Basham says that they were not bound by the rules and restriction which limited the freedom of the high caste wife, 152 these were also known as vesya, or ganika. It was essentially an urban phenomenon The Social and Military Position., op. cit., p. 311 Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 9. Ibid., p. 10; Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p Great Women of India, p.10. The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p. 62. Ibid., pp Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., pp Ibid., p Ancient India, p. 158; Indian Women Trough the Ages, op. cit., p The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p

56 The beginning of urbanization led to the emergence of a class of alienated women who involved themselves in prostitution for their subsistence. 153 Vatsayayana regard prostitution as old as human civilization 154 Sandhyakaranandi, Dhoyi, Ksemendra, gives a highly interesting list of persons whose visit was welcomed to the prostitutes as they were like the veritable kalpa tree (Fulfilling all desire) 155 the list of persons include the only son of a rich man, a young man whose father is dead, an amatya or minister of a king, son of a merchant, physician who looks for a ailing minister for a long time, son of a famous guru, passionate ascetic, irresponsible prince, village official, notable and rich musician, a merchant who is visiting the city for the first time, an erudite scholar and a hard drunkard. The list shows that the clients of the prostitutes were drawn from all the classes of society not excluding an ascetic or an erudite Scholar. 156 The existence of this institution speaks of the popularity among the common man. The prostitutes were protected and supervised by the state, Arthashastra suggests that the superintendent of prostitutes was responsible for the care and supervision of palace courtesans, and the inspection of brothels and collected two days earnings from each prostitute every month as the tax given to the government. 157 The courtesans were a different class of prostitute meant for the royalty these also acted as concubines. These were prostitutes who were maintained by kings and chiefs in palaces. These were salaried servants who often attended king s person. Prostitutes of this type accompanied the king wherever he went and even awaited him in the rear when he went into battle. Alberuni is of the view that harlotry was encouraged in the country by the rulers for their own selfish ends 158 The kings he remarks make them an attraction for their cities, a bait of pleasure for their subjects; for no other but fanciful reason. By the revenues which they derive from the business Sachindra Kumar Maity, A.L. Basham, My Guruji and Problems and Perspectives of ancient Indian History and Culture, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,1997, p Socio-Economic History of Northern India, op. cit., p Ibid. Ibid. The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p

57 both as fine and taxes, they want to recover the expenses which their treasury has to spend on the army. 159 Devadasis The god in the temple was treated like an earthly king. He had wives, his ministers and attendants and the paraphernalia of the court including his attendant prostitutes. 160 These were often the children of mother of the same profession, born and reared in temple precincts, but they might be daughter of ordinary citizens. 161 These were various situations, when a girl was offered to the temple authorities. In the time of dire circumstances like famine when the parents had nothing to eat they sold their daughters to the temple authorities and the beautiful girls were purchased and brought up and they grew up as devadasis. The daughters of such pious parents, who were first to be born among all the siblings were given to the temple in keeping some special vow. A bringer of evil to the family was the considered, the unfortunate fifth girl. So she was also given to the temple in order to avoid the coming of evil. Two more cases in which a girl was born at an inauspicious conjunction of stars or with certain mystic marks portending evil and parent who did not wish such girls to ruin them gave them to the gods who were capable of counteracting their evil influence. 162 The earliest record of the religious prostitution comes from a cave at Ramgarh, in the Vindhya hills, some 160 miles south of Banaras, which contains two significant Prakrit inscriptions which shows that they were written not long after the days of Ashoka. 163 The popularity of the temple depended upon the voluptuous attendants (devadasis) who attracted the number of pilgrims rather than deity. Right minded Hindus often protested against the institution. 164 There was strong protest of prostitution by the smriti writers, one source (Gautama, xxii, 27) even mentions that Alberuni s India, op. cit., Vol. II, p The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Ibid. Indian Women Through the Ages, op. cit., p Ancient India, op. cit., p. 159; The Wonder That was India, op. cit., p Indian Women Through the Ages, p

58 the murderer of a prostitute commits no sin and should incur no punishment at law. 165 At the same time the Manusmriti (9.232) says that a person killing a woman or a Brahmin or an infant is to be meted out a capital punishment. 166 According to Markandeya Purana those who kill a woman and an infant go to hell (2.19). Elsewhere also it states that killing a woman, a brahmin, a teacher and a cow amounts to a great sin. One killing a woman, a cow and a Brahmin is considered to be an apavidddha (ie, contaminated by people). 167 Thus, we see that when a person kills a common woman he is desirable of severe or capital punishment but when prostitute is killed the murderer is liable to meet no punishment and is said to have committed no sin. The prostitutes were also a part of society and to their murderer equal punishment should have been given as in the case of common women. By this discrimination of punishment given to a murderer of a prostitute and to a murderer of a common woman we can judge the social status given to the prostitutes. Prostitutes were considered undesirable elements in the society and so the person who killed a prostitute was considered not a sinner. By this we see the double standard of the smriti writers who considered a prostitute no better than a cow, a brahmin, a teacher and a common woman. By this view of the Smriti writers that whoever kills a prostitute commits no sin and should not be given any punishment it is clear that according to them the prostitutes were undesirable and there was a great discrimination among women if they belonged to a class of sex workers. Women Administrators In early ancient India women as rulers were undesirable and it was said that when a woman is the ruler, men sink like stone boats 168 and women warriors were as unfamiliar as independent queens but girls in royal families were given both military and administrative education during the late ancient period. Queens by their own right were rare; but we have examples of dowager queens like Vijyabhattarika of Chalukya family (650 A.D) and Sugandha and Didda of Kashmir (10 th 11 th ) centuries The Wonder That was India, p. 186 Ancient Indian Society, op. cit., p. 48 Ibid.; Great women of India, p. 23; The Social and Military Position, op. cit., p Ibid. p Great Women of India, pp

59 Strirajya or women kingdom is often mentioned in Indian literature. 170 In seventh century, Chinese traveller, Huien Tsang mentions two Strirajyas. 171 The Vakataka queen Prabhavati Gupta was the daughter of the Gupta emperor Chandragupta II Vikramaditya ( A.D) of northern India and the chief queen of king Rudrasena II of the Vakataka dynasty ruling over wide regions of Deccan. The queen after the death of her husband made her son Divakarsena as crown prince and she ruled for fifteen years. In the 8 th century Rani Bai the sister of Dahir, vigorously fought against the Arab general Mohammad bin Qasim, at the head of her soldiers. After the death of her husband she burnt herself to death when she saw no chance of escape. 172 A.S Altekar is of the view that queens reigning independently in their own rights were few with the exception of queen Didda of Kashmir. 173 He blames the political thinkers of the period who opposed the direct accession of women to the throne The study of the Vedic age confirms that it was a glorifying age for the women folk. Women were highly educated they were philosophers, educationist and also had knowledge of Vedas. In spite of the patriarchal character of the family, the position of women was much better in the Vedic period than in subsequent times. Girls normally married after puberty and there were girls like Ghosha 174 who remained unmarried and grew up in the home of their parents. Woman had liberty through which they could freely mix with young men and have love affairs. She could take part in sacrifices with her husband though some unmarried women like Visvavara 175 and Apala 176 offered the sacrifice all by themselves. The institution of marriage seems to have been established. But we have also some evidence of incestuous relationships. Change comes after 200 A.D. The Great Women of India, op. cit., p Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p. 32. Ibid. The Position of women in Hindu Civilization from Pre-historic Times to the Present Day, op. cit., p Ancient India, op. cit., p. 48. Ibid. Ibid. 40

60 formality of upanayana (Sacred Initiation) was continued during the last period down to 200 A.D. It was completely stopped during this period and the religious status of women, even of the brahmin class was universally recognized to as low as that of the shudra. The ineligibility for upanayana unfortunately reduced the status of women to that of shudras and it had prolonged effects on their social status. It will not be wrong to call the age of Smriti as the Dark Age for the women. The law givers had proved this by writing such remarks for women In childhood a woman is to be dependent upon her father, in youth on her husband and in old age on her son; a woman is never fit for independence The above statement of Manu proves that a patriarchal system was willingly enforced and tended to keep the status of women at a low level by curtailing their freedom. The rights of women in practically all law books are identified with those of shudras, slaves and children. Manu writes women do not care for beauty, nor is their attention fixed on age; thinking it is enough he is a man, they give themselves to the handsome and the ugly.(ix,14) 177 Through their passion for men, through their mutable temper, through their natural heartlessness, they become disloyal towards their husbands, however carefully they may be guarded in this world. 178 Knowing their disposition which the Lord of Creatures laid in them to be such, every man should most strenuously exert himself to guard them. 179 When creating them, the Lord of creatures, allotted to women a love of their bed, of their seat and of ornaments, impure desires, wrath, dishonesty, malice and bad conduct G. Buhler, The Laws of the Manu in F. Max Muller ed., The Sacred Books of the East, in fifty volumes, Motilal Banarsidass, Delhi, , Vol. XXV, p. 330; see also Indian Women Through The Ages, op. cit., p. 220 Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. 41

61 For women no sacramental rite is performed with sacred texts, thus the law is settled; women (who are) destitute of strength and destitute of the knowledge of the Vedic texts, are impure as falsehood itself, that is the fixed rule. 181 This was the thinking of Manu for women later law givers were harsher in their thinking for women. A law giver Daksha is of opinion that A good wife was not born but made. 182 Contrary to this in both Manu and Yajnavalkya we find passage using men to honor women and keep them contended and happy, because they are of the view that where women are unhappy, neglected and sorrowful misfortunes over take the household. The guidelines which the law givers had provided for treating the women were based on a harsh and humiliating treatment towards women. According to them women in a family were to be dealt in strict ways. The question is when a man is advised to deal with her wife in strict ways how it is possible that the wife will remain happy and contended? Upto the Upanishadic age the social position of women was very high 183 they were considered in many respect equal to men. Child marriage was unknown and no girl could be married against her wishes, they composed Vedic hymns and suffered from no religious disabilities. After that gradually their social and religious standards deteriorated and their education was neglected. Both upanayana and Vedic studies were denied to them. Their marriageable age was considerably lowered and social evil like Sati became prominent. The society where the practice like Sati, prevailed, where girls devoid of education were married before puberty, widows, even if a girl of tender age became a widow was not allowed to remarry, how it is possible that women in that society would have remained happy and contended. Manu, asserts that where women are honored there the gods are pleased but where they are not honored no sacred rite yields any reward (111-56). He further says where the female relations live in grief The Laws of the Manu op. cit., p Ibid. Social Life in Northern India, op. cit., p

62 that family wholly perishes but where they are not unhappy that family even prospers (111-57). The same venerable Manu regard women by nature, as of such depraved character that they are sure to go astray if they are not kept under rigid control. Verses 14 and 15 of chapter IX in Manusmirti 184 depict the licentious and grossly sensuous character of women in general in such terms as cannot be reproduced without violating decency and modesty. The creator Implanted in them carnal passions, 185 love for ornaments, impure desires wrath, dishonesty, malice and bad conduct (9.17) In view of their inherent wicked character they must be carefully guarded, specially by their husbands, to whom they are naturally disloyal (9.15-6).We also find the view of Manu for wife who has committed fault. According to him she may beaten with a rope or a spilt bamboo (8.299). If we consider this statement of Manu we find that women were theoretically honored but practically they were given a subservient position in patriarchal society. Regarding the social practices and customs of ancient India we notice that certain practices like purdah, polygamy and Sati are found in medieval India also. Regarding purdah one discerns that it became a common and rigorous practice in the harem of Sultan where as in ancient India it was not so strictly followed there are few references where we find women veiling themselves. It is praiseworthy that the inhumane practice of Sati had no existence in the Vedic period and no divorces were practiced. These two customs came into being later on. Divorce was introduced in order to get rid of a partner, if apprehensive of a danger and absence of compatibility existed among husband and wife. As a part of human nature divorces are also found in the Sultanate period but the cases are rare. When we compare the late ancient society and the society in the Sultanate era we see that there was influx of Muslim population hence the social conditions became different from the earlier times. The historians of the medieval India have described the social conditions considering the Muslim population but we get a good description of Hindu society at the eve of invasion by the work of Alberuni Great Women of India, op. cit., p. 19. Ibid. 43

63 Features of royal class ladies are almost similar; education was imparted to them by private tutors in the royal apartments. They did not go to a primary school for education and also no higher education was imparted to them. In Sultanate the education imparted was religious but for women in Hindu Royalty we do not find them gaining religious education rather they preferred military education and also received it. Receiving military education was restricted in Sultanate period on grounds of purdah. In this way we can conclude that most of the practices like female slavery, polygamy, Sati, prostitution were a part of society in both the eras. There were rare women administrators also in some regional kingdoms of Sultanate and the only woman who ruled at the Sultanate was Razia but ancient society was familiar with women administrators. 44

64 Chapter 2 Aristocratic Women, Sultan and Rulers

65 Chapter 2 ARISTOCRATIC WOMEN, SULTAN AND RULERS Beside various examples of the women rulers of the Hindu kingdoms in India (mentioned in previous chapter) we find the practice of women rulers among Mongols, Turks and Persians. The idea of female sovereignty was not an innovation for them and also it was not a novel idea in the contemporary Islamic world. In the present chapter we gauge the various female sovereigns in the Islamic world in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Interestingly enough the Khitai Turks, from whom many nobles of Delhi Sultanate trace their genesis, were for several years in the 12 th century, successively ruled in full sovereignty by women namely the widow of deceased Gur Khan and his daughter Koyunk Khatoon. 1 Minhaj us Siraj gives information of one of the feudatory rulers of Khwarizm (khiva) who was succeeded by his only child who was a daughter, she after her marriage retained her sovereign power and title. 2 Safia Khatoon (1242) widow of Ayubide prince, Malik-al-Zakir, son of Salahuddin ruled the principality of Halab in Northern Mesopotamia. She ruled the principality in full sovereignty till her death in 640/ The crown of Egypt came to a beautiful slave girl and the widow of Mameluk Sultan Ayub named Shajarat-ul-Durr. She was unanimously accepted by the nobles as fully fledged sovereign in After the death of Sultan Ayub she ruled with the title of Malikat-al- Muslimin, khutba was read in her name along with the name of Abbasid Caliph al-mo tasim. She also issued coins and edicts. 4 An important example in the history of Persia is of the daughters of Khusrau Pervez of the Sassanian dynasty, names were Purandukt and Arjumandukt. 5 These Minhaj-us-Siraj Juzjani, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, Delhi, 1970, Vol. II, pp Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 239; see also A.B.M. Habibullah, Sultanah Raziah, in Indian Historical Quarterly, Dec. 1940, p Ibid. Ibid. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p

66 daughters ascended the throne during 7 th century. Their rule ended by their death. One finds the mention of Queen Saba in Holy Quran. 6 The Persian political traditions were supplemented by Turks and Mongols. According to their monarchial theory they can have a female sovereign. Their monarchial theory had place for a daughter to succeed her father as a female sovereign. According to this theory, divinity was believed to reside in the person of the monarch. Since this divinity could not be transferred except through direct descent, the possibility of a daughter succeeding her father could not be excluded. Moreover, their racial history had taught them to respect ability and fitness of the candidate to rule. 7 Equally common are the examples of queen regnant in Islamic History. Alauddin Mohammad of Khwarizm ( ), left the charge of administration to his mother, Turkan Khatun, the widow of Ogtai Khan, she ruled over the Mongol empire for four years till the accession of Koyuk Khan. 8 Similarly, the queens of the great Khan of the Golden Horde (nomenclature ascribed to the tribe) held court and received visitors. Thus by the means of various examples we can discern that women exercised enormous power in the history of Persia, Turkey and Mongolia. During the period of our study, since the accession of Razia we find the idea of female sovereignty entering the politics of India. Ironically existence of female sovereign did not last long. The state of male dominance prevailed in the Sultanate amidst which Razia rose to the throne and the same became the cause of her downfall. Razia ruled the Sultanate directly like a sovereign. Sultanate period also had some prominent ladies who indulged themselves in politics directly or indirectly. The idea of queen regnant was a novel experiment for the Muslims residing in India. The chapter is divided in two parts; the first part of the chapter throws light on Razia, as the first lady monarch. We shall pursue the conditions when Razia ascended the throne, what were the difficulties in front of her after accession, her M. Habib, K. A. Nizami,, A Comprehensive History of India-The Delhi Sultanate, People s Publishing House, Reprint 2006, Vol. V, Part one, p. 237, footnote. 13. Yogeshwar Tiwari, Influence of Harem on Politics in the Sultanate Period, in Mahendra Pratap and S. Z. H. Jafri, ed., Region in Indian History, Anamika Publishers, New Delhi, 2008, p Ibid., p

67 campaigns and how her reign came to an end. In the Sultanate a woman in the royal household enjoyed a privileged position and sometimes, she could be able to change the course of events. How Razia managed to reach this position and by whom she was supported is a matter of great importance. This chapter also entails the views of different historians regarding her relations with Jamaluddin Yaqut, his trusted slave. There were also other ladies in the Sultanate period who indulged deep in the political affairs. Most of the times, these royal ladies involved themselves in intrigues to promote their son. Without the study of these women personalities the study of the Sultanate period remains insipid. The aim of the second part of this chapter is to discuss the position held by important royal ladies and role performed by them in the politics of the Sultanate of Delhi. This part of the chapter concerns these women of the Sultanate period. Sources taken into consideration for this chapter are Tabaqat-i-Nasiri of Minhaj us Siraj, Futuh-us-Salatin of Abdul Malik Isami, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Ziauddin Barani, Deval Rani Khizr Khan of Amir Khusrau, Zafar-ul-Walih of Al- Makki Mohammad Abdullah, Rehla of Ibn Battuta, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani of Khwaja Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Shahi or Tarikh-i-Salatin-i-Afghana of Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Daudi of Abdullah Khan Daudi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi of Yahya Sirhindi, Tabaqat-i-Akbari of Nizamuddin Ahmad, Muntaqab-ut-Tawarikh of Abdul Qadir Badauni and Tarikh-i- Ferishta of Muhammad Qasim Ferishta The first lady monarch, Razia tactfully dealt with the conspiracy of Shah Turkan and directly ruled the Sultanate for four years. Mention worthy are two other royal ladies of this period. They are the daughter and the widow of Sultan Iltutmish. Among brave women of the Sultanate period Razia is of great importance for the medieval historian. She was the first woman empress of India who ascended the throne when no woman appeared publicly unveiled. Thirteenth century was time when purdah was a compulsory feature of the harem, in that situation Iltutmish was bold enough to consider his daughter Razia as the future Sultan of the Sultanate. Though, it was against the theory of kingship of Ghaznavides and Ghorids. 9 9 R.P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1959, p

68 Contemporary historian Minhaj observes about Razia s accession that Sultan Iltutmish used to notice in her signs of sovereignty and high spirit although she was a daughter and veiled from public gaze. 10 Empire of Iltutmish had expanded into a strong, eminent and powerful entity which needed courageous and powerful successor to safeguard the empire from the Mongol invasion. Nasiruddin Mahmud was his eldest son and could be a competent successor but his sudden death decided the succession issue in favour of Razia. Man proposes but God disposes was once more proved. This premature death of the prince shook the Sultan s ambition of having a vast empire and all his dynastic plans met no expected results. 11 Razia was the eldest daughter of Sultan Iltutmish 12. Her mother was Qutubuddin Aibek s daughter married to Sultan Iltutmish. She was one of the most respected and loved wife of the Sultan. 13 During her childhood days she lived in Kushk-i-Firozi (royal palace). She was very good at reciting Quran, and as Iltutmish was concerned about the education of all his children she must have been well educated. 14 During the lifetime of Iltutmish she used to interfere in the affairs of the state. As the result of which in 1231 A.D when Sultan left for Gwalior campaign he entrusted Razia the task of administering the Sultanate and she efficiently carried her responsibility. 15 To nominate his successor was an important question in front of the Sultan and after returning from Gwalior campaign, Iltutmish unhesitatingly ordered Mushrif-i-Mumalik to write a decree in favour of his daughter Razia. Compared to his sons he found Razia more capable to become his successor. The decision of Sultan was supported by contemporary historian Minhaj as he finds in Razia all attributes Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, ed., Abdul Hai Habibi, Kabul, Anjuman-i-Tarikh-i- Afghanistan, Kabul, 1963 A.D, VoI. I, p A. B. M. Habibullah, The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, Allahabad, 1961, p. 96. Tabaqat, Vol. I, p Ibid., pp M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, Oriental Books Reprint Corporation, New Delhi, 1972, p Tabaqat, Vol. I, p

69 necessary for being a ruler. 16 The opposition came from the nobles who asked the Sultan that instead of young sons why he wanted his daughter to be his heir apparent. A question was raised by the nobility regarding the eligibility of a daughter to be a Sultan. The Sultan did not bother about the question raised by the nobility against his decision of appointing a daughter as heir apparent. Iltutmish justified his decision by asserting that Razia had the capability and necessary qualities to be a Sultan. He also at same time condemned his pleasure loving sons and stated them incapable of managing the affairs of the country. 17 Iltutmish had complete faith on his daughter Razia, as he also says that after my death this decision of mine will be justified. 18 This decision of Sultan was supported by contemporary historian and Qazi, Minhaj-us- Siraj as he finds in Razia all attributes necessary for being a ruler. 19 Rekha Joshi is of the view that the nobles were perturbed by Iltutmish s decision of raising Razia to the throne not because she was a woman but because she had inherited some of the talents of her father 20. It was not that they considered it inappropriate to take orders from a woman but they anticipated the boldness, courage, farsightedness and bravery of Iltutmish inherited by her. A commemorative coin was struck in silver by the orders of Sultan Iltutmish. The coin had the name of Razia along with the name of reigning Sultan. 21 It was a daring innovation. The Turk nobles could not reconcile with the idea of a woman ruling over them. This practice also lacked in the history of Ghaznavides and Ghorids and was opposed to the conception of sovereignty. 22 There are some reasons which are against the accession of a woman on the throne. Sultan was considered to be an exact temporal counterpart of the Imam. The free status, physical integrity and legal capacity were the prominent features which were necessary for the Imamat. But these above mentioned qualifications were not Tabaqat, Vol. I, op. cit., p Ibid., p Ibid. Ibid. Rekha Joshi, Facets of Delhi Sultanate, Kitab Mahal, Allahabad, 1978, p. 17. Thomas Edward, The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp

70 necessary for a person to be a Sultan. In absence of Imam the congregational prayers were lead by the Sultan and according to Islamic practice no woman can lead the congregational prayers and also a woman cannot be a legal witness. Leading prayers was one of the most important duties of an Imam and as a Sultan a lady monarch was incompetent for it. 23 Regarding the accession of Razia the jurist of Delhi did not show any disfavour. This is evident from the language of Minhaj who was the lawyer and qazi at the time of her accession. What is important is that Minhaj had no reason to show undue deference for Razia as he had the same respect for his own patrons Balban and Mahmud, and writing more than twenty years after the event, he would have certainly pointed out the illegality of the proceedings if he thought there was any. 24 Despite certain courtiers who challenged the claim of Razia to the throne, the Muslim jurist did not question the legality of such a proposal. The change of sovereign was the privilege of the nobles, of ulema and of the people of Delhi. It seems, the question of the hereditary was gaining ground but the voice of the nobles, ulema, and inhabitants of Delhi were the three other factors which were to determine the fate of the crown. It was only a later theologian of 16 th or 17 th century, Shaikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddis Dehlvi who expressed his surprise at the attitude of the ulema regarding the accession of a woman as a Sultan. 25 R.P Tripathi asserts that fitness to rule was the most decisive factor not only in the eyes of Iltutmish but also of the Turkish commanders as well. Also he notices that if the time period is considered, the selection of Razia was unique effort and general outlook of Muslim people particularly military and religious classes made it a daring experiment. 26 After the death of Iltutmish, as the nobles could not reconcile themselves with the idea of a woman ruling over them Shah Turkan was quick to act on the question of Sultanat Raziah, op. cit., pp Ibid., p Ibid., p. 756; see also A Comprehensive History of India, p. 237, footnote n. 13. Some Aspects of Muslim Administration in India, op. cit., pp

71 succession. 27 Ruknuddin Firoz was made the king by the consent of provincial governors and military officers who had joined the late king in his last expedition and was present at the capital at the time of his death. No doubt, the support was gathered by Shah Turkan, whose intrigues must have strengthened the objection of the nobles in placing Razia. It was done on the same night of the demise of Iltutmish. In medieval India perhaps it was the first instance of the influence of women in court politics. Immediately, after the death of Sultan Iltutmish, Ruknuddin Ibrahim was crowned as Sultan with the title of Ruknuddin Firozshah. After which he immersed himself in the pleasures of the world, forgot the responsibilities of a Sultan and entertained musicians and jesters in the court. He opened the door of imperial treasury (Bait-ul-Maal) and spent it lavishly. Taking advantage of these situations his mother Shah Turkan started to interfere in the matters of the state. She was a Turkish hand maid 28 and during the life time of Sultan she had been treated as inferior by her co-wives which resulted in her envy and jealousy towards them. 29 At a place, Minhaj praises her for her benevolent nature towards ulema, Sayyids and pious people. After her son was made the king she indulged herself in the matters of state by enforcing direct control in politics 30 and decided to take revenge with the co-wives of the deceased Sultan and their progeny. The incompetence and sensuality of the Sultan along with cruelty and revengeful activities of Shah Turkan excited the feeling of disgust and indignation among the nobility. And the vicious petticoat rule soon led the disillusioned governors, along with the wazir and other officers of the capital, marching against Delhi to undo, if possible, their own mistake. 31 Extreme anger resulted in an outrage which ran among Anjali Chatterjee, Role of Women in the Early Delhi Sultanate- A Case Study of Shah Turkan, Proceedings of the Indian History Congress, 59 th session, Patiala, 1998, p Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 454; see also Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi, Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, ed., M. Hidayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1931, p. 21; Abdul Qadir Badauni, Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, Calcutta, 1868, Vol. I, p. 69. Nizamuddin Ahmad, Tabaqat-i-Akbari, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1875, Vol. I, p. 31. Minhaj is of the view that she has experienced envy and jealousy from some of the ladies of the harem and Nizamuddin Ahmad is of the view that she had been jealous of the other ladies of the harem. Tabaqat, op. cit, Vol. I, pp ; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 21;Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p. 67. Sultanah Raziah, op. cit., pp

72 the nobility when another son of Iltutmish, Qutbuddin was blinded and put to death by the orders of Shah Turkan. Combined atrocities of mother and son resulted in outbreak of rebellion by Maliks in different parts of country. 32 Malik Ghiyasuddin Muhammad Shah, a son of Iltutmish and younger than Ruknuddin Firoz displayed hostilities in Awadh and took possession of treasure in Lakhnauti which was being conveyed to the capital. He also sacked and plundered several towns of Hindustan. Malik Izzuddin Muhammad Salari feudatory of Badaun, Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz feudatory of Multan, Saifuddin Kuji feudatory of Hansi and Malik Alauddin Jani who held the fief of Lahore united together and began to act with hostility against Ruknuddin Firoz. It was a formidable combination of some of the most influential and powerful maliks of the empire. 33 Worried with the revolts, Sultan Ruknuddin moved an army from Delhi in order to deal with the rebellion. The wazir of the kingdom, Nizam-ul-mulk Mohammad Junaidi became frightened and leaving the army, he fled from Kilugharhi and retired towards Koil from there joined Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari. Afterwards, Junaidi and Salari joined the company of the rest of the rebellious nobles. The Turkish nobles and slaves who formed the centre of the army enhanced the chaos in the country by killing Tajik (of non-turkish origin) officials. Taking advantage of this disorderly condition Razia entered in an open hostility with Shah Turkan with whom she never had cordial relations. Shah Turkan conspired against Razia to put her to death but all her efforts went vain. Razia skillfully exploited the general discontent against Shah Turkan s rule and incited the people of Delhi to capture her. The populace of Delhi was aware of the high esteem in which the princes had been held by her father. Before Firuz could reach Delhi, the people of Delhi supported Razia, they attacked the royal palace and took Shah Turkan a prisoner. In the meantime, Ruknuddin reached the capital. By the time Razia had already ascended the throne by the support of common people, army and Turk nobles. By her orders Ruknuddin was taken prisoner, where after, he died. 34 What happened Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p Tabaqat, Vol. I, p

73 to Shah Turkan is not known 35 perhaps she also died in the prison. No wonder that the son and the mother both met out the fate which they deserved. The throne now belonged to Razia, the daughter of the deceased Sultan. Ibn Battuta describes the event of the accession of Razia, he writes that on a certain Friday Ruknuddin was out for prayer. Taking advantage of the situation Razia pleaded to the Delhi population by mounting the old castle adjoining the great mosque. She was dressed in the robe worn by a person against whom a wrong has been done. She addressed the public thus My brother killed his brother and now he is trying to kill me as well. Then she recalled the days of her father and his good actions and beneficence to them. This action of her resulted in the seizure of Ruknuddin by the population of Delhi. They rushed upon the Sultan who was there in the mosque, seized him and brought him before her and she said to them, the slayer shall be slain, so they put to death in retaliation for the murder of his brother. As their brother Nasiruddin (third brother) was still a child the people agreed to ascend Razia on the throne. 36 Mohammad Habib and K. A. Nizami are of the opinion that, the people of Delhi had for the first time in the history of Delhi decided a succession issue at their own initiative. The Delhi populace was the main strength behind Razia s success. 37 Razia s rise to the throne was due to the support of Delhi s population. This fact is highlighted by Isami and Ibn Battuta but contemporary historian Minhaj is silent on this. 38 Peter Jackson in his article Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish asserts that who played important role in Razia s accession were Iltutmish s slave officers, who at that moment were identified as powerful part of royal court politics. 39 Without the support of public and nobility, accession to the throne would not be possible for Razia. In this Role of Women in the Politics of Early Delhi Sultanate-A case Study of Shah Turkan. op. cit., p Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng.Tr., H.A.R.Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1993, Vol. III, p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p K.A. Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1982, p. 46. Peter Jackson, Sultan Radiyya Bint Iltutmish, in Gavin Hambley ed., Women in Medieval Islamic World, Hampshire Macmillan Press, Houndmills, Basingstoke, 1998, p

74 way, after the imprisonment and death of her brother she vested power in her hand by winning the confidence of the common man at the capital and nobility at the court. According to Isami, she treated her accession to the throne as a contract with the people of the Sultanate who could depose her if she could not fulfill their expectations of successfully ruling the Sultanate. 40 Razia had now achieved what her father desired for her. In spite of the purdah system which was strictly followed in the royal families Iltutmish had the courage to nominate her and she was ascended to the throne. She ascended the throne on 18th Rabi I, 634 A.H / 19 th Nov AD. She was a crowned sovereign with the official name and the royal suffix, generally referred in her coins Sultan Raziat al- Dunyawal-Din bint al-sultan. Silver and copper coins weight 47 and 49 gms. 41 Later she had coins issued which had another title Sultan jalalat al Dunya wal- Din, and we also find this name in non-muslim accounts and inscriptions. 42 This was possibly in , when Razia alone was named on the coins. 43 Isami gives a partial description of her first public court. He writes that it is interesting to notice that the throne on which she was seated with the consent of the notables of Hind was separated from the courtiers and the general public by a screenthe persons stationed nearest to it being, first the female guard and relatives and then her own blood relations. 44 Condition of the Sultanate on her accession. Political conditions of the Sultanate were not so peaceful when she ascended the throne. Her reign marked the beginning of a military setback to the Muslim state and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The Chauhans not only swallowed up the whole north eastern Rajputana, but also, with the help of Mewatis, commenced attacks towards the end of Nasiruddin Mahmud s reign, right into the city of Delhi too. It was because of them that the Gwalior campaign sent by Razia proved equally Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us- Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing House, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, pp ; see also A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p Chronicles of Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p See footnote n. 55 in Sultanah Raziah, op. cit., p Sultan Radiyya bint Iltutmish, op. cit., p Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, Sultanah Raziah, p

75 abortive. There had been always the threat of Mongol invasion on the north-western provinces of Sultanate. Besides these problems she had to deal with factional politics. Factional politics was the result of the creation of forties (Bandagan-i-Chihalgani) by Sultan Iltutmish. Quoting the views of Habib and Nizami regarding the power of the Turkish slave officers we can assume how much terrible they proved for Razia, had Shamsuddin Iltutmish been told that during the ten years after his death the Turkish slaves whom he had purchased at a great cost and nurtured with sedulous care, would put four of his descendants on the throne and then kill them like sacrificial goats and that thirty years after his death one of his slaves would totally exterminate all the male members of his dynasty, the great emperor would have been pained but not surprised and it happened so that the Turkish nobility emerged as the real threat for the crown of Razia and ultimately proved fatal for her. After she ascended the throne of kingdom, all the things became usual. She followed most of the traditions of her father 45 and renewed the laws and regulation of her father. A slave of Iltutmish whom Razia showed great favour was Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia. He was only the sar-chatrdar (head of canopy bearers). After Iltutmish death, Razia appointed him first as iqtadar of Baran and later on to Tabarhinda (or Bhatinda). Another slave of Iltutmish on whom Razia showered special favour was Ikhtiyaruddin Aitigin, he was purchased by Iltutmish. She first appointed him as iqtadar of Badaun and afterwards given the post of Amir-i-Hajib at the court. 46 The Sultanate itself was not a peaceful place to rule, her own provincial governors showed disobedience to her and after sometime, opposition came from the sides of the provincial governors. The opposition was inevitable to some extent because the accession of Razia was the collective result of the army, the officers at Delhi and the people of Delhi. This made the provincial governors humiliated and consequently they could not reconcile with the reality of her accession. The famous wazir of Iltutmish, Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi refused to accept her accession and other eminent Turkish nobles such as Malik Alaudin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji, Malik Political History and Institutions of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p

76 Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz and Malik Mohammad Salari assembled from different parts before the gates of Delhi and commenced hostilities against Sultan Razia. Razia dealt with the formation of this clique tactfully. Malik Nusratuddin Tayasi marched from his province to assist Razia. After he reached Delhi and crossed the river, the hostile maliks who were before the city of Delhi unexpectedly advanced to meet him and took him prisoner and due to suffering he died. This stay of the hostile Maliks was continued for a considerable time. Razia ordered to pitch a tent on the banks of river Jun (Yamuna) and conflict took place between the two groups of Maliks, one group of Maliks was of those who favoured Razia and another one the recalcitrant group who had pitched the tent before the gates of Delhi. Finally, two of the Turk nobles Malik Izzuddin Mohammad Salari and Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i- Ayaz secretly came over to Sultan s side. The plan was to summon and take Malik Alauddin Jani, Malik Saifuddin Kuji and Nizam-ul-mulk Mohammad Junaidi into custody in order that the sedition might be quelled. When the hostile Maliks came to know about the deceptive plan they left the camp and fled. The Sultan s horsemen followed them and Malik Saifuddin Kuji and his brother Fakhruddin fell into their hands and were put to death. Malik Alauddin Jani was killed at a village named Nakawan and his head was brought to the capital and Nizam-ul-mulk Junaidi fled towards the hills of Sir Mir Bardar, where he died. After crushing the revolts of provincial governors peace was restored in the empire. Now Razia distributed important offices among the trusted nobles, whom she found honest towards her. The office of the wazir was given to Khwajah Muhazzabuddin, with the title of Nizam-ul-mulk. The charge of the army was given to Malik Saifuddin Aibek-i-Bihaq with the title of Qutluq Khan. Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz, received the fief of Lahore and this was done by the Queen regnant to pacify the empire. Minhaj explains the extent of Razia s empire by writing that her empire extended from the territory of Lakhnauti to Diwal. All the Maliks and Amirs with full obedience and respect accepted Razia as their Sultan. 47 By her tactfully breaking the unity of the hostile Maliks she proved her political capabilities. 47 Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p

77 Some of her military campaigns were the evacuation of the fort of Gwalior and Ranthambor. Her reign marked the beginning of the military set-back to the Muslim state and consequent increase in Hindu aggression. The first campaign undertaken after crushing the rebellious nobles was of regaining the fortress of Ranthambore in order to release it from the Hindus which had been in the control of them since the death of Iltutmish. A concentrated attack was opened on Ranthambor under the leadership of Bhagavata. 48 Malik Qutubuddin Hasan Ghori marched towards Ranthambor with a large army successfully conducted the forces to that fort, withdrew the Musalman Amir from that fortification and returned to the capital again. The evacuation of the fort of Ranthambor was the virtual surrender to the rising Chauhans of Ranthambor. After withdrawal of armies from Ranthambor, the Chauhans emerged as a powerful clan. They in alliance with the mewatis commenced hostile acts like guerrilla warfare against the Sultanate till the end of the Mahmud s reign. 49 Similar, was the Gwalior expedition sent against the Jajapella ruler, Chahara Deva of Narwar. 50 He had a great army and was known to be the greatest of all the Rais of Hindustan. This expedition was sent under Tamur Khan towards Gwalior and Malwa. The position soon became indefensible and after sometime she sent another force to withdraw the military and civil personal and escort it back to Delhi. The first attempt became unsuccessful and a second army was sent to reinforce the garrison and evacuate the fortress. 51 Gwalior had thus to be abandoned to Chaharadeva who therein found the securer base for aggressions against the Muslim dominions. 52 About this time Razia promoted Malik-i-Kabir Ikhtiyaruddin Aitkin to the post of Amir-i-Hajib and Malik Jamaluddin Yakut, an Abyssinian,to the post of Amir-i- Akhur or Lord of stables. 53 Regarding the promotion of Jamaluddin Yaqut, Isami is of different view. He writes that Jamaluddin Yaqut was made Amir-i-Akhur from the The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p Sultanah Raziya, op. cit., p Ibid. Ibid. The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p

78 time of Iltutmish and Ruknuddin Firoz. 54 Suddenly, the in charge of the army Malik Saifuddin Aibek-i-Bihaq died and the charge of the army was given to Malik Qutubuddin Hasan Ghuri. He was appointed as naib-i-lashkar. Only once in the reign of Razia, we hear the appointment of a naib-i-lashkar. He was made in charge or placed over the central standing army to which the Sultan delegated her command of the fighting forces. The office was also a temporary one, and is not heard of again after her deposition. 55 The appointment of the new office of naib-i-lashkar by Razia is enough to explain her military capabilities. Isami is critical of Razia, when he writes about the so-called relations of Jamaluddin Yaqut and Razia. He writes that Yaqut used to stand by her side when she mounted her horse. He further writes that he (Yaqut) with one hand used to hold her arm and help her to mount her horse. Similarly, later historian Badauni is of the view that Jamaluddin Yaqut who was the master of the stables became her confident and trusted advisor to such a point, that Sultan Razia whenever rode horse or elephant; she used to rest upon his arm, or shoulder. He became object of envy to the Amirs. 56 The Turkish nobles became suspicious of his intensions (Yaqut s) and political ambitions and felt apprehensive that he may completely overpower Razia. 57 The contemporary authority Minhaj gives testimony to the statement that Sultan Razia rode an elephant. Yaqut was the Amir-i-Akhur and it was customary in those days that Amir-i-Akhur assisted the sovereign to mount, but H. G. Raverty observes that, what is applicable to male sovereign may not be applicable to female sovereigns. Thomas Edward is of the view that it is not so that a virgin queen was forbidden to love- she might have indulged herself in a submissive prince consort or reveled almost unchecked in the dark recesses of the Palace Harem- but wayward fancy pointed in a wrong direction, and led her to prefer a person employed about her Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 253; see also A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p. 240, footnote. n. 21. The Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, p Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 84. Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp

79 Court, an Abyssinian moreover, the favours extended to whom the Turkish nobles resented with one accord. 58 Yahya Ahmad Sirhindi of Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi writes that Sultan Razia raised the rank of Jamaluddin Yaqut to the post of Amir-i-Akhur but regarding the intimacy of their relationship the historian is of the same view as the other historians are. He writes that Yaqut became the constant companion of the Sultan and for this reason he became the object of jealousy of the nobles and of the Amirs. 59 Contrary to this view Isami holds the opinion that the appointment of Jamaluddin Yaqut was not made by Razia but he was appointed as Amir-i-Akhur by the former Sultan whether Iltutmish or Firoz. The act of raising Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian, to the post of Lord of Stables annoyed the Turkish nobility and they became acting force behind their downfall. 60 The favours given to non-turks aroused the jealousy of Turkish Amirs and created an outrage among the Turkish nobility which played important role in uprooting her and proved their united power against the Sultan. Sultan Raziya controlled them with her strict determination; she came out of seclusion (purdah) and appeared in public. The purpose was to have a direct control of affairs. She abandoned her female attire, wore qabah (cloak) and the kulah (hat). She rode out in public on the back of an elephant, and acted in the same way as other former Sultans of Delhi. Shortly afterwards, Sultan Razia ordered her forces to proceed to Gwalior. Malik Tamar Khan-i-Qiran and Malik Tajuddin Sanjari, the feudatories of Qannuj and Baran respectively were also directed to join the expedition. Both the maliks rendered valuable services and were duly rewarded. On the death of Malik Nusratuddin Tayasi, Awadh and its dependencies were made over to the charge of Malik Tamar Khan-i- Qiran. Having established himself in Awadh, he led expeditions into the neighboring parts of the territory as far as Tirhut, several times plundered the territory of Bhatghura, and extracted tribute from the Rais and Ranas of that part of the country The Chronicles of the Pathan Kings of Delhi, op. cit., p Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, pp ; Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, p. 26; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Vol. I, p

80 Malik Tajuddin Sanjari Qutluq received the territory of Saraswati as his fief for his excellent service he rendered during the Gwalior expedition. 61 The author of Tabaqati-Nasiri, Minhaj us Siraj, the Amir-i-dad of Gwalior, Ziauddin Junaidi and other notable persons in obedience to the royal commands, came out of the fort on March 1238 A.D and started for Delhi. Soon after that, Qazi Minhaj was given the charge of the Nasiriah College at the capital along with the Qaziship of Gwalior. These are the events of her reign that clearly show the vigor of her rule and the uncompromising determination to assert the royal authority. She also showed relentless pursuit while chasing the rebellious governor of Multan, Malik izzuddin Kabir Khan i-ayaz. Malik Izzuddin Kabir Khan-i-Ayaz was the governor of Multan at the time of Iltutmish, the Sultan dissatisfied with his work at Multan and took back the province of Multan and gave a place pulwal for his livelihood. 62 Ruknuddin Firoz appointed him as the iqtadar of Sunam, inorder to give him once more his lost prestige and a place among the leading officers. Later on, when he joined Razia, she appointed him as the officer at Lahore and all its territories. After some time, he revolted, Razia led an army towards Lahore; he crossed the Ravi and fled to the Sodra. Razia was determined to pursue him, since the land of Sodra was in the hands of the Mongol he had no alternative but to submit. The iqta of Lahore was taken by him and the iqta of Multan which was earlier with him was taken back from Ikhtiyaaruddin Qaraqash Khan, (the present holder of the iqta of Multan) and again given to Kabir Khan-i- Ayaz. Sultan Razia then returned to the capital on March 16, 1240 A.D. By now started the plots and cliques against Razia which ultimately ended her life. The effective rebellion against Razia now began. When she was away on the Lahore campaign, the two important nobles, Ikhtiyaruddin Aitign and Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia on whom she relied upon, planned an effective conspiracy against her. About the same time, another powerful rebellion came from the side of Ikhtiyaruddin Altuniah, who had the province of Tabarhindah. Ferishta writes that, he revolted on Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng.Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, pp A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p

81 the plea of queen s partiality towards the Abyssinian. 63 Some Turks secretly joined the revolt of Altuniah. Razia returned to Delhi after settling the affairs of Kabir Khan on 3 rd April She heard of Altunia s rebellion on her arrival and started for Tabarhinda after ten days. She along with Jamaluddin Yaqut led an army towards Tabarhindah in the month of Ramzan (637 Hijri) for the purpose of putting Malik Altuniah s rebellion to an end. When they reached Tabarhinda, Jamaluddin Yaqut was killed by rebellious Turk Amirs and Razia was sent as a prisoner to the fort of Tabarhinda. Once again by the support of nobility, Bahram Shah, brother of Razia was made the king and important offices were distributed among them ignoring the claims of Malik Altunia. Aitign was appointed naib-i-mamlakat but the new Sultan after sometime got him assassinated and Altunia had already been deceived by no reward for his rebellion. While Razia was imprisoned Malik Altunia espoused her, reached a matrimonial contract with her and brought her out of the captivity. Together they marched towards Delhi for the purpose of recapturing the throne. In their quest to regain possession of Delhi they were joined by Malik Izz-u-ddin Muhammad Salari and Malik Qaraqash. Malik Ikhtiyar uddin Aitigin who was a loyal noble of Razia had been already killed by the new clique of nobles and Baha-ud-din Sanqar-i-Rumi succeeded him as Amir-i-Hajib. In the month of September 1240, Bahram Shah led an army out of Delhi for the purpose of resisting Razia and Altuniah. They were routed and fled when they reached Kaithal all their soldiers deserted them and they felt captive into the hands of Hindus and were killed. Thus, ended the brilliant reign of Razia which was of three years, six months and six days. 64 Ibn Battuta gives the following description of Razia s death. Razia was defeated and compelled to fly. Pressed by hunger and fatigue, she asked a farmer for some food. He gave her bread to eat. After eating she felt asleep. She was dressed in the garment of a man but when the peasant looked at her as she slept he perceived under her upper garment a tunic trimmed with gold and pearls. Seeing that she was a woman he killed her, stripped her of valuables, drove away her horse and buried her corpse in the field. He then carried some of her garments to the market for sale. The Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 68. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, p

82 dealers suspected him and took him before the magistrate, who caused him to be beaten. The farmer then confessed that he had killed Razia and told his guards where he had buried her. They exhumed her body, washed it and wrapping it in a shroud buried it again in the same place. A small shrine was erected over her grave which is situated on the banks of the Jamuna and is still visited by pilgrims in order to obtain blessings. 65 Razia s enthronement was an important juncture in the history of Sultanate period. Without the support of Turkish nobility her accession would not be possible. It indicates the freshness and boldness of Turkish mind in the thirteenth century which then seemed to be capable of taking such a bold step and open mindedness of contemporary jurist and ulema who confirmed the accession of a woman. 66 Her downfall was the result of the support withdrawn by the nobles. Historians ascribe different views behind the withdrawal of support by nobles. Contemporary historian Minhaj says that after Jamaluddin Yaqut started acquiring favours from the queen, the nobles became an envious threat to her and revolted in different parts of the Sultanate. 67 Minhaj states in praiseworthy tone that she was prudent, just, benevolent, strict in administering justice and well-being of common people of Delhi was her priority. She is also credited by Minhaj for extending liberal patronage to the men of letters and piety 68. As a military general she could overpower her enemy, yet, in spite of these excellent qualities she could not succeed because she was a woman for whom it was a difficult to deal with male chauvinism. Like Minhaj, Amir Khusrau also refers to the good qualities possessed by Sultan Razia when he says that she was accepted as Sultan by her well-wishers because her brothers were incompetent. That she ruled successfully for three years and then came out of purdah, and asserted her power, with the result that the nobles become fearful and turned against her The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, op. cit., p. 29. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p Ibid., p Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Cf. I. H. Siddiqui, Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of Delhi in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision and Venture, Delhi, 1996, p

83 Isami, a later contemporary of Amir Khusrau describes her differently. According to Isami, the nobles became suspicious of her relations with Jamaluddin Yaqut, the Amir-i-Akhur because he took liberty with the Sultan openly. 70 I. H. Siddiqui when compares the views of these historians regarding Razia s character finds the like views of Minhaj and Amir Khusrau authentic because Minhaj was the contemporary historian and eyewitness of the events and Khusrau must have known much about the past from his maternal grandfather, Imad-ul-Mulk, the Rawat-i-arz (pay master general of the army) who had started his career under Sultan Iltutmish as his slave. Thus we can discern by these views that there was no fault in her character and she did not have such kind of relation with Jamaluddin Yaqut. 71 Satish Chandra writes that there is no evidence that the queen wanted to build a bloc of non-turkish nobles. Nor there is any reason to believe that there was any personal intimacy between Razia and Malik Yaqut. Even, the charge that he had to lift Razia by her armpit to her horse is a later concoction because it is not mention by any contemporary historian. It was apparently Razia s firmness and desire to rule directly which was the major cause of dissatisfaction of the Turkish nobles with her. 72 She discarded veil and adopted qabah and kulah (لباس مردان) 73 as a result of it she emerged as a courageous and brave woman ruler in front of them. In spite of excellent qualities possessed by her she could not succeed in male as well as Turk dominated politics. Minhaj asserts that her womanhood was a drawback against her qualities. 74 K.A. Nizami is of the view that, Turkish nobles were a powerful part of politics that time and Razia must have discovered their ambitious nature. She must have felt them as an obstacle in the maintenance of law and order. So, she decided to create a nobility of non-turks as a counterpoise against the Turks. 75 It is not clear whether she wanted to divide the nobility or not. If we consider that she wanted to divide the nobility, it is clear that she lacked the farsightedness of Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng.Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit., Vol. II, pp Socio-Political Role of Women in the Sultanate of Delhi, op. cit., pp Satish Chandra, Medieval India from Sultanate to the Mughals, Haranand Publications, New Delhi, reprint 2001, p. 49. Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 26. Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit, p

84 dividing the nobility on racial grounds. Firstly, support extended to an Abyssinian, secondly appearing unveiled in public aggravated the situation and Turks initiated to plan her downfall. Abdul Malik Isami is found writing against Razia in his work Futuh-us-Salatin. Isami makes silly and scandalous remarks for Razia s relationship with Jamaluddin Yaqut. These remarks reveal an abnormal and misogynist strain in him 76 and no contemporary and later historians corroborates this view. Minhaj says that the noble who enjoyed this post used to be a reliable person to the king and thus was Jamaluddin Yaqut. 77 This must have ignited a feeling of insecurity among the Turkish nobles which is not even denied by contemporary historian Minhaj. All the later historians are of the view that the so called relation of Razia and Jamaluddin Yaqut was baseless and place no reliance on Isami s remarks for this relationship and state him a bachelor and write his approach as misogynist approach. K. A. Nizami is of the view that Isami s presentation of Razia s character is damaging and unconfirmed by any earlier evidence. 78 Razia was the ablest of the successors of Iltutmish can hardly be denied. Very soon after her accession she found purdah an obstacle in direct and efficient administration so she came out of it. She discovered that the ambitions of Turkish nobles were a serious obstacle to the maintenance of law and order and set about to create a nobility of non-turks as a counterpoise against the Turks. The chain reaction that followed this policy overwhelmed Razia. 79 Razia gave example of her excellent wisdom when she in a clever way dealt with the Khwaramian governor of Ghazni, Malik Hasan Qarligh. It happened so that in 1238 A.D Hasan Qarligh was disposed of his territory by the Mongols resulting which he faced towards the western provinces of the Sultanate of Delhi. Malik Hasan Qarligh sent his son to meet Razia and negotiate for some sort of military help. Razia received the prince with courtesy and honour and assigned the revenues of Baran for On History and Historians of Medieval India, op. cit., p Tabaqat, Vol. I, p K.A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in Medieval India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p

85 his expenses. She politely declined to form a coalition with the Khwarazmian governor, against the Mongols. This was a very sound political decision in order to save the Sultanate from a Mongol invasion. Hence she proved herself to be an able administrator which Iltutmish anticipated when he was alive. A big achievement of Razia was that after this incident, the western frontier along the river Chinab remained secure against the Mongol invasion until her reign ended. It seems that the polite refusal of Razia to the son of Hasan Qarligh pleased the Mongols and in directly it was an effort to maintain friendly relations with the Mongols who were always a danger to the Sultanate. 80 An important event of the reign of Razia was the revolt of Carmathians (a secret sect of Islam having faith in the theory of bloodshed of Sunnis) or heretics under their leader Maulana Nur Turk. It is noteworthy to mention here that Muslim religious tradition as developed by the Chisti saints avoided the contact with the ruling power. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya regarded Maulana as an extremely pious and saintly person. Nur Turk looked down upon contact with the ruling power. His only source of income was a jital a day which his liberated slave used to give him. Razia once send to him a bag full of gold coins. He did not touch it but beat the bag with the stick and asked the people to remove it from his sight. It happened so that heretics (Ismailis) 81 under their leader Maulana Nur Turk collectively from different part of the country such as Gujarat, Sind and the banks of Jamuna and Ganga gathered one thousand 82 heretics and conspired against Islam. Incited the people to defy the hanafi and shafi I doctrines and called the Sunni ulema as Nasibi (the enemies of Ali) and Murji (procrastinators). In March 1237 A.D an armed body of heretics entered the Jama Masjid from two directions and attacked and killed a great number of Musalmans who had gathered there to offer Friday prayer. When confusion spread some persons from the city-nasiruddin Aitam Balrami and Amir Nasiri came around armed with spears, steel caps and stones at them from the roof of the mosque. The account of Minhaj was contradicted by Shaikh Nizamuddin Sultanah Raziah, op. cit., p For the explanation of Ismailis see, M. A. Ahmad, Political History and Institution of the Early Turkish Empire of Delhi, op. cit., p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p

86 Auliya. He in one of the mystic gatherings said that Maulana Nur Turk was purer than rain water. Sultan was considered to be an exact temporal counterpart of the Imam. The free status, physical integrity and legal capacity were the prominent features which were necessary for the Imamat. These above mentioned qualifications were not necessary for a person to be a Sultan. In absence of Imam the prayers were lead by the Sultan and according to Islamic practice no woman can lead the prayers and a woman cannot be a legal witness. Leading prayers was one of the most important duties of the Imam and the Sultan which a lady monarch was incompetent for. 83 Regarding the accession of Razia the jurist of Delhi did not show any disfavour. This is evident from the language of Minhaj who was the lawyer and qazi at the time of her accession, later on he became the chief qazi by Razia. What is important is that Minhaj had no reason to show undue deference for Razia as he had the same respect for his own patrons Balban and Mahmud, and writing more than twenty years after the event, he would have certainly pointed out the illegality of the proceedings if he thought there was any. 84 It was only a later theologian of 16 th or 17 th century, Shaikh Abdul Haqq Muhaddis Dehlvi who expressed his surprise at the attitude of the ulema regarding the accession of a woman as a Sultan. 85 Observing the facts of the reign of Razia and views of the historians we can conclude that the author of Tabaqat-i-Nasiri counts upon many merits of Razia when he says that she was a great sovereign, she was just, sagacious, beneficent, the patron of the learned, a dispenser of justice, the cherisher of her subjects and of warlike talents. 86 But these qualities were of no use because she was not a male. Razia was the eldest of the surviving children of Iltutmish. Although she was a female, her father, Sultan Iltutmish issued an order according to which she was to be made next heir apparent after his demise. The decree was unacceptable to the nobles of his court as his sons were also present who could be the next Sultan. Like Minhaj, the Sultanah Raziah, op. cit., pp Ibid., p Ibid., p. 756; see also A Comprehensive History of India, footnote. n. 13, p Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty., op. cit., pp

87 contemporary historian her father must have noticed the qualities in her which are necessary for a Sultan. The accession of Razia was a very courageous act on her part. It was a bold step of a female because it was a male dominant society where office of the Sultan was considered a male monopoly. Moreover, purdah which did not allow a woman of royal family to deal with nobles and common people did not stop her to snatch the opportunity of getting on the throne. Amidst chaos and confusion she unhesitatingly caught the attention of the people of Delhi. The imprisonment of Ruknuddin Firozshah and his mother was the result of the same. The prestige of Sultan Iltutmish was maintained when his Turkish nobles accepted the decree issued in his life and placed Razia on the throne. The opposition came from a non-turkish noble and his supporters. Razia was not disturbed by this disturbing situation but crushed the insurgents with courage and astuteness. Considering purdah as an impediment in the administration she discarded it. The main reason of her downfall was her idea of avoiding the concentration of powers in the hands of a particular section of nobility (Turkish nobility). The inclusion of non-turkish nobles was used as one of the means to create a new force to serve her political ends. Jamaluddin Yaqut, an Abyssinian slave, received special consideration for being a non-turk. This attempt of Razia gathered the opposition of nobles Ikhtiyaruddin Aitign and Ikhtiyaruddin Altunia conspired together and as a result of their conspiracy Razia lost her life. When Razia was fighting with the rebellious nobles she gathered an army of Hindus such as khokhars and jat tribes of Punjab. 87 She was such a courageous ruler that the Hindus of the area did not hesitate to support her. When she marched with Altunia, whom she espoused when in prison to regain the throne she was supported by Hindu band of soldiers. But the attempt to regain the throne went vain and both Altunia and Razia were killed by the Hindus near Kaithal. 88 It is evident that the Delhi Sultanate was struggling with various problems when Razia occupied the throne. Through her capabilities as a ruler and strict Foundation of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, op. cit., Vol. I, p

88 perseverance she overcame almost all the difficulties. If on one hand, she was not successful in occupying Gwalior and Ranthambor, she on the other hand saved the empire from Mongol invasions. No doubt this was one of the praiseworthy achievements of Razia which proved her sharp farsightedness. The only reason which can be attributed for her failure was the idea of diluting the powers of Turkish nobles. She tried to counter balance the power of the Turkish nobles by encouraging the nobles of non-turkish origin. This policy of Razia strained her relations with the nobility. The support and cooperation of nobility was a necessary feature to run the Sultanate. The nobles in order to keep themselves as an active force conspired to bring to an end the regime of Razia. After the end of Razia s reign we do not find any woman ruler who would have directly ruled the medieval period so successfully. The Harem Influence in the Politics The harem or the residing place of the royal ladies had a special place in the history. Sultans had large seraglio. It comprised of the mother of the Sultan (called Sultan Valide by the Turks), 89 his chief queen, his wives, sisters and daughters, concubine and slave girls. Nobles also maintained large harem. The Lodi period is famous for the harem of Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan, a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. 90 When Muslim rule was established in India, the royal ladies of the harem of the Delhi Sultans cast an effective influence on contemporary politics. Harem, the residing place of the Royal ladies witnessed a lot of influence in the court politics directly or indirectly, especially during the war of succession. The history of Sultanate has many references where the wife, the mother or the sister of the Sultan used to advice the Sultans on political matters and had interference in the political matters. These ladies were also bestowed with gifts, awards and titles reflective of their position and importance. Among the royal ladies mother of the Sultan was titled Makhduma-i- Jahan and chief Queen was titled Malika-i-Jahan. The daughter of Iltutmish who happened to be the real sister of Sultan Muizuddin Bahram Shah ( AD) was first married to the son of Qazi Nasiruddin but the marriage was dissolved afterwards. After that she was married to K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 84. Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng.Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi, 1993, p

89 Aitigin, who had become the Naib-i-Mulk (regent) after her brother s accession to the throne in 1240 AD 91. Another widow of Sultan Iltutmish also married a senior noble, Qutlugh Khan and with the support of her husband and his friends at the court she compelled Sultan Alauddin Masud Shah ( ) to release from prison the sons of Sultan Iltutmish, Prince Naisiruddin Mahmud (her own son) and Prince Jalauddin. On the advice of nobles, her son Nasiruddin Mahmud was entrusted with the charge of the territorial unit of Bahraich, while Jalauddin was posted as Wali (Governnor) of Qannauj. She is also said to have accompanied her son to Bahraich because the latter was still a minor, aged less than fourteen years 92. Daughter of Balban is known for influencing the politics during the Ilbari rule; Balban had married her to Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud in 1249 AD 93. Balban took advantage of this new relation and became Naib -i- Mumaliqat. People lodged several complaints against the working of Balban but Sultan Nasir-uddin Mahmud did not take any notice because of the influence of Balban s daughter. Ultimately her influence in political matters had strengthened Balban s position and he succeeded to the throne after the death of Nasiruddin Mahmud. During the reign of Jalaluddin Khilji his wife had a lot of interference in court politics and the wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji too indirectly influenced the life of Alauddin khilji in his early life and later on also. The mother of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq was a respectable lady at the court. She was known for her benevolent nature. Khudavandzada sister of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq indulged in politics and supported the cause of her son Davar Baksh against Firoz Tughlaq. She was so willing to enthrone her son that she even planned the murder of Firoz Tughlaq Tabaqat, op. cit.,vol. I, p. 463; Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, op. cit.,vol. II, p Tabaqat, op. cit., Vol. I, pp , Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Vol. II, p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p

90 Mubarak Shah Sayyid had a daughter Bibi Raji who was married to Mahmud Sharqi, she is well known for her love for architecture. Jaunpur has many buildings built by her. Lodi period had three influential ladies, first was Bibi Matto wife of Islam Khan Lodi, Shams Khatoon the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi, and an another wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi named Bibi Amba known for her beauty and cherished manners Khilji Period Khilji period witnessed the presence of the two powerful ladies in the harem. The first was Malika-i-Jahan and another was Mahru. Malika-i-Jahan was the wife of Jalaludddin khilji and mother-in-law of Alauddin khilji. 94 According to Barani she was a wise and ambitious lady, he calls her naqis aqal that is deficient in judgment. 95 Immediately after the death of Jalaluddin Khilji she wasted no time in placing her son Qadr Khan on throne with the title of Ruknuddin Ibrahim. For this she was supported by some of the nobles at the court. The queen mother and her son left Khilugarhi and took up residence in the kaushak-isabz (the green palace). She began to rule in his name, received petitions and issued orders. 96 Arkali Khan, eldest son of Jalaluddin was the real heir with all the qualities needed to be a king, but he was greatly perplexed by the actions of Malika-i-Jahan and decided to remain at Multan. 97 Sultan used to take decisions after consulting his wife. Once (as described by Barani) Sultan wished to adopt the title of Almujahid fi Sabiullah in the khutba read in the Friday prayers. Sultan asked his wife to instruct about this idea to the chief justice and other nobles at the court and ask them to request in open court that he should grant the permission of addressing him with this title, but when they really did it, Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 50. Ibid.,p. 76 Ibid., Vol. II, pp ;Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p.67 ;Muntakab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., p.180 ;Tarikh-i- Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp ;Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p

91 Sultan confessed to them, that he himself was responsible for the suggestion and refused to take the title. 98 Malika-i-Jahan was a farsighted lady. This can be proved by narrating the incident, when she warned Sultan Jalauddin Khilji about the intension of Alauddin Khilji of establishing an independent principality in some remote corner of the country. Sultan Alauddin Khilji was dejected by the behavior of his wife and mother-inlaw. Alauddin wished to move far away from the capital and to settle there in order to get rid of the atrocities of his mother-in-law and wife, who was the daughter of Jalaluddin Khilji. 99 Sultan Alauddin Khilji was afraid of the queen mother and his wife, as Malika-i-Jahan had a powerful position and had complete control over her husband. In spite of Malika-i-Jahan and his wife s humiliating nature towards Alauddin Khilji, he never tried to complain about this to Sultan. Due to Jalaluddin s power and riches he did not even attempt to speak against the two influential ladies of the harem. Due to this he always remained unhappy. The daughter of the king oppressed her husband. 100 Malika-i-Jahan played treacherous role in court politics. After the death of her husband, Jalaluddin Khilji, she laid aside the claims of her eldest son Arkali Khan who was then at Multan and supported and placed on throne her younger son Qadr Khan with the title of Ruknuddin Ibrahim. Contemporary historian Ziauddin Barani writes that she had no patience and never had she consulted nobles at court, nor she waited for Arkali Khan to reach Delhi from Multan. Malika-i-Jahan ruled in the name of her younger, inexperienced son Ruknuddin Ibrahim, she heard petitions and gave orders. 101 To gain support of the nobility Malika-i-Jahan provided them with important offices and assigned territories to them Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp Ibid.,Vol. II, p. 50. Ibid.; The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, pp Ibid., p

92 Once again nobility proved its power. Bowed in front of power, a section of Jalali nobles deserted mother and son and joined new, mighty King, Alauddin Khilji. Some of the nobles at Delhi already had become against as the result of setting aside the claims of the elder son, Arkali khan. At such a juncture when no nobles were at her support, Malika-i-Jahan called her son Arkali Khan. She wrote a letter to him asking his support. Malika-i-Jahan wrote I was wrong in placing your younger brother on the throne. She requested Arkali Khan to pardon her for her foolishness. She confessed blaming herself that I am a woman and women do not have wisdom. But her petitions had not any effect on Arkali Khan and he refused to come by answering that the situation had gone beyond his control and it was not possible to check Alauddin s action. 103 Taking the advantage of this dispute between mother and son Alauddin marched to Delhi. After ascending the throne Alauddin ordered the killing of Jalali nobles. Sultan Ruknuddin Ibrahim and Malika-i-Jahan fled towards Multan 104 but were captured and brought back to Delhi. 105 Sultan Alauddin Khilji was Sultan Jalaluddin Khilji s nephew and son-inlaw. 106 About Sultan Alauddin s wife, who was Jalaluddin s daughter Barani writes that his wife oppressed him and he was dissatisfied with her. Due to Jalaluddin s riches and power, the son-in-law was reluctant to complain about his wife to his father in law. She was arrogant towards her husband and her behavior so disgusted him that he often said in despair: a beggar s son is better than the son-in-law of the king. 107 Apart from Jalaluddin s daughter another lady in the life of Alauddin was Mahru. She was daughter of Alauddin s uncle and sister of Alp Khan. 108 Haji Dabir in his work Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar walih writes that Alauddin was in love with his Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. II, p. 76. Ibid., Vol. II, p. 70; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p. 67. Ibid., see also Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 67 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit.,vol. I, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Vol. II, p. 50 ;The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 638 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta,Vol. I, p. 68. Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 85. Al-Makki Muhammad Abdullah, Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar Wa Alihi, Eng.Tr., M.F. Lokhandwala, The M S University of Baroda, Baroda, 1974, Vol. II, pp

93 uncle s daughter, Mahru. This relationship was the cause of the disturbed relations of the husband and wife as he concealed this from his wife. Jalaluddin s daughter got hint of this relation and appointed spies to find out the reality. 109 Once, Alauddin s wife found her husband sitting in a garden with Mahru. She suddenly appeared and got enraged seeing them together she took her shoe to beat Mahru. Alauddin became furious and attacked her with his sword. She escaped with few minor injuries. 110 After the death of Jalaluddin, his father-in-law, he married Mahru with the title of Malika-i-Jahan later on she became mother of prince Khizr Khan. She wanted Khizr Khan to marry her niece, daughter of Alp Khan. But Prince Khizr Khan refused as he was deeply involved in a love affair with a Hindu princess Deval Rani. Mother of Khizr Khan came to know about the relationship of Khizr Khan and Deval Rani through the ladies of the harem. The ladies advised Malika-i-Jahan to separate the two lovers and she tried to follow the advice. 111 Khizr Khan was forcefully married to the daughter of Alp Khan by the queen mother. Malika-i-Jahan overpowered her husband so much that he bowed in front of her will. The forcefully marrying of Prince Khizr Khan with a girl of her choice explains her ambitious and domineering nature towards her husband and her son. Malika-i-Jahan made elaborate preparations and invited rajas from different parts of Hindustan. According to Isami, Rama Deva of Devagiri was invited to this function; the marriage took place on 4 th February Prince Khizr Khan felt difficult to forget Deval Rani. 113 He displayed no affection towards his wife and remained sad by remembering Deval Rani. Ultimately Khizr Khan sent an envoy to his mother. The envoy requested Malika-i-Jahan for the well-being of her son. He narrated the whole situation to Malika-i-Jahan, she felt sad of her doings and by the consent of Alauddin Khilji, Khizr Khan and Deval Rani were married Zafarul walih bi Muzaffar Wa Alihi, op. cit., p Ibid. Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 35. K. S. Lal, History of the Khiljis, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1980, p Deval Rani Khizr Khan, pp Ibid., p

94 Once Mahru was the dearest wife of Sultan Alauddin Khilji but as time passed and Alauddin lived his last days of life, she became careless and arrogant Malika-i- Jahan. Habib and Nizami observe that Ferishta on the basis of the originals has briefly depicted the situation. As Khizr Khan and Malika-i-Jahan were devoting themselves to interminable feasts and celebrations and did not care about his (Sultan Alauddin) nursing and treatment, the Sultan attributed his illness to their negligence and his heart was deeply alienated from them. Khizr Khan had his amusements, feasts, drinking parties, polo, elephant fights. A lot of undesirable companions had collected around him and Amir Khusrau has no hesitation in telling that the character of the hero of his poem had greatly degenerated. His mother also spent her time in arranging functions so dear to uneducated purdah women-marriage ceremonies, circumcision ceremonies and the like. The one thing that never drew their attention was Sultan Alauddin and his illness, and every day they were guilty of some act that increased his resentment and suspicion. 115 Tughlaq Period Ibn Batuta describes the palace of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughalq s mother. The Sultan s mother is called Makhduma-i-Jahan. 116 He praises her as one of the most virtuous of women, who is munificent in charity and has founded many hospices and endowed them to supply food to all travelers. Men and women lived a peaceful life during her life time. 117 Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq never disobeyed her and always acted on her advice. 118 During the transfer of capital Sultan shifted Makhduma-i-Jahan with other Sufi saints, amirs, nobles, ulema, along with the royal treasury to Daulatabad A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit, pp The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p Ibid.; see also Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Syed Ahmad Khan, Cap. William Nasolies and Maulvi Kabiruddin Ahmad, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1862, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Calcutta, p Tarikh-i-Mubarakshahi, op. cit., p. 99 ; Muntakhab-ut-Tawarikh, op. cit., p. 224 ;Tarikh-i- Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p

95 Mohammad bin Tughlag was deeply respectful towards his mother. Once Sultan proceeded ahead to receive her and got down from his horse and kissed her feet publicly in view of all. 120 Makhduma-i-Jahan, the wife of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq ( ) and mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq was a virtuous, benevolent and charitable woman. Barani describes these qualities and call her a pious lady (pak daman). 121 Ibn Batuta gives a detailed account of his visit to the court of Makhduma-i- Jahan. When he visited the Sultanate, Mohammad bin Tughlaq was away at that time. He was entertained by his mother Mukhdama-i-Jahan. A sumptuous feast was arranged in his honor. Two dinner carpets were spread on which visitors sat in two rows, the food was served in utensils of gold. The chamberlain called Bismillah whereupon they started eating. After Ibn Battuta and his companions took the food they were given silken and cotton clothes. He also praises her virtuous qualities and writes that she is one of the most virtuous of the women and munificence of charity, and has founded many hospices and endowed them to supply food to all travelers. 122 Her acts of charity were a boon for several families which survived merely because of her help. 123 Thus, Malika-i-Jahan was a kind and benevolent lady who was known for her charitable and kind nature. It was her kind disposition and timely intervention that the marriage of Bibi Rasti, daughter of Mohammad bin Tughlaq with the grandson of Baba Farid, Sheikh Fathullah was solemnized. 124 Ibn Battuta has mentioned that the mother was visually handicapped. The reason why she lost her eye sight given by Ibn Battuta is very interesting and hard to believe. According to him when Mohammad Tughlaq was enthroned she was visited by all the princesses and daughters of the kings and the amirs wearing their finest apparel. As she was sitting on a golden couch encrusted with jewels and they all made Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., pp Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Calcutta, p The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit.,vol. III, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Calcutta, p S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, pp

96 obeisance before her, her sight went suddenly and although she has been treated in all kinds of ways it has done no good. 125 Mohammad bin Tughlaq is known for his caring attitude towards his mother and sisters. 126 The way he arranged the marriages of his sisters and the personal interest he took in their well- being shows his strong family sentiments. But his sense of discipline was such that his sisters were afraid of him. Ibn Battuta has reported that once his brother-in-law Amir Ghadda, was convicted in an offence and was imprisoned. His sister could not send bedding to her husband because she was afraid of the Sultan and anticipated dire consequences of such an action. 127 When in the year 1341 A.D Sultan was busy in crushing the revolt of Sahu Afghan, the governor of Multan he received the news of the demise of his mother at Delhi. The news of her death immersed Sultan in grief. 128 He immediately left Multan to perform the burial ceremony of his mother. The Sultan generously distributed the alms and fed the poor and organized the recitation of Quran. It was intense love and regard for his mother that he returned to Delhi for performing the funeral rites of his mother. 129 Sultan Mohammad bin Tughalq s death (20 th March 1351 A.D) led Delhi Sultanate into the issue of succession. The deceased Sultan s sister Khudavandazada intervened in the matter of succession. She put forward the claims of Davar Malik to the throne against Firoz Tughlaq. 130 This attitude of Khudavandazada infuriated the nobility and they became against her. Malik Saifuddin Kuju an important noble was sent to Khudavandzada. He strictly told her that her son is incapable and could not be given the responsibilities of a ruler. In this critical hour there was need of a competent person on the throne who could save the Sultanate from disruption. And if she desired for peace and harmony for the Sultanate she should accept what the eminent nobles have decided. Finally, Malik Saifuddin Kuju succeeded in pacifying The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Vol. III, p Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 86. Ibid. Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Calcutta, pp Ibid. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Calcutta, 1891, p

97 Khudavandazada s stubborn attitude and Davar Malik was assigned the office of Naib Barbak. 131 Firoz Tughlaq was coroneted as Sultan by the hands of Khudavandzada on the day of 20 th march 1327 A.D. 132 Since then Firuz Tughlaq made a routine to pay tribute by visiting his aunt, every Friday after evening prayer. During these visits, Sultan Firoz Shah and Khudavandazda sat on the same carpet and discussed the issues of importance. 133 After sometime Khudavandazada, aunt of Firoz Tughlaq planned her assassination. Due to jealousy, Khudavandzada along with her husband planned the killing of Firoz Tughlaq. 134 But their plan could not succeed and Firoz Tughlaq escape unhurt. Instead of this conspiracy Sultan had a moderate attitude towards his aunt and granted her a fixed allowance. Her scheming husband was deported while Davar Malik was ordered to visit the Sultan every month attired in a robe and slippers. All her property was confiscated by the state and made a part of the royal treasury. 135 Shams Siraj Afif mentions about Firoz Tughlaq s mother who was a Hindu girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Afif narrates an interesting story behind the marriage of this girl with Rajab (father of Firoz Tughlaq). After the marriage, Ranamal Bhatti named his daughter as Bibi Naila and Mohammad bin Tughlaq named her as Bibi Qadbano Without the mention of mother of Firoz Tughlaq, the history of women of Tughlaq period would remain incomplete. Sipah salar Rajab, father of Firuz Tughlaq was cousin brother of Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq. Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq wanted to marry Rajab to a Hindu girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Sultan Tughlaq sent envoys to Ranamal Bhatti to get his daughter married to Rajab. The raja refused the proposal, resulting which the Sultan forced the raja to submit annual revenues in cash. Ultimately, Ranamal Bhatti agreed to marry her daughter to Rajab. Ranamal Bhatti named his daughter as Bibi Naila and Sultan named her as Bibi Qadbano Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, op. cit., pp Ibid., p. 96. Ibid., pp Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., p. 39; N. N. Law, Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammadan Rule, Longmans, Green and Co, London, 1916, introduction, xxii. 77

98 Saiyyid Dynasty Bibi Raji was the daughter of Sultan Mubarak Shah Sayyid married to Mahmud Sharqi, (mother of Mohammad Shah Sharqi) the crown prince of Jaunpur, in accordance with a treaty of peace. This treaty of peace resulted in war between the Sayyid Sultan and Ibrahim Sharqi in She is known for her numerous charitable and beneficent public works during the life time of her husband. 137 She was not only associated with numerous charitable and beneficent public works during the life time of her husband but was the actual ruler of Jaunpur after the death of her husband till her death in the town of Itawah. Such was her love for power that she may be compared with Catherine di Medici of France minus her foibles, or more properly she may be termed the Indian Irene. 138 During the conflict of Bahlol Lodi with Mohammad Sharqi, brother-in-law (Qutb Khan) and brother (Hasan Khan) of Bahlol Lodi were imprisoned by Mohammad Shah Sharqi. Sultan Bahlol Lodi moved from Delhi and Mohammad Sharqi from Jaunpur, they both encamped near river Sarsuti and Rabri. Mohammad Shah Sharqi from there wrote an order to the kotawal at Jaunpur directing him to put to death to Hasan Khan and Qutb Khan. This came to the notice of Bibi Raji and she put her efforts in protecting the two resulting that the kotwal could not kill them. The kotwal sent a representation to inform Mohammad Shah Sharqi that Bibi Raji protected them in such a way that he was unable to put them to death. Thus Bibi Raji the mother of Mohammad Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, who was the daughter of Mubarak Shah Sayyid also interfered and influenced the politics of those days. 139 Lodi Period According to the authentic history of Lodi period there were three important ladies in the harem who had a place in history. They were (i) Shams Khatoon, the chief queen of Bahlol Lodi. 140 (ii) Bibi Ambha 141, another wife of Bahlol Lodi, a S. A. Halim, Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India, Muslim University Journal, October, 1938, Vol. V, No-2, pp Ibid. Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p Khwajah Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, ed., Sayyid Mohammad Imamuddin, Dacca, 1960, Vol. I, p

99 goldsmith s daughter. 142 (iii)bibi Matto, the wife of Islam Khan Lodi, famous for her ingenuity. In the year 1452 A.D when Sultan Mahmud Sharqi, the ruler of Jaunpur besieged the fort of Delhi 143 to defeat the Lodis, Bibi Mato played an important role in that critical situation. It was her ingenuity that outwitted Sultan Mahmud Sharqi. She made a wise plan to deceive the enemy as Sultan Bahlol Lodi was in Sirhind. 144 Sultan Bahlol Lodi was at Sirhind and the soldiers in the fort were less. She ordered the women in the fort to dress up like men and asked them to take their position on the rampart of the fort in order to deceive the enemy by a false show of numbers. Darya Khan Lodi, the Sharqi commander was won over by the Afghans (Lodis) who suggested Mahmud Sharqi to postpone the capture of the fort till the defeat of Bahlol Lodi. Bahlol arrived with a large force and gave battle to the Sharqi forces at Narela, a village about 28 miles from the then Delhi. The battle resulted in defeat of the Sharqi and the capture of sharqi commander-in-chief Fath Khan. The beaten Sharqi army retreated to join their Sultan engage in the siege of Delhi fort. When the report of the coming of the Sharqi army reached the fort, Bibi Mato asked the soldiers to watch whether the sharqi army joined the Sultan or went to the camp. When it was reported that the army went to their camp to pick up their baggage, she ordered the beating of the drums of victory. 145 Though Lodis owed their victory mainly to the treachery of Darya Khan Lodi, yet it was the action of this heroine which infused courage into the heart of the men defenders and prevented the early surrender of the fort before the reaching of succor and maintained the Lodi dynasty against Sharqis The author of Tarikh-i-Shahi names her Hema. Ahmad Yadgar, Tarikh-i-Shahi, ed., Mohammad Hidayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1939, p.17. Abdullah Khan, Tarikh-i-Daudi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Dept of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1954, p.132. Tarikh-i-Daudi, p.13 ; see also Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., p. 11. Tarikh-i-Daudi, pp ; Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India, op. cit., p. 52. Ibid. 79

100 The exploits of Bibi Mato, the widow of Sultan Islam Shah Lodi, the governor of Sirhind and uncle 147 and father-in-law of Bahlol Lodi, are worthy to rank her in the list of brave women. 148 The lady who actively participated in the politics of Lodi period was Shams Khatoon, the chief wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi 149 and sister of Qutb Khan. 150 During Sultan Bahlol Lodi s struggle with Mohammad Shah Sharqi of Jaunpur, his brother-in-law, Qutb Khan was taken prisoner. 151 Soon Sultan Bahlol Lodi sought for peace treaty and after entering into terms with Sultan Mohammad Sharqi, returned back to Delhi. On reaching Dan Kaour he received a letter from his wife, Shams Khatoon urging him not to opt for a cease fire and not to relax until and unless her brother was freed from the clutches of Mohammad Sharqi. 152 The words provoked Sultan Bahlol Lodi, who at once retraced his steps back towards Jaunpur to meet Sultan Mohammad Sharqi with greater force. The Sultan also started from Jaunpur. Mohammad Shah came to Sarsuti and Sultan Bahlol Lodi encamped at Rabri near sarsuti, and for some time they fought with each other. Thus, it was intervention of Shams Khatoon which led Sultan Bahlol Lodi to march once again to Jaunpur. She became the cause of re-opening the war with Sharqi ruler, though the Sultan had earlier entered into a peace treaty to end it. Another wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi was Bibi Amba, daughter of a Hindu goldsmith. She was known for her charm and pleasant manners. 153 Niamatullah and Ferishta write that due to her beautiful appearance Bahlol Lodi fell in love with her. 154 Her role in politics emerged after the death of Bahlol Lodi, when she fought for the claim of her son. She opposed Isa Khan Lodi and pleaded the nobles to extend their support in favour of her son Nizam Khan. Nobles especially Khan-i-Khanan Tabaqat-i-Akbari, op. cit., p Harem Influence in the Fifteenth Century Politics of India, p. 49. Khawaja Niamatullah, Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani wa Makhzan-i-Afghani, op. cit., p. 38. Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., p.14 ; Tarikh-i-Daudi, op. cit., p. 17; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p.153. Tarikh-i-Daudi, p. 17 ; Tarikh-i-Shahi, p. 14 ; Tabaqat-i-Akbari, p. 154 Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani, p. 24; Tarikh-i-Shahi, p. 17. Tarikh-i-Khan-i-Jahani, p. 38 ; Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, p

101 Farmali extended full support to her, enthroning Nizam Khan under the title of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. Sultan Sikandar Lodi had great reverence for Niamat Khatoon, the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi. 155 The Sultan treated her with due respect and honour. To show reverence to Niamat Khatoon, Prince Jalal Khan (Niamat Khatoon was his his foster mother) was assigned the jagir of Kalpi. He was provided with a huge sum of money 156, one hundred and twenty horses 157, and fifteen elephants 158 and was entrusted by Sultan Sikandar Lodi to take Niamat Khatoon to Kalpi, where she was to be given all comforts. Sultan made all these special arrangements in consideration and sympathy for the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi. Thus, one can conclude that there was considerable influence of royal ladies on the politics of the Sultanate period. It varied according to their personality and the circumstances at their disposal. The one who was closer to the Sultan yielded more influence on him and also on the nobility. These were usually chief queen of the Sultan or his mother. Other than Sultans mother and wife sometimes his sister was the dominant and influential character in the court politics. The influence varied with the connections with the reigning Sultan. The qualities like virtue, intelligence and diplomacy played as important factors in the designing of the strategies and intrigues against anyone whom they did not wish to succeed to the throne. The Sultan sometimes consulted in the political issues the lady close to him. She advised the Sultan in political matters and advice was accepted. However the influence of nobility was considerable Tarikh-i-Daudi, op. cit., p. 62. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. 81

102 Chapter 3 Women in Various Roles in Society During the Sultanate Period

103 Chapter 3 WOMEN IN VARIOUS ROLES IN SOCIETY DURING THE SULTANATE PERIOD Women have always played an affective and important role in the social and cultural life of any country. It is women who have the most important task of taking care of their family. A family is the primary unit of the society and many families combine to make society, so it becomes clearly understood that it is women who takes care of every one surviving in society. What was the place of women in the society during the Sultanate is the main concern of this chapter. What role women played in her household and how she performed her duties in society is also discussed in this chapter. It was not that she was only homemaker but she has other responsibilities too. Beside dancers, musicians and slaves she had appeared in the sources of the Sultanate as a shop keeper, spies, scavenger, guards etc. The sources which are consulted in this chapter and which depict her in various forms are Ziauddin Barani s Tarikh-i- Firozshahi, Ijaz-i-Khusravi and Nuh Siphir of Amir Khusrau, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, travellouge of Ibn Battuta, Masalik-al-Absar-fi-Mamalik-al-Amsar of Shihabal-Din-al Umari, Fawaid-ul-Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi. Amir Khusrau advices women to be loyal observe purdah and involve themselves in weaving and spinning. Tells them the way to domestic peace and amity and winds with an invective against women of loose character. 1 Isami stressed that the place of women was the home. Instead of wearing crown she should take interest in spinning and weaving. In spite of the obligations in Islam, like purdah, women actively participated in playing music and dance. They also ran shops, worked as maids in household of upper aristocracy and helped their husbands in fields where they specially looked after the cattle. 2 The Sufis employed female slaves in their Khanqahs Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi, 1974, p K.M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi 1969, p A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p

104 The harem was guarded inside by female daroghas, and eunuchs. There was a separate accounts office inside the harem managed by female clerks. 4 Ibn Battuta informs us that the Sultans of the Sultanate employed slave girls who acted as spies on nobles. They informed the Sultan about the minutest detail of everyday development of the Sultanate. 5 The Sultan also appointed female scavengers who entered the harem without permission and to them the slave girls communicated information. The female scavengers conveyed this information to the chief of the secret intelligence services, who informs the Sultan accordingly. The poet Amir Khusrau informs that a wet nurse was paid ten tankas for suckling a child. 6 To our surprise female thugs where also present in the society during the Lodi period, we find and anecdote in Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui which describes how a traveller was robbed by a woman. No women painters were found in Sultanate and further till seventeenth century. 7 Music and Dance In spite of the controversial prohibition of dance and music in Islam the Muslim rulers in the Sultanate period involved themselves in this sort of amusement. Dancing and singing were quite popular and the presence of dancing and singing girls was supposed to enhance the glory of the royal court. It was a regular feature of the court life of the Sultans of Delhi. The Sultan and their nobles enjoyed the court musicians and dancers. The official historians like Ziauddin Barani in Tarikh-i- Firozshahi and Amir Khusrau in his works has beautifully described the music and dance of the Sultanate period. Amir Khusrau s Nuh Siphir, Deval Rani Khizr Khan and Ijaz-i-Khusravi deal with music, dance, female dancers and different musical instrument and depicts these means of entertainment in its real sense Abdul Halim, History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi, 1974, p Ibn Battuta, Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, Gaekwad s Oriental Series, Baroda, 1976, p Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p Urmi Kesar, Women and Women Painters in Kiran Pawar ed., Women in Indian History, Vision and Venture, Patiala and New Delhi, 1996, p

105 Music and dance was the main source of recreation at the court. References are found in the chronicles where Sultan along with courtiers is enjoying majlis (social gathering) and at certain places common folk is depicted as rejoicing the marriage ceremonies of princes, birth of heir apparent of the Sultan etc, where music and dance dominated the environment. Ziauddin Barani informs about one such gathering at the court of Sultan Jalaluddin Khilji, where musicians played musical instruments and female singers added melody in the court environment by their melodious voice. He writes that, among the musicians of the majlis was Muhammad Shah the Changi, who played the Chang (musical instrument) while Futuha, the daughter of Fiqai and Nusrat Khatun sang the song and played the Sarood. Barani, exaggeratingly says that the sweetness of their voice brought down birds from the air and listeners lost their sense. 8 Mentioning about the dancing women he names Dukhtar Khasa, Nusrat Bibi and Meher Afroz 9. He further adds that their beauty and charm captivated the hearts of the audience. Their movements were so graceful that the onlookers felt like sacrificing their lives for them, and never raised their eyes off from the captivating movements of their feet. 10 Amir Khusrau, talks about Turmati Khatoon, a remarkable singer, entrusted with duties of Amir-i-Murtanin, 11 sang and played the Chang so lively that the birds of paradise sang for her. She was admitted to the royal court by the assistance of Amir Khusrau. 12 Another singer of the Sultanate period was Dilaram 13 she always accompanied to king Bahram, in his hunting trips. 14 Prior to Jalaluddin Khilji, Balban did not allow the singers and even jesters in his court. 15 With the accession of Sultan Kaiqubad, grandson of Balban, musicians, singers, beautiful girls, jesters and jokers arrived from different parts of the kingdom to Kaiqubad s court. 16 The king tried to Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, p. 27. Ibid. Ibid. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 114; see also Jamila Brijbhushan, Sultan Raziya Her Life and Times, Manohar Publications, New Delhi, 1990, p. 67. The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, ed., Syed Sulaiman Ashraf, Aligarh Institute Press, Aligarh, 1918, p. 32. Ibid. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89. Ibid. 85

106 resist himself from this temptation but could not succeed and became a prey to the killing eyes of beautiful dancers. 17 Barani s account leaves the impression that music and dance accompanied with wine drinking at the court proved to be harmful for the ruling class and ruined many lives of that age. Beautiful women were deep drunk in wine 18. Important and distinguished persons had no work, but to take wine and to join the majlis, listen to the music and ignore the affairs of the state. These assemblies of the Sultan were filled with beautiful women and singers. 19 Amir Khusrau, the celebrated courtier was not only famous for his poems but also for his accomplishments in music. Amir Khusrau has made many references to music in his works like Qiran - us - Sadain and Nuh Siphir 20. Ijaz-i-Khusravi gives a vivid description of musical instrument like Sarood 21, Chang 22, Dholak 23 Rabaab 24, Damdama 25, Tambura 26, Shahnai 27, Dhol-i-ghazi 28,Dastnai 29, Dhol-i-zan and Dastaki-qawwal 30 etc. He was chief courtier of the Sultan s majlis, brought new ghazals every day in praise of moon faced young boys and heart enchanting beauties, and these were recited along with the drink served to the courtiers amidst the music and blandishment of graceful beauties and the dancing of the fair girls. 31 This was the extent of music and dance as the form of amusement. Deval Rani Khizr Khan a masnavi of Amir Khusrau describes the marriage ceremony of Prince Khizr Khan. Description of beautiful girls playing a kind of The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, op. cit., p. 74. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 89. Ibid. Ibid., p Amir Khusrau, Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1876, Vol. II, p Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. M. Habib, K. A. Nizami, ed., Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, People s Publishing House, Delhi, 1981, Vol. II, p

107 musical instrument (taal) with their fingers is found in the poetical work of Khusrau. He describes that these songstresses enchanted the surroundings with their melodious singing. 32 Remarkable is the patronage to musician by the fourteenth century Delhi Court. Ibn Battuta informs of a select class of musicians for whom a separate area with forty pavilions called Tarabad (city of music) was laid out where the musicians both male and female, used to live. They had there a market which was one of the largest in the world. Also a congregational mosque in which the imam recited the tarawih prayer during the month of ramzan and female singers living there followed the imam in the congregational prayer in the mosque. 33 This seems to have been a different cultural establishment, with women artist enjoying like their male counterparts and taking part in the tarawih prayers led by imams. 34 Ibn Battuta described Tarabad at Daulatabad as a separate establishment where the singers and the songstress reside. It had numerous shops and every shop had a door which led into the house of its proprietor. Inner apartment had a cradle on which sat or lay the female singer decked out in all kinds of finery, while her female attendants swung the cradle, these markets had large cupola lavishly carpeted in which sat the Amir-ul-Murtibin (head musician). After the asr prayer in the presence of his servants and slaves, female singers came in successive batches and performed. By this way they paid respect to the head musician. This was a regular practice every Thursday. 35 The Deccan had been a noted seat of music since the Hindu period. Muhammad bin Tughlaq s transfer of capital to Daulatabad and establishment of Tarabad added momentum to the tradition of music and dance. 36 According of Al Umri s description of slave musician, Muhammad Tughlaq had 1200 musicians beside his slave musicians, numbering one thousand especially Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 39. Ibn Battuta, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, Eng. Tr., H. A. R. Gibb, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1993, p.625. Ibid. S.A.A Rizvi, Tughlaq Kaleen Bharat, Rajkamal Prakashan, New Delhi, 2008, Vol. I, p S.N. Rizvi, Music in Muslim India, Islamic Culture, Vol. XV, January 1941, p

108 for the purpose of teaching music. 37 These female slave musicians excelled in music and can play musical instruments like flute. 38 Barani calls Muizuddin Kaiqubad as a pleasure loving king and we are told by Barani that beautiful slave girls were taught court etiquette and the art of singing in order to entertain the Sultan. 39 Beside music, dance however in the early Sultanate history was seem as a performance for enhancing seductive pleasures and delight. 40 Isami provides the account of the skills and activities of dancers that lured the commander of the Sultan s army. The dancers were described as: 41.. Dancing girls of rosy cheeks who snatch away openly the hearts of men; they are delicate in body, like flower buds, but smart enough to make thousand graceful jumps in each round of dance. In privacy, they are comforts for hearts of pleasure-seekers on open stage they are enchanters of discerners. 42 During Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq s reign, Ibn Battuta informs us of the Eid celebrated at the court of the Sultan, attended by singers and dancers. He writes that first of all, daughters of rajas captured during the course of the year, came, sing and dance. Thereafter they are bestowed upon amirs and important foreigners. The Sultan gave them to his brothers, relatives, sons of maliks etc. On the second day the darbar is held in a similar fashion after asr. Female singers are brought out and the Sultan distributes them among the mamluk amirs. 43 Firoz Tughlaq who is considered as the orthodox ruler among the Delhi Sultans, did not discourage music. During his reign, on every Friday musicians and dancers used to gather in the hall popularly known as Chhajai-Choubin 44 and entertained the Sultan throughout the day and received rewards at the time of their departure. Afif, informs us about Eid celebration at Firozshah Tughlaq s court. He Shihabuddin Al-Umri, Masalik- al- Absar Fi Mamalik-al-Amsar, Eng. Tr., Ottospies, S.A. Rashid and S.M. Haque, Aligarh, 1943, p. 32. Ibid., p. 46. Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p Shadab Bano, Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India, Studies in History, Sage Publications, 2011, p. 42 Ibid. Futuh-us-Salatin, Cf, Shadab Bano, Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India, p. 42 The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. II, p Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1891, p

109 used to hear performances of musicians both male and female, and also enjoyed the performances of dancers. 45 About the interest taken by the Lodis we have little information 46 Sultan Sikandar Lodi gave encouragement to the musicians and singers. His reign witnessed a huge influx of eminent musicians and singers. 47 He also had a troupe of dancing girls at his court. 48 Different types of dances were also popular. In the view of I. H. Siddiqui, with the arrival of foreign artist, especially in the form of slave girls trained in the dances of the land of their origin, new forms seem to have been suggested to the traditional Indian classical dances. Foreign as well as Indian sources bear testimony to the fact that a slave girl trained in the classical dances fetched a higher price. 49 In fifteenth century A.D, merchants moved from one metropolitan city to another with dancing girls for sale. 50 Both Sultan and their nobles have been reported to have maintained troupes of well trained dancers at their court. Amongst the Lodi nobles, Khan-i-Azam Ahmad Khan Lodi Sarang Khani, the governor (muqta) of Jaunpur, had a dance hall built and named the Talim Khana, where he and his associates were entertained by music and dance. In particular, the akhara, a group dance in which a group of dancing girls, decked with jewels, clad in embroidered silken cloth, would dance with quickening movements holding lit earthen lamps in their palms, held a profound fascination for Khan-i-Azam. 51 Amir Khusrau in Nuh Siphir has given vivid details about the dancing girls. Writing about them the poet says that mostly the dancing girls had pleasant personalities. Their long black hair often touched the floor. Big eyes beautiful lips, charming personality and sweet voice all added charm to their beauty. 52 These women wore costly dress and too many ornaments added to their beauty. Their clothes were Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., p Music in Muslim India, op. cit., p I. H. Siddiqui, Life and Culture under Lodi Sultans in I. H. Siddiqui ed., Composite Culture under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 83. K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 68. Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans, op. cit., p. 84. Ibid. Ibid. Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, folios

110 generally tight and transparent. 53 They wrapped silk dupatta. Betel leaves helped them to redden their lips, while a black spot on their cheeks was placed in the belief that it would protect them from evil. 54 Musk was used by them on their face and armpits as perfume. 55 They also wore earnings and took pleasure in drinking wine. 56 These dancing girls were often called by the Sultan on the ceremonial occasions. 57 In these occasions audience from every class was invited irrespective of social status or class distinction. 58 One of such occasion mentioned by Ibn Battuta is marriage ceremony of Sultan Mohammad Tughlaq s sister. In two audience halls a pavilion was erected. The halls were furnished with fine carpets. Shams-al-Din-Tabrizi, who was the head of the musicians brought with him male and female singers and dancers. All of them were Sultan s slave. At another instance, he describes a ceremony on his return from a journey. In the city wooden pavilions were built having several stories high and covered with silk clothes and in each story there were singing girls wearing the most beautiful dresses and ornaments, among them were also dancing girls. 59 At, one more instance when Sultan s entry into the capital is expected wooden pavilions were built covered with silk curtains and singing girls were found sitting inside it. 60 Similar, public entertainments were also organized on the occasion of the birth and marriage ceremonies of the royal princes. 61 Mubarak Shah Khilji son and successor of Alauddin Khilji also a pleasure loving king celebrated the birth of his son with great pomp and show. At his instance Amir Khusrau wrote his masnavi, Nuh Siphir. It has beautiful description of the birth Nuh Siphir, MS, op. cit., folio Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 686 Ibid., p Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p

111 ceremony of the King s son. It is in this jashn that beautiful Iranian and Indian dancing girls displayed their skills. Pavilions were erected and decorated with velvet and brocade curtains. The royal band played at the top of the arch. Persian and Indian musicians and dancers performed in the function. 62 In case of female artist the practice of dancing and singing were confined only to the woman who appeared openly at the court. Amir Khusrau informs that dancing and playing of musical instruments by the upper and middle class Muslim women were tabooed. 63 Prostitutes India, which is justly claimed to be one of the most ancient civilizations of the world, presents an extensive account of the institution of prostitution in its historical records. Sachindra Kumar Maity views prostitution as essentially an urban phenomenon. The beginning of urbanization led to the emergence of a class of alienated women who took to this profession for their subsistence. 64 According to Shihabuddin Al Umri prostitution was prevalent in the Sultanate and they were found in every town of India. 65 The prostitutes and courtesans were an important source of entertainment. The class of courtesans clearly stood apart from the common prostitute. 66 The prostitution in India was inseparably associated with professional entertainers. As far as medieval India is concerned, the women employed in this profession combined it with a large numbers of other skills, such as dancing, singing etc. Though public women were looked down in the society, yet they were considered to be the main source of entertaining the youth. Ordinary prostitutes were mainly around to provide sexual service, Ferishta writes about them as they cause Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 107.; see also Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., pp foot note; see also Music in Muslim India, op. cit., p Society and Culture in Medieval India, p Sachindra Kumar Maity, A.L. Basham My Guruji and Problems and Perspectives of Ancient Indian History and Culture, New Delhi, Abhinav Publications, New Delhi,1997, p Shihab al din al Umri, Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik al Amsar, Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, Qazi Mohammad Ahmad, A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, Siddiqui Publishing House, Aligarh, 1971, p.67. Shadab Bano, Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India, op. cit., p

112 ruin of soldiers and so many youth. Still prostitutes might have lured their clients with singing and dancing to heighten pleasure, in the same way as professional dancers and singers might bestow sexual favours along with providing cultural entertainment. These categories seemingly combined together, but the contemporary accounts also state the differences. 67 The prostitutes houses in the Sultanate are seen as separate establishments. The state regulated this profession and earned the revenues. In Alauddin s reign, as a result of a joke cracked by a noble, the rates of the prostitutes were fixed and they were classified as first, second and third, in order to provide to different classes of men. 68 In absence of any restriction imposed by the state the number of these women suddenly increased by the reign of Alauddin Khilji as if their population will explode. 69 Amir Khusrau writes that during Alauddin Khilji s reign he made a measure to stop this offensive profession and prostitutes had appropriately been married. 70 Syed Nuruddin Mubarak Ghaznavi 71 a saint at the time of Iltutmish opined that absence of public women would lead to perverted men to encroach upon the pious women. It was probably due to this reason that he considered it inappropriate to abolish the institution of prostitution completely and wanted that these women should carry on their profession in a quite subservient manner. 72 Balban is reported to be seriously concerned about men s sexual nature as men want to pounce on other men s wives, and therefore, prostitution was regarded as a defensive against the passions of uncontrollable men Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 42. Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1323 Hijri, Vol. I, p S.M. Jaffar, Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, S. Mohammad Sadiq Khan Publisher, Peshawar, Pakistan, 1950, p Amir Khusrau, khazainul Futuh, Tr., Mohammad Habib, The Campaigns of Alauddin Khilji, Madras Diocesan Press, Vepery, 1931, p. 11. S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 51; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit.,vol. I, p Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India, op. cit., p

113 Al Umri s description of prostitution in Indian society makes a clear distinction between prostitution practiced by families of prostitute and by individual 74 women who might join the profession. Once they resolved to undertake this profession all their ties with their families were cut off and they led a life devoid of family love and emotion. 75 The latter are mentioned as low in status as compared to the officially registered prostitutes whose mothers and grandmothers were also prostitutes. The latter could serve as witness in the court and were heard and believed in every matter we also hear from him (Al-Umri) high praise for the professional ethics of prostitutes. 76 Najmuddin Sughra, whom Iltutmish entrusted the office of Shaikh- ul Islam, was an arrogant and deceitful person. If he ever found any saint or scholar coming closer to the Sultan or attracting the public eye, he resorted to mean and reprehensible methods for pulling him down. He had the effrontery to work up a detestable charge of adultery against Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi, simply with a view to disgrace him in the eyes of the Sultan. When Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi reached the suburbs of Delhi, Iltutmish went out to receive him. As soon as the Shaikh came in view, he got down from his horse and ran towards him. He brought the Shaikh to his palace with great respect and asked Najmuddin Sughra to make arrangements for his stay. He made arrangements for his stay in a house which was thought to be affected by evil spirit. When the Sultan objected to this arrangement, Sughra replied that if the guest was spiritually gifted, evil spirit would do not harm to him and it happened so. This was intolerable for Sughra and he entered into a dirty conspiracy with Gauhar, a girl of Delhi who worked as a prostitute. He promised to give her five hundred gold coins, if on being summoned to some public gathering. She charged Shaikh Tabrizi of having committed adultery with her. Sughra even advanced half the promised amount and deposited the other half with Ahmad Sharraf, a baqqal of Delhi A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67. Ibid. Women Performers and Prostitutes in Medieval India, op. cit., p

114 She was presented before Iltutmish who convened a mahzar to investigate the allegation. About two hundred eminent Sufi and ulema were invited. Najmuddin, knowing of the rivalry between Shaikh Jalaluddin and Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya, suggested the latter to act as chairman. This recommendation was accepted by the Sultan, as soon as Shaikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi arrived, however, Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya ran to receive him and carry his shoes. The Sultan said such respect by a chairman for the accused had made the mahzar useless. Nevertheless, the allegation had been made and Gauhar had to be summoned. When she arrived, the galaxy of ulema and Sufis so overwhelmed her that she admitted the charge was false and this was corroborated by the grain merchant. Shaikh Najmuddin was dismissed by the Sultan. 77 Some sort of registration was officially done, without which these women were forbidden to carry out their profession. 78 No doubt, these women were involved in vices but they did follow certain norms. It was the practice that once they accepted an amount in advance from an individual they entertained that person only at the appointed time. No matter how much more money was provided to them, they refused to accept the proposal of another client. 79 Amir Khusrau has dealt with the institution of prostitution in his Ijaz-i- Khusravi. He narrates an incident when he placed a prostitute named Bibi Tabha on an ass and took her round the city to investigate as to whom she belonged. He felt surprised when no one came forth to claim her. Thus Amir Khusrau finally took her to hakim to punish her for her undesirable acts. 80 The poet failed to understand why these immoral women could not remain satisfy with one man. Instead they claimed themselves to be favourite of the masses. 81 Ijaz-i-Khusravi mentions names of some of the prostitutes of the period. The poet especially refers to Lang Khatoon an ill reputed woman 82 who refused to entertain her client because she had to maintain K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics India during the Thirteenth Century, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, pp ; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, pp A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 67. Ibid. Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit.,vol.v, p.152. Ibid., p.151. Ibid., p

115 herself for other customers. It is difficult to analyze the cause for the popularity of prostitution. The account of Amir Khusrau gives an idea about it. Next name in the list of prostitutes given by Khusrau is Argawan Khatoon 83 who was also seen in her attire decked with ornaments and jewels. There was a necklace around her neck and a bindi on her forehead. She was fond of betel leaves. 84 Another prostitute Baghachi Khatoon was devoid of physical charm yet she was adored by sensuous men. In spite of her swollen body and large teeth, she was very charming and much in demand. 85 Gazacha Khatoon was another public woman who attracted the poet s attention. She was short necked, one of her shoulder was higher than the other but she was not so popular. 86 Moreover they applied various beauty aids to add charms to their personality. The wishes of some of these public women were strange. Garara Khatoon, a prostitute, aged ninety years was passionately in love with a youth of eighteen years and her earnest desire was to marry him. But whenever the boy saw her, he fled. Thus all her hopes were shattered. 87 Mushba Khatoon was fond of eating all the time. She used to keep the seers of roasted grains in her dupatta and all the time she was busy in eating it. Her mouth produced sound like that of a grinding machine. 88 There is a satirical reference to some bad type of women of the south. One is the Didi Miskin of Devagiri who made her black face white by coming out of the flour mill to cast glamorous side dances on people, and the other was Uchhal the mistress of a brothel, and a typical representative of the Nayakas of India. She and her followers always looked youthful amongst man; her ears were like water drawing buckets hanging down in wells, and her lips were like raised hides of a drain. On one side of her nose a pearl was suspended from the nostril, while on the other the snot having frozen on account of cold breeze looked like a hanging pearl. Her nose made her much too self conscious Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. V, pp Ibid. Ibid, p Ibid Ibid., Vol. V, pp Ibid. S. H. Askari, Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, Khuda Baksh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 1992, p

116 The Sufis were not silent on the issue of prostitution. The presence of prostitute in society served the purpose of its own but their activities were to be carried on secretly without making much publicity. 90 Sayyid Nuruddin Mubarak Ghaznavi had four principles for the protection of Islam. According to his second principle the sins, debauchery and adultery should not be openly committed in Islamic town. 91 Complete eradication of prostitution perhaps would have meant a menace to the pious women who would be exposed to unquenchable human lust. No doubt, it is an offensive profession, but it served to divert and satisfy lascivious men. The aim of Sufi saints was to lead a pious and holy life but they were often made victims of the crafty designs of men who were envious of their fame and prestige. Such men organized to cast a slur on their fame with the help of public women. 92 The incident of Sheikh Jalaluddin Tabrizi has been narrated before. Saints like Maulana Shams Asadi, who had acquired respectable position in religious field, also visited the house of public women. 93 Khwaja Zikrullah narrated the account of a man who went from Delhi to Ajodhan 94 to confess his sins before Baba Farid and then to start a fresh pious life. On his way he met a woman of captivating charm who had earlier lured him on several occasions. But the man tried his least in securing himself, while travelling on a boat the woman deliberately sat next to him and almost succeeded in achieving her goal. As soon as the man extended his hand towards her, a man appeared to him (in a vision) and slapped him 95. Man interfered at the right moment and warned him to keep off from that wicked woman. 96 Shaikh Nizamuddin was not reluctant even to help the prostitute, if they were found in need. His treatment of the prostitutes casts light on his humanism. Shaikh Muhammad Gesu Daraz tells us through the authority of the disciples of the Shaikh, that every time when Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya went to visit the Shrine of Shaikh A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p Ibid. A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I p Ijaz-i-Khusravi, op. cit., Vol. IV, p Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1894, pp K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi, 1998, p. 55. Ibid., pp

117 ul-islam, Qutubuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki, he gave allowance for the prostitute who sat in the open tents along the route. 97 Once he sent someone to tell them in the summer that the Shaikh would like to take rest under the shade if they moved aside for a while. In the meantime, all the prostitutes came out as they waited for the Shaikh for Salam. They stood in the middle of the road. The Shaikh fixed allowance for every one of them and ultimately it took the form of a regular stipend. On the occasions of urs celebration he sent for them victuals and money in addition to their stipend some of them got two silver tankas and two varieties of victuals, while others got one silver tanka and single variety each. 98 The Sufis were also very polite towards this undesirable section of the society and did not admonish the existence of prostitutes. Female Slavery Slavery was an age old institution through which a person or more than a person were kept as the property by an individual. About its prevalence in ancient Indian society we have ample evidence in the sources of ancient period. 99 Sources of the medieval period are also valuable in respect of providing information about slavery in medieval India. Even Sufis in their work have discussed slavery. Slavery was an institution which had had its roots deep penetrated in society from ancient times till the end of the nineteenth century. Going back to the time of Mahabharata, the epic declares that it is the law of war that the vanquished should be the victor s slave. 100 The law continued later on. The war captives both male and female became lawful property of the victor and served him as slaves. Females generally constituted a significant section of the slaves since ancient times till medieval age K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi, 1991, p. 85. Ibid. Lallanji Gopal, Economic Life of Northern India, , Motilal Banarsidas, Varanasi, 1965, p.71, mentions the period of Mahabharata and Jatakas, references of slavery are also found in Arthashastra. A. L., Basham The Wonder That Was India, Surjeet Publications, New Delhi, 2013, p

118 Beside the prisoners of war there were many ways through which females entered slavery. Children born of slaves normally became slaves of their parents masters. Slaves might be bought, given away or mortgaged. A free man might sell himself and his family into slavery in times of dire circumstances. Forcible capture was the major means by which the slave population increased. In Alauddin Khilji s reign the pressure of revenue submission also compelled the farmers to sell their children and women. Barani mentions it, the peasants (were) so submissive and obedient to him that they sold their women and children to pay the land tax. 101 There were also immigrant slaves and slaves were imported to India. Amir Khusrau speaks of import and fixing of prices of Turkish slave girls and Firoz Tughlaq s wazir, Khani-Jahan Maqbul had gathered 20, 000 slave girls brought from Byzantium (Rum) and China. 102 Sometimes slaves were also exported from India, Minhaj sent to his sister in distress in Khurasan, forty slaves. 103 Lekhapadatti document (A thirteenth century document of pre-sultanate Gujarat) shed light on various aspects of social life. Lekhapadatti document on slavery contain deeds prepared in order to sell female slaves. According to this document, two of the slave girls were captured in raids, the third a famine victim harassed by the melachhas and abandoned by her family embraces slavery and the fourth one was sold by her master. In the accounts of Arab conquest of Sind, we find the description of how women were captured, distributed among the army. 104 Ibn Battuta speaks of the captive girls taken from infidels. He describes these girls as cheap, dirty and unaware of the civilized ways. 105 Ferishta mentions that Qutub ud Din Aibek s attack on Naherwala resulted in capture of slaves which were sent to Mahmud Ghori Irfan Habib, Economic History of Medieval India in D. P. Chattopadhayaya ed., History of Science, Philosophy and Culture in Indian Civilization, New Delhi, 2011, Vol. VIII, Part-1, p Ibid. S. A. A. Rizvi, Aadi Turk Kaleen Bharat, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1956, p.6. Cf, Shadab Bano, Women Slaves in Medieval India Indian History Congress Proceedings, 65 th Session, Barielly, 2004, p The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III. p.741. Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. I, pp

119 Mirat-i-Ahmadi describes as how after the famine roads and bazaars were flooded with persons to sell their children for one or two rupee. 107 These war captives were sold in slave market (bazaar-i-barda). Barani mentions about the slave market at Delhi. 108 Like all commodities, slaves were also sold at fixed price during the reign of Alauddin Khilji. The sale prices of slaves were like this. The standard price of a working girl was fixed from 5 to 12 tankas, and that of a good looking girl suitable of concubinage from 20 to 30 and even 40 tankas. The price of a man slave (ghulam) usually did not exceed 10 to 15 tankas; the ugly one could be purchased for 7 to 8 tankas. The price of a child slave (ghulam bacha) was fixed at 7 to 8 tankas. The slaves were classified according to their looks and working capacity. 109 Irfan Habib is of the view that unluckily, we have few data about women s remuneration. He further says that either her work remained practically unpaid as at home, or heavily underpaid when she worked as a labour outside her house. 110 The lowered prices of the working female slave in comparison to the working male slaves during the reign of Alauddin Khilji shows the general underestimation of the value of the female labour. 111 The author of Masalik al Absar fi Mamalik al Amsar writes that the slave girls are cheaper in other cities compared to the slave market at Delhi. 112 There is an exception and a female Indian slave with more refined manners and etiquette can fetch up to 20,000 tankas or even more. He praises the beauty of pretty Indian girls and regards them superior in beauty with females of countries like Turkey and Qipchak Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi, Eng. Tr., M.F. Lokandwala,Oriental Institute, Baroda, 1974, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit.,vol. II, p Ibid. Irfan Habib, Exploring Medieval Gender History, in S. Z. H. Jafri, Recording the Progress of Indian History-Symposia Papers of the Indian History Congress, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p Ibid. A Fourteenth Century Arab Account of India under Muhammad bin Tughlaq, op. cit., p. 51. Ibid., pp

120 Regarding the sale price of slave girl Ibn Battuta says that no rule could be strictly followed in special cases when the catch was very big. He says that a pretty kaniz (slave girl) could be bought for one dinar (10 silver tankas).he purchased a slave girl named Ashura at this price. 114 Ziauddin Barani narrates the reign of Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji. He writes regarding the sale price of a female slave that the strict regulations of Alauddin Khilji vanished with the accession of the new Sultan. Qutbuddin and the nobles gave themselves up to a life of luxury and debauchery. In such circumstances the demand for beautiful slave girls made them a scarce commodity and their prices rose to 500 and sometimes even to 1000 and 2000 tankas. 115 So, in the early fourteenth century the lowest average price of a slave mentioned by chroniclers was about eight tankas and the highest two thousand tankas. Female slave were of two kinds those employed for domestic and menial work and other who were, bought for company and pleasure. Those bought for domestic work lacked education and skill and were often subject to all sorts of inhuman treatment. The Lekhapaddati document specifies the kinds of work a female slave had to do in her master s house. The duties may be classified into household work and field work. Household chores included cutting, grinding, smearing the floor with cow dung, sweeping, fetching water and the fuel, throwing away the excreta of the master s family, milking cattle, churning curd, cooking, cleaning the drains and water tanks of the house, washing the hands and feet of the master and his family, bringing grass for fodder, weeding and cutting grass. 116 Field work included agriculture work sloughing, threshing, going to near and distant places and doing other unspecified work. 117 Women slaves in Sultanate period were put to a variety of tasks within the household, such as hand milling grain, sweeping the floor 118, picking the rice 119, Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. II, p Pushpa Prasad Female Slavery in 13 th Century Gujarat : Document in Lekhapadatti, Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No 1-2, 1988, p Ibid., p

121 spinning and preparing food. 120 Not only spinning, but cotton seed separation from cotton as taken off the field was also a woman s job, women not only helped the weaver in weaving but were also engaged in dyeing, printing and embroidering cloth. 121 A female slave also had to light the fire, cook the food and lay out the meal for the master and fetch water. Further we see that women s work was not only confined to domestic industry but much of the hard labour in building construction was allotted to the women s part. Sixteenth century working women was involved in breaking stones or bricks, sieving lime and carrying mortar on their heads at building sites. 122 During the reign of Sultan Balban female slaves were molested by the mewatis when they went to draw water from wells 123 According to Mirat-i-Ahmadi there was a regulation from the state which mentioned that if a slave or a concubine of a person has fled away or someone has induced him or her away, the administrator of the royal affairs should find them to their rightful owner, nothing should be taken from the owner for this service. 124 Slave girls were also used as concubines since very early times 125 till the medieval age. Female slaves were considered fully disposable articles of property. Isami imagined an achievable life of pleasure, in which he could buy a female slave keep her for a month to satisfy one s lust, then sell her and buy another from the market and go on doing so every month. 126 Young women slaves were especially trained for providing sexual services to the master and their prices were much higher than ordinary slave girls, as we have seen in the price regulations of Alauddin Khilji. These slave girls were selected by the brokers and their faces were scanned for the beauty Fawaid-ul Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi,1993, p Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p Exploring Medieval Gender History op. cit., p Ibid. Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, pp Ali Muhammad Khan, Mirat-i-Ahmadi,, Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1928, Vol. I, p Economic Life of Northern India , op. cit., p.79, give references from Arthashastra and Jatakas. Futuh-us-Salatin Cf, Economic History of Medieval India op. cit, p Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Cf, Economic History of Medieval India, p

122 Concubines had a more honorable and sometimes a dominating position in the household. Example of Shah Turkan can be cited here. According to Minhaj she was a Turkish handmaid 128 who rose to the status of chief queen of the Sultan s harem by dint of her merit and charm and was honored with the title of Khudavanda-i-Jahan. Women slaves turned concubines could increase Muslim population by leaps and bounds when captured in large numbers. 129 Ibn Battuta had a daughter by one of his slave. 130 Barani informs us that beautiful Indian slaves and slave girls were taught court etiquette in order to entertain the Sultan and nobles present at the court. 131 Female slaves as they entered youth were taught to play on rubab and sitar. They were masters of gazal singing and knew the art of coquetry which could even turn away an ascetic from the virtuous paths. 132 The female slaves were also present in the house of nobles and shouldered many household responsibilities. Sultan Firuz Tughlaq was reputed to possess 1,80,000 slaves of whom 12,000 worked as artisans. His principal minister Khan-i-Jahan Maqbool was very fond of women and had number of slave girls in his harem. It is said that his agents searched for the beautiful slave girls in all countries. 133 His harem had two thousand 134 slave girls of all countries from Rum (Byzantine) to China. Every one of these girls adorned herself with fine dresses and ornaments. 135 Sultan Ghiyasuddin of Malwa had 1600 of female slaves who used to receive two tankas of silver and two mounds of grain everyday for their services. 136 Khan-i-Azam Lad Khan a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi maintained a large harem full of countless women. 137 We find a beautiful description of his harem in Waqiat-e- Mushtaqui. Jalal khan Lodi, Khan-i-Khanan Nuhani and Dilawar Khan were other Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, Oriental Books, New Delhi, 1970, pp K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, New Delhi, 1994, pp The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit, Vol. III, p Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p Ibid. Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, op. cit., Vol. II, p.355. Ibid.; see also Habib Irfan, Medieval India: The Study of Civilization, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 2008, p. 62. Politics and Society During Early Medieval Period, Vol. II, p. 355 U.N. Day, Medieval Malwa, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1965, p Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqui, Rampur, 2002, p

123 nobles of the Lodi period who maintained large harem. 138 Dilawar khan daily purchased flowers worth two thousand and five hundred tankas for his harem 139 Ibn Battuta writes that the female slaves were generally given and accepted in the form of gift and narrates an incident when he was gifted by ten female slaves. 140 He also tells us that he presented a slave girl to the mother of Mohammad Bin Tughlaq, who in turn gave one thousand rupees gold jewellery. 141 The Delhi Sultans considered female slaves as one of the most valuable gift given as a diplomatic means for conciliation. On one occasion, Nasiruddin Mahmud gave forty slaves to Balban 142 and similarly Mohammad Bin Tughlaq to a Chinese Emperor. 143 Since these slave girls had access to the royal court, they were well acquainted with the etiquette of the court. Muslim slave girls knew the Quran and were good swimmers and riders and they lived a chaste life, performed prayers and observed fasts regularly. 144 Similarly was the case with female musicians. Sometimes these female slaves acted as spies and provided the minutest detail to the Sultan. 145 They also entertained the royal guest and often graced the occasion of the royal reception in the court. They were treated gently and often rewarded with precious gifts by the Sultan which comprised of gold and jewels. 146 Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq as a part of Eid celebration freed slaves in great numbers. On fifth day after the celebration he emancipated female slaves and on the next day he made arrangements to bring forth their matrimonial alliances with the male slaves. 147 It will be worth to mention here that our Prophet (PBUH) has laid great emphasis on the treatment met to the slaves by their masters. The Prophet s exhortation that a slave owner should feed and clothes his slave in the same way as Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 87. Ibid. The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit.,vol. III, p Ibid., pp J.M Banerjee., History of Feerozshah Tughlaq, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p The Travels of Ibn Battuta,Vol. III, p Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, introduction, p. xxv. Ibid., p Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p Ibid., p. 63; see also The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p

124 himself, (Bukhari Book 2, Chapter 22: Muslim Book Al-Iman, Chapter 10) 148 Anil Chandra Banerjee states that in practical way this could not be possible and writes that it was obviously a principle a law courts could not enforce. 149 These female slaves extended their unselfish and devoted services to their masters served them with sincerity and loyalty and tried to make their life comfortable. Apart from royalty and nobility, Sufis were also the beneficiaries of their services. The attitude of Sufi saints towards women was kind and liberal. They considered them as important section of society. 150 Their intelligence and efficient services often enabled them to get emancipation from slavery on various occasions. Imam Shafai once happened to be the guest of one of his friend. The latter instructed his female servant to prepare dishes for the dinner. 151 The Imam brought about some changes in the prescribed menu by adding a few more dishes of his liking. To his surprise the female slave prepared those meals which were added by the Imam. When the host enquired about the changes in menu the maid told him about the changes made by the Imam. The female servant was highly praised by her master for her efficiency. 152 She was eventually emancipated by the Sufi. Jamaluddin Hasnavi had a female slave; she used to carry his letters to his master Baba Farid. She was called Umm-ul-Muminin (mother of Muslims) because of her sincere and sweet nature. Once, Jamaluddin was employed as Khatib while he was in Baba Farid s discipleship. Sheikh Farid asked him to give up shughl (government service) which was a necessary condition of his higher spiritual discipline. Maulana Jamaluddin resigned his post and with it all his property departed. From the time the Khwaja has become a disciple of yours, the same maid servant of Jamaluddin Hasnavi informed Baba Farid he has given up his villages, property and the office of the Khatib. He is afflicted with starvation and sufferings. God be praised, replied Sheikh Farid, Jamal is happy Syed Maqbool Hussain, Sayings of The Holy Prophet Muhammad.(PBUH), Adam Publishers, New Delhi, 2002, p Anil Chandra Banerjee, The State and Society in Northern India, K. P. Bagchi and company, Calcutta,1982, p.207. Hamid Qalandar, Khair ul-majalis, ed., K.A.Nizami, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh,1959, p Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p.118. Ibid., p.119. Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp

125 Jamal died during the lifetime of his master. His maid servant took Maulana Burhanuddin, son of Sheikh Jamal, to him. He was of tender age at that time, but regardless of this fact, Sheikh conferred his Khilafatnama on him and instructed him to benefit from the company of Sheikh Nizamuddin at Delhi. The maid servant who was taken by surprise at this generosity of the Sheikh, submitted: Khwaja, Burhanuddin bala hai (Burhanuddin is mere a child). Sheikh Farid promptly replied: Ponun Ka Chand bhi bala hota hai. (The crescent is also small). 154 This anecdote symbolizes the caring nature of the female slaves. They were not mere service providers but a part of the family or a khanqahs. A qawwal who visited the Khanqah of Sheikh Bahauddin Zakariya during the reign of Sultan Nasiruddin Mahmud particularly noted the fact that even the slave girls of the Sheikh were all the time busy in reciting the praises of God. 155 Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui a source of Lodi period narrates that none of Khan-i- Jahan Lodi s servant of either sex was careless in offering prayer. Whenever a girl or boy was bought for him from the bazaar he placed him or her under the charge of a tutor for teaching the slave and duty was assigned to him or her when the education was over. 156 Many Muslim Kings especially Firoz Shah Tughlaq were deeply interested in the education of slaves. 157 Another episode illustrating how the wishes of a poor old working female (who used to sweep the floor in Abul Sayeed-ul-Khair s khanqah) were acceded to her, by her master. 158 The old woman performed her duties well and expected its reward sometime. Once a handsome youth entered the services of the Sheikh, she expressed her wish to the Sheikh to arrange her marriage with him. 159 This was not proper; still the Sheikh mediated and asked the youth to marry the old woman. She also insisted that the marriage be performed, with all ceremonies, Nihar, Jalwa, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., pp Ibid. Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p. 74. Some Cultural Aspects of Muslim Rule in India, op. cit., p Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p Ibid. 105

126 feast. Elaborate preparations were made and the marriage solemnized. The maid servant made the youth swear in front of the Sheikh to remain loyal to her throughout his life. 160 This is how the Sheikh fulfilled the wishes of an old maid servant and also expressed his gratitude for the long services which she rendered in the khanqah. The services which the female slaves generally performed for their master consisted mostly of cooking and serving the food in the Sufi khanqahs. Almost all the Sufi saints especially Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya considered slavery as inhuman institution. He appreciated the action of those disciples who set free their slaves. 161 Above all, the tradition of Prophet mentioned here is enough to explain that equal treatment is required by the master towards his or her slave. The Prophet (PBUH) exhorted that a slave-owner should feed and clothe his slave in the same way as himself; it was left to the individual conscience. Though it was not possible by the rulers to act or follow the exhortation. 162 Sheikh Rashid Bandet had one such female servant who carried out her duty well. Being a merchant, Rashid Bandet was always busy in his work. The female servant once enquired to serve food for him. Again she reminded her master to take the meals because the food was getting cold but Rashid Bandet refused to come. After some time, again at night she pleaded politely to have his food and she was told that he had already eaten it. The maid was quite surprised at his answer and boldly enquired about the time when he took the food. 163 Rashid calmly told her that since he was too busy in his work he hardly remembered the time when he had the food. 164 The incident shows deep concern and sincerity of the female slaves towards the welfare of their masters. Thus female slavery was an important institution of the society in the medieval times. Rulers, nobles and even Sufis were benefitted by this institution. Sufis lived a Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p The Life and Times of Sheikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p.136. The State and Society in Northern India, op. cit., p. 207, See also The Sayings of The Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), op. cit., p Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 93. Ibid. 106

127 very difficult life and in very poor financial conditions they could even afford to have a female slave 165 or even more. Nizamuddin Auliya and his mother living in dire poverty had a female slave for domestic services. 166 Maulana Alauddin himself had an old woman slave kept for domestic work; she is specifically described as meant for milling flour in his house in the morning. 167 We find that slave girls in the harem were of two categories one that were ambitious and cunning and exercised ascendancy through beauty and tact and others were the simple, docile and obedient. Thus the nature of female slavery varied from the royal harem to the Sufi khanqahs. It has been observed that female slaves in khanqahs believed in working hard and earned their living by honest means. Concubines Although taking concubines is prohibited in Quran (Surah. V, 5), it is necessary to quote the translation of the verse of the Holy Quran which tells us that keeping concubines is prohibited in Islam. And you are permitted to marry virtuous women who are believers, and virtuous women of those who have been given the scriptures before you, when you have provided them their portions, living chastely with them without fornication and not taking concubines. 168 (Surah. V.5). The Delhi Sultans gave liberal patronage to concubines. 169 The Sultanate harem had large number of concubines. The practice of keeping concubine was very common among Muslim royalty and nobility. 170 There was no legal limitation among the Muslims on the number of concubines they could keep. 171 There were thus jealousies, backbiting and much rivalry among the concubines to win the favour and attention of the master as reported by Al-Umri. 172 Among the Muslim rulers children born of concubines were considered equal to Irfan Habib, Slavery in Delhi Sultanate,Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries-Evidence from Sufic literature, Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No ICHR, 1991, p Khair-ul Majalis, op. cit., pp Slavery in Delhi Sultanate Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries- Evidences from Sufic Literature p Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, University Paper Backs, London, 1965, p The Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p. 53. K. S. Lal, Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, Aditya Prakashan, Delhi, 1994, p Thomas Patrick Huges, Dictionary of Islam, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1982, p. 59. Cf, Women Slaves in Medieval India, op. cit., p

128 children by marriage, although this is not explicitly laid down in the Quran. 173 It appears that the children born from them were deprived of various privileges and opportunities. The fact can be well illustrated by the case of Kai Khusrau who could not ascend to the throne in spite of Sultan Balban s will. The nobles considered it improper to extend support to the son of a concubine (Kai Khusrau s mother happened to be Sultan Balban s concubine) and elevate the off spring of such union to the throne of Delhi. 174 Shah Turkan worked hard to gain favours for her son Ruknuddin Ibrahim. Incident of Kai Khusrau indicates that though the concubines were accepted and patronized, yet their progeny could not claim certain legal rights. They sometimes received discriminative treatment in several respects. The concubines were generally carried on horseback while the more respected ladies of the harem were perhaps conveyed in covered carriages. 175 Eunuchs A special class of slaves was employed in the service of the royal ladies of the harem, these were eunuchs. 176 As Barani informs that, handsome eunuchs fetched as high prices as beautiful slave girls and served the purpose of looking after the harem. 177 In spite of the prohibition of human castration 178 these were usually bought in childhood and castrated. They were an important part of the harem during the Sultanate period. The Muslims imported eunuchs from the neighboring countries. The female quarters were guarded by eunuchs. These were armed eunuchs under a chief eunuch. 179 They also acted as messengers between the inmates of the harem and the outer world. Minor household posts were given to them and they served the Sultan as attendants in his private chamber Muslim Slave System in Medieval India, op. cit., p Lokesh Chandra Nand, Women in Delhi Sultanate, Vohra Publishers, Allahabad, 1989, p Women Slaves in Medieval India, op. cit., p.316 Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p.103 Economic History of Medieval India op. cit., p I. H. Qureshi, Administration of the Sultanate of Delhi, Oriental Books, New Delhi, 1971, pp History of the Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, op. cit., p Administration of the Sultante of Delhi, p

129 After the thorough study of the sources of Sultanate periods we can conclude that women played several roles in society which are still in practice. The female slavery took the form of female servants found in modern household. Prostitution been a big stigma to a society has been continuously in practice since ancient times. In ancient India, prostitutes were protected and supervised by the court and two days earning was collected from them as tax. 181 Not any era played a role in the removal of these institution like slavery, prostitution etc. Forbidden issues in Islam related to women, for example keeping concubines were also practiced. Thus, we can conclude that women had always been allotted a special place in society. They worked as slaves in the houses of rich and poor and earned their living. There was a class of prostitutes, female singers and dancers who earned by these means of recreation. Some references are found were women ran shops 182, acted as spies and scavengers The Wonder that Was India, op. cit., p.184 Al-Makki Muhammad Abdullah, Zafar ul Walih bi Muzaffar wa Alihi, Eng. Tr., M. F. Lokendwala, University of Baroda, Baroda, Feb. 1974, Vol. II, p

130 Chapter 4 Sufi and Bhakti Women

131 Chapter 4 SUFI AND BHAKTI WOMEN The beginning of the thirteenth century or probably, a century earlier, saw the establishment of Sufi orders in India. The Sufi saints participated in the overall development of the society. They played important part in molding the attitude and activities of the people and their khanqah was the place where people of all sorts assembled. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya open heartedly admitted all sorts of people in his discipleship. 1 Sufis were not gender biased; women were given equal importance as their male counterparts. 2 Sufism is fundamentally a religion of love. 3 The aim of the Sufis was to throw open the path of salvation to everyone irrespective of his status. It was a secular movement which intended to secure the privileges and right for the lower sections of society. The various Sufi silsilas were initiated by the learned Sufis and were aimed at spiritual as well as socio religious uplift of the society. 4 Almost all the Sufis won the heart of the people by their love and liberal attitude and social service. The Sufis considered them as an important section of the society 5 and paid respect to them. The main concern of the chapter is to explore the attitude of the Sufis towards women and the institution of marriage. The Sufis of the Sultanate appear to have adopted a genuine attitude towards women which was in consonance with the tradition of the Prophet (PBUH) and Quranic spirit. Fortunately, in the lives of the Sufis their mothers played an important role in developing mystic cult, some references are also found where the wife played an important role in developing and maintaining the spiritual tendencies of her husband. In case of some Sufis the mother 6 identified the mystic aptitude in their son and played important role in transforming them into eminent Sufis of the age. Baba Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Shaikh Abdur Rashid, Aligarh, 1957, Vol. II, pp Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, 1312 Hijri, p. 22. Bimanbehari Majumdar, Religion of Love: The Early Medieval Phase (c. AD ), in N. N. Bhattacharyya ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1989, p. 1. M.S.Ahluwalia, Baba Shaikh Farid: A Harbinger of Hindu-Muslim Unity, in N. N. Bhattacharyya ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, p. 74. Hamid Qalandar, Khair-ul-Majalis, ed., K. A. Nizami, Dept. of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1959, p Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p

132 Farid s first instructor was his mother; he had deep influence of his mother s teaching on him. Her name was Qarasum Bibi. She in order to inculcate the habit of offering regular prayers used to place sugar candies under his prayer carpet. Baba Farid was very fond of sugar in childhood, once his mother told him God sends sugar to that boy who punctually offers his morning prayers, and began to keep small packet of sugar under his pillow every night. When Baba Farid offered his prayers in the morning he found that packet under his pillow. Baba Farid, when reached his twelfth years his mother stopped putting the packet, but the packet continued to reach him from the divine source. His mother did not know about this. Once, she asked him whether he was receiving that sugar. She was taken by surprise when she received the reply in affirmative. She made a careful inquiry and was convinced that the gift came from the divine source. 7 Mother of famous Chisti saint Nizamuddin Auliya was Bibi Zulaikha, he had great impact of the teachings of his mother. Most of the Sufi literature of the Sultanate period has abundant references of how the mother and son were spiritually related with each other. The Sufi saints imparted respect to the women in their family as well as the women in the society. They came across number of women in their Khanqahs and in the society too. Their perception, views and attitude towards different kind of females as a part of society is an important matter to deal with. The chapter is divided into two parts; the first part will deal with eminent Sufis of the Sultanate period and their views, attitude towards the women folk and their views regarding marriage and celibacy. The second part of the chapter is a collection of biographies of the women Sufi saints of the Sultanate period. The sources consulted are Fawaid-ul-Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi, Khair-ul- Majalis of Hamid Qalandar, Siyar-ul-Auliya of Sayyid Mohammad Mubarak Kirmani known as Mir Khurd, Siyar-ul-Arifin of Shaikh Jamali and Akhbar-ul-Akhyar of Abdul Haqq Muhaddis. None of these Sufi literatures is devoid of the sayings of the Sufi saints for women. By the means of Khair-ul-Majalis we come to know the method of initiation of female as disciple in Sufi order by the famous saint Nasiruddin Chirag Dehalvi. The saint would first dip his index finger in a bowl fill with water and 7 K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, Idarah-i-Adabiyat- i- Delli, Delhi, 1998, p

133 recited prayers. After that the woman who had to be taken into discipleship immersed her index finger in the same bowl and completed her initiation. This indicates that he did not consider women inferior than men and did not practice discrimination on the basis of sex. Similar restriction was placed on both men and women. 8 A woman approached to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and she was initiated among his murids by the way of baiat. 9 Initially, there were two disciples in the service of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya 10. Both men and women could perform chillah in the khanqah of Sufi saints. Once a man wished to perform chillah in the guidance of khwaja Zikrullah, the saint explains him the difference of method of performing chillah by male and female. The process was easy for females and more rigorous for males. Like Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, his chief successor Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag Dehlvi treated men and women on equal plane. It is said that the Shaikh used to give his prayer carpet to the person whom he found sincere in matters of religion. Both men and women received this favour from him. Before his death, he is reported to have distributed the relics that he possessed among his four disciples, one of whom was a woman. 11 Shaikh Farid allowed the Hindus to become his murids or spiritual disciples. In Jamatkhana of Baba Farid no distinction was made between man and woman on any ground as in his eyes all human being were equal. 12 Some of the females of the Sultanate period are well-known for their piety and religious minded attitude. Among the saintly women in Islam the most prominent one was Rabia Basri. Later on, in the sources of the Sultanate period, references are found of many other Sufi women such as mother of Shaikh Farid, Bibi Qarasum, mother of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Bibi Zulaikha, Bibi Auliya, Bibi Sharifa, Bibi Fatima Sam, Bibi Khadija etc. As the mother of the Sufi saints helped them achieve the mystic aptitude the wives of some of the renowned Sufis helped them to maintain their spiritual values The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, ed., Khwaja Hasan Sani Nizami Dehlavi, Urdu Academy, Delhi, 1992, p K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i- Delli, Delhi, 1991, p. 30. I. H. Siddiqui, Sufi Perspectives on Women and Marriage, in I. H. Siddiqui, Composite Culture under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p Baba Shaikh Farid: A Harbinger of Hindu-Muslim unity, op. cit., p

134 This can be better analyzed by mentioning the anecdote from the life of Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagori. Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagori along with his wife lived a peaceful and selfsufficient life in a small village of Nagaur. His daily need was a few mounds of grain and sometimes he needed a few yards of rough hand woven cloth. He produced these things for himself and his wife. He lived in a mud house and cultivated a single bighah (unit to measure land) of land, used only two sheets of cloth to cover him. He kept a cow and milked it. This was how he spent his life peacefully. His wife was a lady of fervent piety and strong mystic temperament too lived a mystic life, she cooked and led a simple life like a peasant woman. 13 Touched by his penitence and poor living conditions the muqta of Lahore offered a plot of land and some cash to him. The Shaikh apologized saying that, As none of his elder saints had not accepted a government gift how can he accept it? Later on, the muqta of Nagaur informed the Sultan about the matter and the Sultan sent five hundred silver tankas with a farman conferring a village on him. When the muqta presented the royal gift to him he informed about it to his wife, who asked her husband to refuse the offer thus considering the life of material prosperity and comfort unavailing for them. They were in such a state of poverty that the lady herself had a tattered dupatta on her head and the saint with a grimy loin cloth on his body. In such a state of utter poverty the wife was filled with the mystic powers, she spoke to her husband, Oh, Khwaja do you want to disgrace years of spiritual devotion and penitence by accepting this gift? 14 She then consoled her husband by saying that, Need not to worry, I have won two seers of yarn that will be sufficient for preparing a loin cloth for you and a dupatta for me. Such was the mystic values of the women of that age. She in order to maintain the mystic values of her husband and of herself asked her husband to refuse the wealth offered by the Sultan. The Sufis of the Sultanate period considered that the sainthood could not be reconciled with the possession of material wealth K. A. Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, pp Ibid., p. 201, see also A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhayay, Calcutta, 1969, pp

135 Shaikh Hamiduddin Nagori heard his wife patiently and was successful in preserving his spiritualism. The Sufi saint had a liberal attitude towards women whether she would be a mother, a wife or even a slave girl. The Sufis had a humble attitude towards their female slaves sometimes they felt better to emancipate the female slave. Once Maulana Alauddin Usuli had a newly purchased slave girl who belonged to the mewas village near Badaun named Kahtehar. She had a son whom she left and came to the service of Maulana, once all of a sudden remembering her son she started crying. Maulana Alauddin enquired the reason behind her weeping and she told the reason of her despair. The Maulana asked her as to whether she would be able to reach her place if he took her to the water tank which was at a distance of one mile from the city of Badaun. She replied positively and agreed that she will be able to reach her house if she was left at the water tank. The next morning the Maulana took her to the tank and left her there and gave a few loaves of bread for her rest of the journey 15. In this way he helped the woman to reconcile with her separated son. 16 Thus, the Sufis paid due regard to women and tried to help them in every possible way. Maulana Alauddin Usuli considered it his moral duty to help the woman reunite with her son and bring happiness to her The Sufis continued to inspire humanism in their followers with regard to the treatment of slaves. Shaikh Jalaluddin Bukhari, popularly known as Makhdum Jahanian-i-Jahangasht was critical of people who sold slave girls after they had given birth to their children. He describes how a female slave was purchased by a young man for domestic work and when she was brought home, the young man s father recognized her and told him that she was his mother whom he had sold after his birth. Such sale was declared by the Shaikh as undesirable. 17 The slave girls were also paid as the futuh to the Sufis, once the Shaikh himself was presented as futuh, two charming young slave girls with 500 tankas in cash. The Shaikh accepted the futuh saying that proper care would be taken of the girls as his son was untrustworthy. 18 He accepted these two slave girls in order to provide them protection from the evil eyes of his son rather than using them as a means for repress household chores. This also Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p Ibid., p.741; The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamudddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 24. Sufi Perspectives on Women and Marriage, op. cit., p Ibid. 115

136 indicates that how much selfless and humble were the Sufi saints when they dealt with their female slaves. Sufi text describes one more such example where Sufi is found kind and humble towards their female slave. Qazi Hamiduddin s grandson Sharafuddin lived in Nagaur. Once, he thought of visiting Shaikh-ul-Islam Fariduddin in order to express his sentiments and devotion towards him. Qazi Sharafuddin had a slave girl, she asked her master to convey her sentiments of servitude to Shaikh-ul-Islam Fariduddin and present to him on her behalf, an embroidered kerchief which she made herself. 19 Maulana Sharfuddin reached there and presented himself to Shaikh-ul-Islam in all devotion. After inquiring about his welfare, he told to Shaikh-ul-Islam about the slave girl s devotion towards him and placed the embroidered kerchief before the Shaikh. On receiving the kerchief the Shaikh spoke these benedictory words May God grants her freedom. 20 For a slave whether female or male emancipation was the most valuable thing and Shaikh Faridudin prayed for her freedom which was the most important for her. When Maulana Sharafuddin left back for his house at Nagaur he thought that whatever the Shaikh has said will certainly take place and the slave girl will be free. Therefore, he thought of setting free the slave girl by himself. Thus, the man preferred to get the reward of emancipating her female slave rather than selling her to anyone else for a handsome amount of hundred tankas. 21 The grandson of Skaikh Hamiduddin earned the reward of emancipating the slave. It was better to free his female slave rather than to sell her and earn a profitable amount. Service of humanity was the primary concern of the Sufis, they believed in service of mankind rather than attainment of material wealth. Eminent Sufi of the chisti silsilah, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya freed a minor slave girl. He had a male slave Malih, who was freed by him. Once, Malih bought a minor slave girl at a price of five tankas. After some time the parents of that slave girl came crying and requested to Malih to return their daughter offering him to take back Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p Ibid. Ibid. 116

137 ten tankas instead of his five tankas. Nizamuddin Auliya was moved at the sight of their sad plight. 22 Shaikh was a kind hearted man who could not surpass the grief of the parents who sold their child. He felt disturbed at the sight of weeping parents and paid twice the amount to Malih so that he could return the minor slave girl to her parents. The child slave girl was freed by the generosity of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. 23 Though, keeping female slaves for the purpose of household chores was a part of domestic life of the Sultanate period. The Sufis found it their privilege to emancipate the slaves. They considered it their duty to help the women in distress. Another anecdote which throws light upon the kind treatment meted out to women by Sufis happened at Gujarat where a darvesh (mendicant) met a man who seemed to be divinely inspired and lived a life of heavenly ecstasy. 24 These two shared a small room in a house together. One morning the darvesh visited a reservoir for ablution which was under strict vigilance by the guards and no one was allowed to enter into it. The guard and the darvesh were familiar with each other and thus he allowed the darvesh to use the reservoir water for performing ablution. The darvesh noticed that few women were standing with pitchers in their hand to fill water but were not allowed to enter the hauz. The darvesh noticed an old woman among them; he helped the old woman by filling her pitcher. The other women standing there also requested the darvesh to fill their pitchers. He helped them all by filling their pitchers with water from the reservoir. Now, he returned to the room where he found the other person still asleep. The darvesh started offering the fajr prayer loudly as the result of which the other man was awake. The man commented that the service to the mankind is more important than simply offering the prayers. Helping to those in need must be a religious man s primary concern and the real good work you did was filling the pitchers of those women who needed water Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p Ibid. Ibid., p Ibid. 117

138 The Islam lays emphasis on the service of mankind. The Sufis along with the obligatory prayers performed a lot of social service for the betterment of mankind. One of the primary concerns of the Sufis was to help mankind especially the women folk. They extended their services to downtrodden and persons in need. 26 Sufis were moved by the pain, suffering and miserable condition of the mankind and they considered service to mankind more meaningful than simply offering prayers. He was reported to have said that there were two types of divine worship, t at-i-lazmi (compulsory) and tat-i-mut adi (voluntary). The former involves praying five times, fasting, etc. The latter was done for the good of others, and included the distribution of food or other types of assistance to people. For him, t at-i-muta adi was more important and had more religious merits. He repeatedly lays stress on the importance of t at-i-mut adi and places it far above all meritorious deeds as viewed by religion. 27 Once, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya while walking on the banks of the Jamuna noticed a woman drawing water from the well nearby. Due to inquisitiveness he asked the woman the reason behind fetching water from the well when the Jamuna was flowing nearby. That woman replied that, she and her husband were poor people and the water of Jamuna has the characteristic of increasing the appetite and creating the hunger. So, to avoid this condition they drink the water after fetching it from the well. The Shaikh felt sad by the reply of the poor woman and tears appeared in his eyes. He told Iqbal, In our Ghiyaspur there is a woman who due to fear of increased appetite does not drink the water of Jamuna,he asked Iqbal to enquire from her about her daily expenses and accordingly fix the maintenance allowance for her family. 28 Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya has advised the rulers of the kingdom by the means of quoting a tradition of the Prophet (PBUH) Mohammad. He says that the Prophet (PBUH) has said that if an old woman goes to bed hungry in any town of a kingdom, she would hold the collar of the ruler on the Day of Judgment which is sure to come Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p Sufi Perspectives on Women and Marriage, op. cit., p The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 85. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p

139 This narration of the tradition by the Shaikh depicts that how much special regards Sufis paid to the woes of women. They considered their prime duty to end the distress of women, be it of any kind. Most of the times Sufis of the chisti silsilah believed in providing financial help to people in distress from the money they received in futuh. Once a poor man named Shams, who belonged to Sunnam was in great financial crisis and found difficult to meet the daily expenses of his mother and himself. In desperate circumstances he visited to Baba Farid and pleaded to him to pray for his welfare. The Shaikh prayed for his prosperity and Shams got an appointment as dabir in the service of Bughra Khan. 30 The Sufis transferred their message of love and service to humanity from themselves to their disciples and they adopted these principles very effectively in their lives. Once, it happened that like Baba Farid, his disciple Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansvi was also kind and humble towards his slaves. He had a maid servant who took care of his son, Burhanuddin. When Shaikh Jamaluddin Hansvi died, his son Burhanuddin was a minor. She took care of the son with great love and affection. She was known by the title of Umm-u l- Muminin. 31 (The mother of Muslims) The Sufi khanqahs were like a blessing of God for the needy, poverty stricken and hungry people. The service of mankind was one of their preferred principles. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to consume very little food. Once, Abdur Rahim who prepared Sahri for him protested by saying that eating less at sahri will be injurious for his health. The Shaikh replied with tears in his eyes that so many poverty-stricken people are sleeping without dinner in the corner of the mosque and before the shops. How can this food go down my throat? 32 As too significant feature of Sufism which cannot be ignored is the quintessence of the mystics feeling of unity of God and brotherhood of man. The lower strata of Hindu society got impressed by this mystic feelings and this was the beginning of the Bhakti cult which arose from the lower Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Mir Khurd, Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, Sulaiman Collection, 609/6, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Folio. 95(a); see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p

140 strata of Hindu society. 33 Chaitanya, Kabir, Nanak, Dhana, Dadu are various examples who belonged to this class. There was hardly a saint of the Bhakti school who had not passed some of his time in a Khanqah. 34 Once a danishmand from Meerut reaches to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya and speaks about his problem caused due to poverty. He told the Shaikh that he has a daughter but do not possess means to arrange her marriage. The Shaikh gave him a tanka as a token of blessing. Miraculously, his need somehow came to the notice of the ladies of the harem of Alauddin Khilji resulting which his needs were fulfilled. 35 A thirteenth century Sufi saint, Sharfuddin Yahya Maneri of Bihar, used to supply grains on credit. When the amount swelled to one thousand tankas the whole of it was paid off from the income of the futuhat. Whenever it came of helping the poor or the person in need no discrimination was made between different classes of people. For example, the financial needs of the prostitutes were also considered by the Sufis. The urs (anniversary celebration) of Shaikh Farid was celebrated on a grand scale in the Khanqah of Shaikh Nizamuddinn Auliya. A special preparation was made to cook variety of food and at the same time care was taken in the distribution of cooked food. The Shaikh was inquisitive about the participation of his friends and his disciples in the urs. Food was sent to the houses of those who could not attend the celebration. May be the Shaikh did not want the presence of prostitutes in the celebration, 36 so the Shaikh sent food and money to them. On an urs day, Iqbal through Abu sent a tray of food and a tanka to a woman who was a prostitute. The woman earlier used to get two trays of food and two tankas. When she received one tray and one tanka she thought that Abu has kept one tray and a tanka with him. She came to Khanqah and started making fuss for it. The Shaikh overheard and instructed Iqbal to give one more tanka and a tray of food to her. 37 The Shaikh with his generosity managed to calm down the woman. None of the people in the city were deprived of the generosity of the Shaikh Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Ibid. The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p.72. Ibid. Ibid. 120

141 Widows also got an allowance from Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya if they were left without any financial support. We will further see in this chapter how the widow and the two sons of Maulana Badruddin Ishaq were invited to Delhi by Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, after the demise of Maulana Badruddin Ishaq. The Sufi saints helped the poor by the material means and also prayed to God for their betterment. Sometimes Sufis used their miraculous powers for helping the person in need. An anecdote from Khair-ul-Majalis will asserts the view that Sufis sometimes used their miraculous powers for the well-being of the person in trouble. Shaikh-ul-Islam Fariduddin used his miraculous power to reconcile an oil seller to his separated wife. In a village of Ajodhan lived an oil-seller with his beautiful wife whom he loved the most. The muqti of village sacked the village and the inhabitants were taken as captives. Someone caught his wife and disappeared from there. The oil seller cried a lot, he reached to the Shaikh and narrated the whole incident of plunder and lost of his wife. The Shaikh listened and asked him to stay with him for three days. The oil seller was so restless that he could not stay for a moment but respecting the Shaikh s advice he stayed there for two days. The third day a man was brought to the Shaikh. That person was being summoned by the muqti of the village. Shaikh said to that person not to be worried, he said him to go to the muqti and you will be given few things from the muqti. He also told him, that you will be given a slave girl which I want you to give to this oil seller. To the surprise of the oil seller the person got a slave girl from the muqti of the village who was his separated wife. The oil seller became extremely happy after obtaining his lost wife. 38 This was the miraculous power used by Shaikh Farid to reconcile a lost wife to his woeful husband, thus making them happy. As mentioned earlier the Sufis always had a milder attitude towards every section of society. They took care of women without discrimination on the basis of their profession. Special care was taken to fulfill the financial needs of any prostitute, if it comes to the notice of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. The saint had a routine of visiting the graves of his mother and khwaja Qutbuddin Bakhtiyar Kaki. While he 38 Irfan Habib, Slavery in the Delhi Sultanate, Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries-Evidence from Sufic Literature, Indian Historical Review, Vol. XV, No 1-2, , pp

142 came out of the khanqah to visit the graveyard the prostitutes used to come out on the street. He did not like to be surrounded by them, hence he sent some people to distribute money to them and ask them to leave the road and sit in the shade. 39 Such was the attitude of the Sufi saint for the prostitutes also; he never admonished them because of their profession and always had a considerable attitude towards women in matters of poverty. According to Nizamuddin Auliya human beings are like children of God on earth and one who is a truly devoted towards god must strive for the welfare of all the people regardless of any consideration. Shaikh had special respect for women; he considered women as important as men and gave them equal status with them. According to his one saying women are known for their virtue and chastity. He praised the religious devotions of the females. It was the piety rather than the gender which mattered. The intensity of worship of Almighty matters rather than the personality of the worshipper. There is no difference among the worshippers on the basis of sex, it may be a man or a woman all that matters is the extent of piety in one. He also said that virtuous qualities are always appreciated in a person. By the example of lion he said if a lion comes out of the jungle, nobody bothers about its being male or female. This means human being whether male or female were to be known because of their being righteous and devoted towards God. He also recited the following couplet on the subject of virtue and excellence of the devout and abstinence in a person. The Malfuz literature is a treasure house of the anecdotes of the Sufi saints who had immense polite and kind attitude towards the women. They won the hearts of the people by their enormous love, liberalism and deep charitable attitude towards the poor and the downtrodden. Their social service at the khanqah made these khanqahs an important place in the history of Sufism. These were a special place where Sufis worshipped and performed various social work like giving spiritual soothing to the persons disgusted, frustrated and hearts bleeding with the atrocities of the external world. 39 The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p

143 An open kitchen (langar) was the regular feature of the khanqah life in medieval India. 40 And it was a part of the disciplined life of the Sufis to provide service to the needy and the oppressed. Sufi views regarding marriage and celibacy Almost all Sufis entered into matrimonial alliance excepting a few. There is a tradition of Prophet (PBUH) mentioning that, A married man perfects half of his religion. During the pre-islamic period of the Arabs, there was no limit to the number of wives they could keep, but Islam limited the number to one, with permission to marry, if necessary, two or three or even four, provided one can treat them with justice and equality in his relations with them as a husband. It can be extremely difficult for anyone but not impossible. Thus we can say that Islam permits his followers towards monogamy. It does not definitely bind a man saying he can take only one wife. 41 By the means of tradition mentioned above we can say that marriage was encouraged by the Prophet (PBUH) while celibacy was condemned. Sufis followed the tradition of Prophet (PBUH) and lived a married life and have had large families. Women too emphasized remarriage in the early days of Islam, women married several times after becoming widow or after having been divorced by their husband. For instance, Khadija, the first wife of the Prophet (PBUH) had been twice married before accepting the Prophet (PBUH) as her third husband. 42 Contrary to the idea of marriage the eleventh century Sufi saint Shaikh Ali Hujwiri is a staunch supporter of celibacy. He considered relation with the woman as a diversion from the righteous and religious path. He settled in India in late eleventh century, was a great supporter of celibacy for Sufis, and himself never married. He speaks disparagingly regarding the women. In his words, A woman was the cause of the calamity that overtook Adam in Paradise, and also of the first quarrel that happened in this world, i.e. the quarrel of Abel and Cain. A woman was the cause of Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p A. M. A. Shustery, Outlines of Islamic Culture, Banglore Press, Banglore City, Vol. II, 1938, p Ibid. 123

144 the punishment inflicted on two angels (Harrut and Marrut); and down to the present day all mischief, worldly or religious have been caused by women. 43 In spite of this idea most of the Sufi saints embraced married life and rejected the life of celibacy. With the exception of Nizamuddin Auliya all the early Chisti mystic saints led a married life. Shaikh Moinuddin Chisti married late in life, around ninety years of age. Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis of Akhbaar-ul-Akhyar says that Shaikh Moinuddin Chisti had two wives 44 Ummatullaah and Asmatullah. The first wife was the daughter of Hindu raja; the second was the daughter of Sayyid Wajihuddin Meshedi. 45 Shaikh Qutbuddin Bakhtiyaar Kaki also married late in life and probably married twice. He divorced one of his wives, soon after marriage, as according to him, her presence had disturbed his daily program of prayers. 46 Shaikh Farid had a number of wives and a big family. Shaikh Nasiruddin Chiraag is reported to have stated on the authority of his master that Shaikh Farid had many wives and treated them all justly and equitably so far as the marital relationship was concerned. 47 But to provide for this large family was always a problem for him, particularly in the closing years of his life when no futuh came to him. Very often his family had to strive. The maid servant would come and report about the starving conditions of his family but he gave no notice to her talks. 48 Khair-ul-Majalis and Akhbar-ul-Akhyaar, mention an anecdote regarding the poverty stricken days of the Shaikh. One day a wife of Shaikh told him Khwaja! Today my son is about to expire from starvation The Shaikh rose his head and said what the poor Masud 49 had to do Ali Hujwiri, Kashf-al-Mahjub, Eng. Tr., Reynold Nicholson, Taj Company, Delhi,1982, p. 363; see also Jhon A. Subhan, Sufi Saints and Shrines in India, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1999, p Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis, Akhbaar-ul-Akhyar, Matba-i-Mohammadi, Delhi, 1283 A.H., pp Ibid.; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., Part-III, Majlis-10, pp ; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p. 219; see also, S. A. A. Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi,1975, Vol. I, p Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 89; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p Baba Farid s full name was Fariduddin Masud. 124

145 in this matter? If fate has so decreed and he dies, tie a rope round his feet and throw him out and come back 50 Shaikh Najibuddin younger brother of Shaikh Fariduddin lived in Delhi with his wife and two sons. 51 A famous anecdote form Khair-ul-Majalis states that Shaikh Najibuddin lived in days of utter poverty but entertained his guest the best way he could. Once some qalandars came to visit the Shaikh on the eid day, he had nothing in his house to entertain the guest. He thought of selling his wife s dupatta but found it torn and patched. Then his prayer carpet caught his attention, it was no better. Lastly he was compelled to offer his guest only cold water. 52 This anecdote does not have any relation with the idea of living a married life it simply represents the benevolent nature of a Sufi who in order to entertain the guest does not hesitate to sell the precious items like dupatta of his wife and a prayer carpet. Nizamuddin Auliya had special regards for the guest who visited the Khanqahs. He used to say that if someone visits a living man and he is not entertained by some eatable item or at least water it is like that he visited a dead person. 53 A sixteenth century writer says that Shaikh Sadruddin Arif had married a divorced wife of Price Mohammad, the eldest son of Balban. It happened so that Prince in a rage of anger divorced his wife. Later he regretted of his behavior and wanted to remarry her. We have examples of Sufis who married their daughters to their disciples. Maulana Badruddin Ishaq a distinguished khalifa of Shaikh Farid was an eminent scholar of Delhi Sultanate. Shaikh Farid married his daughter Bibi Fatimah to him. 54 Matrimonial relations were established between Suhrawardi saints and members of ruling dynasty. A famous matrimonial alliance was made between Bibi Rasti, the daughter of Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq and Shaikh Fathullah bin Shaikh Auhaduddin, the grandson of Shaikh Fariduddin. The Sultan himself sent the proposal Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 52; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, p Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 75 ; Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Society and Culture in Medieval India, p

146 to the Shaikh 55. Initially, Shaikh refused the proposal but when the mother of the Sultan, Malika-i-Jahan intervened, the proposal was settled. One more interesting alliance was made between Syed Mohammad Gawas the founder of Qadiri Silsilah in India and daughter of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. Sultan respected him and became his disciple and also married his daughter to the saint 56 Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya did not marry but once with his advice he managed to reconcile the strained relation of a husband and wife. Qazi Muhiuddin Kashani s relation with his wife was so much unpleasant that he decided to divorce her. He sought the Shaikh s advice, who did not approve it resulting which the relations between the husband and wife were restored. 57 Sufis applied innumerable efforts for the marriage of girls whose parents had poor financial conditions and could not afford the expenses of marriage. The sources of medieval period have numerous examples when Sufis arranged for the marriage of the poor girls. Once, a poor man came to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya in connection with the marriage of his two daughters. The Shaikh wrote a letter to Malik Qir Bak, who was an eminent noble of Alauddin Khilji. The Shaikh asked the man to give that letter to him. Qir Bak had made arrangements for the marriage of his own daughter. After reading the letter of the Shaikh he handed over everything to that poor man sent by the Shaikh. Thus, arranging for marriage of such girls was considered a good deed by Sufi saints. Such examples are found in abundance were the marriages were financially arranged by the Sufis. Sometimes the Sufi saints helped the people in arranging suitable matches for their daughters. A man visited Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, he had daughters to marry but was unable to find the suitable match for his daughters. The man explained the Shaikh about his problem. The Shaikh advised him to be patient, the man became dissatisfied with his advice. He said to him that he would only realized my agony if he would have only a daughter. Listening this, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya enquired the man that what he want him to do? The man asked the Sufi to recommend someone A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p Sufism its Saints and Shrines, op. cit., p. 264 The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p

147 who can act as a suitable match for his daughter. The Shaikh recommended him to a grandson of Zafar Khan. These anecdotes prove that the Sufis imparted their best in arranging the marriages of the girls. The help provided by them was of any kind most of the times they financially helped the poor parents to marry their daughters and sometimes they helped them in finding out suitable matches for their unmarried daughters. Syed Jalaluddin Bukhari took his journey to Delhi in order to gain favours from the Sultan and other dignified nobles to arrange for the marriage of seven daughters, fathers of whom have died. 58 At the same time Sufis like Shaikh Nasiruddin could not tolerate extravagance in marriage whether a girl or a boy. Shaikh Najibuddin protested the extravagance imposed on the marriage of a daughter of a noble named Aitmar. Shaikh Najibuddin when came to know that he has spent lavishly on the marriage of his daughter he remarked that it would be better if you had spent this amount in service of God. Resulting which he lost his job given by him and all the property was confiscated by Aitmar. 59 Sufism has a place for women also. Worship and devotion were not confined up to men. Women also stood for their religious attitude and fervent piety. The history of Islam, first of all introduces Rabia Basri as the first woman who indulged in penance and found a place in mysticism. Likewise, we find many ladies during the Sultanate period that indulged themselves in prayers and are known for their spiritual values, worship, abstinence, piety, religiosity, pleasant nature and overall their kind and humble attitude towards the poor and the helpless. These religious minded ladies find a special place in the sources of the Sultanate period. These ladies were mothers, sisters and sometimes wives of the Sufis. Mothers of the eminent Sufi saints helped their sons to gain spiritualism and inculcated in them the love for the God. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya praises the devotion of the Sufi women and remarks that if a lion appears from the jungle no one bother about its sex (being male for female). This means that human being whether male or female, were to be known Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 185; see also Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, pp Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, Part II, Majlis -30, op. cit., p. 452 ; A History of Sufism in India, Vol. I, p

148 because of their religious bent of mind and devotion towards God. He also recited the following couplet on the subject of virtue and excellence of the devout and the abstinent. Bibi Zulaikha The Malfuz literature of the Sultanate period writes a lot about Bibi Zulaikha s spiritual outlook. She was the mother of renowned Sufi saint, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. It was his mother who gave him under the guidance of Maulana Alauddin Usuli, she must have heard about the piety and erudition of Maulana Alauddin Usuli. 60 The three in the family (mother, daughter and son) lived in Badaun in utter poverty; he lost his father when he was eight years of age. When Shaikh completed his early education with Maulana Alauddin Usuli, and finished with a text Quduri, he was asked by his teacher for the ceremony of dastaarbandi. The text Siyar -ul-auliya describes how the mother of the Shaikh spun a dastaar (turban) for him from the yarn present at the home. The final ceremony of dastaarbandi was performed by the special invitee, Ali Maulana Buzurg, who was not his teacher. We can explore how the mother of the Shaikh in utter poor circumstances arranged a dastaar for the son; no doubt she worked hard in order to make the ceremony of dastaarbandi a happy moment for her son. K. A. Nizami writes that his mother was the pillar of strength for him when he was travelling the journey of life with struggle, poverty and hardship as companions. 61 In the days of utter poverty, when there was nothing to eat, his mother would say, Nizamuddin, today we are the guest of God. 62 Nizamuddin always derived inexplicable solace from this remark and always longed to hear this from her. If for so many days there was no shortage of food in their house, he would get impatient for the day when his mother would utter these words. 63 Bibi Zulaikha had great faith in God and when she prayed it seems that she had established a direct communion with Allah. Her prayers were quickly granted by God The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 23. Ibid., p. 26. Ibid. Ibid. 128

149 Once happened that the maid servant of her escaped from the house causing difficulty for her. She prayed to God for her return and vowed that she will not place dupatta on her head until the maid returns. Surprisingly, her prayers were granted and the maid was back to her service. 64 After the death of his mother, whenever Nizamuddin Auliya faced any problem he visited the grave of his mother, offered prayers there and asked her mother to pray to God for the removal of the problem. During lifetime of Bibi Zulaikha, once there was a drought in Delhi. Everyone started praying for rain. The people asked Shaikh to pray for the rain. He took a thread from the garment worn by his mother and prayed to God for rain with the same thread in his hand. Instantly, it began to pour. 65 When she was alive he used to visit his mother every month on the day of new moon, he offered felicitations to her by placing his head at her feet. Once when he felicitated her mother, she said Nizam as whose feet will you put your head next month? The Shaikh burst into tears and asked, to whose care will you entrust me? Tomorrow I will tell you, replied the mother. She then directed him to go and sleep at the house of Shaikh Najibuddin. Early in the morning the maid servant came hurriedly rushing and said that his mother had called him. Nizamuddin hurried to the house. Where is your right hand? Asked, dying Bibi Zulaikha. He stretched out his hand. She took it in her hand and said: O,God! I entrust him to thee. So saying Bibi Zulaikha breathed his last. This sentence of his mother infused in him a great sense of satisfaction to his bereaved heart. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to say that if my mother would have left a house full of wealth, it would have not given me the same pleasure and consolation which these words gave to my bereaved heart. 66 The practice of visiting his mother s grave on the day of every new moon became a regular feature of his life. He visited the grave and recited prayers there. The following anecdote will present the picture of the spiritual powers of Bibi Zulaikha. Once Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji ordered Nizamuddin Auliya and others to come and pay obeisance to him on every first day of the new moon. 67 This Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, folio. 75(b)-76(a). Akhbaar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p. 294; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, op. cit., folio. 76(a); see also The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p

150 order of Sultan Qutbuddin Mubarak Khilji enraged Nizamuddin Auliya because it clashed with the regular visits to his mother s grave. 68 He refused on these occasions to visit the King and offer the customary greeting. This was looked upon as a disobedience to the King, who in consequence threatened to take severe measure against Nizamuddin if he absented himself at the next moon. The Shaikh when got information about this threat, visited his mother s grave and after offering the usual prayers, pleaded his mother for the solution of this problem. 69 By a strange coincidence, at the time of appearance of the new moon, as a result of a political turmoil the king was put to death by Khusrau Khan. Khusrau Khan inaugurated a reign of terror but Ghiyasuddin Tughlaq got him removed from the political scene and restored order hence founding a new dynasty. Even so the relation between the new king and the saint continued to be strained. 70 In A.D 1325 when Sultan, was returning from a successful Bengal expedition he ordered the saint to quit Delhi. The saint on receiving the royal command uttered these words Hanoz Delhi dur ast. The king however was not destined to enter Delhi, and so could not summon the saint to his court, for he died an unexpected death by the fall of the pavilion which was erected in his honor. This conspiracy is generally believed to be planned by Mohammad Bin Tughlaq who then ascended the throne. It is however believed that the cause of tragedy is to be sought not in Mohammad bin Tughlaq but in the hostility that existed between the King and Nizamuddin Auliya. 71 And indeed the pavilion was erected by Ahmad son of Malikzada Ayaz, the inspector of buildings, a man who was known to be an overzealous disciple of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. 72 These events demonstrate Bibi Zulaikha s spiritual powers. Whenever Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya found himself in difficulty he visited the grave of his mother and prayed for recovery and finally he was rescued Siyar-ul-Auliya, MS, op. cit., folio. 76(b); see also Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p Sufi Saints and Shrines in India, op. cit., p Ibid. Ibid.,p Ibid. 130

151 Whenever Bibi Zulaikha fell ill, she asked her son to go to the graves of saint and martyrs and pray for her recovery. 73 Her continuous fasting and struggle to keep body and soul together shattered her health and she met her end. She prophesied looking at the feet of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Nizamuddin I see signs of bright future in you. You will be a man of destiny someday. The young Nizamuddin asked, but when will this happen? To this Bibi Zulaikha replied, when I am dead. It is said that Bibi Zulaikha had a dream when her husband, Syed Ahmad fell ill. She dreamt that a voice was asking her to choose between her husband and son. With the eternal instinct of the Indian mother, Bibi Zulaikha preferred to save her son and as destiny would have it Syed Ahmad Ali died soon after. 74 Bibi Zulaikha lies buried a mile away from the Qutb Minar in a small village known as Udhchini. Bibi Zulaikha was born in an affluent family. It was her circumstances which forced her to face hardships of life. She was brave enough to bear the pangs of hardships. Instead of complaining to god about all these she adopted an attitude of patience and involved herself in prayers and recited durood whenever found herself in distress. She was one of the pious ladies who resigned to the will of God and so she molded the thoughts and the personality of her son, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Bibi Qarasum Masuma Baba Farid s first teacher whose influence was most lasting on him was his mother Bibi Qarasum Masuma. 75 She was a religious minded lady who kept herself awake at nights and indulged her body and soul in offering prayers 76. Qarasum Bibi was the daughter of Shaikh Wajihuddin Khojendi 77 and married to Jamaluddin Sulaiman who was the son of Qazi Shuaib of Kahtwal. He was a man of mystic indifference. Bibi Qarasum got the privilege of being the mother of three sons; among them two were the eminent Sufis of the Sultanate period. Baba Farid and his younger The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 46. Mohammad Habib, Hazrat Amir Khusrau of Delhi, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 2004, p. 26. The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p. 8. Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, p

152 brother Shaikh Najibuddin were the eminent Sufis mentioned in Malfuz literature. In the Sufi literature of the Sultanate we find numerous anecdotes relating to piety and devotion of Bibi Qarasum Masuma. Due to her exceeding pious nature and unending penance she attained the heights of spiritual powers. This can be well justified by below mentioned anecdote which is illustrated in Fawaid-ul-Fuad. Once a thief entered a house where he found a woman deeply immersed in prayers. As soon as the thief glanced at her he lost his eyesight and could not managed to go out. He took no time to understand that it was the spiritual powers of the lady which made him blind. The thief cried for forgiveness and repented for his act. The Shaikh s mother prayed for him and he regained his eyesight. After this incident the thief along with his family members embraced Islam. 78 Pious old mother of Shaikh Najibuddin was anxious to see Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Shaikh Ruknud-din, the well known saint of Delhi invited Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya who had recently arrived at Ghiyaspur, to attend the majlis. He was pointed out from behind and the saintly lady predicted the future greatness of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. 79 The anecdote related to the death of Bibi Qarasum is very strange and explains the high levels of her spiritual grandeur. When Baba Farid settled at Ajodhan he asked his younger brother to bring their mother to Ajodhan. He went and took her along with him on journey back to Ajodhan. On the way she felt thirsty and asked Shaikh Najibuddin to bring water. They halted under a tree; Shaikh Najibuddin leaving her under that tree went in search of water. On his return he was surprised to see that his mother was missing. He looked for her and made frantic efforts in all directions to find her but his efforts went vain. There was no trace of her. He felt greatly disturbed and in distress he went to Ajodhan and narrated the whole incident to Baba Farid. 80 After some time Shaikh Najibuddin again passed from the same route, his inquisitiveness took him under the same tree in order that if he could find something related to his mother. He found some human bones there, assuming those bones of his mother he collected them in bag and went to his brother at Ajodhan. When the bag Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., pp ; see also Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p.140. Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, p

153 was opened by the two brothers they were surprised to see that there was no trace of bones in the bag. 81 It was the strength of her spiritual powers which made the bones disappears from the bag. These kinds of miracles do not occur to a common man. Bibi Auliya According to Abdul Haq Muhaddis, the author of Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Bibi Auliya was among the pious ladies of those days. She lived during the days of Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq. The Sultan was a great devotee of Bibi Auliya. 82 She had a saintly and withdrawn life free from all worldly desires. She kept herself in constant state of near starvation. She had a number of children who were inclined towards Sufism and owed their leaning to mysticism from their mother. Among his many sons, the famous Sufi saint was Shaikh Ahmad. 83 Bibi Fatima Sam Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya spoke a good deal about the reward of the virtue and chastity of women. He further told the audience that in Indrapat there was a pious lady known for her fervent piety, she was Bibi Fatima Sam. 84 Due to her generosity, helping nature and religious bent of mind Bibi Fatima Sam occupied a place among the pious ladies of the Sultanate period. Baba Farid and his younger brother had deep respect for Bibi Fatima Sam, both the saints had sisterly love for her. 85 Shaikh Najibuddin had deep regards for her. Once, Shaikh Najibuddin and his family had starving circumstances during eid festival. Shaikh Najib had nothing to entertain his guest. He thought of selling some household articles in order to arrange for money. Then he considered his wife s dupatta; it was torn and patchy thus was useless to fetch any money. He then considered his prayer carpet, it was no better. Failing to provide anything for the visitor, he offered cold water to them Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, p. 604; see also Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., pp Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p. 298; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p Ibid. Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, op. cit., p Shaikh Jamali, Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, Habibganj Collection. 22/11, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, folios. 134(b)-135(a). Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p

154 When Bibi Fatima came to know about the starving conditions of his family she helped the family by sending someone with a bread made of one or a half mound of flour. 87 Beside a generous and God fearing lady Bibi Fatima was an accomplished poetess. 88 Bibi Fatima Sam dedicated herself to the service of mankind. She used to say that feeding the hungry and giving water to the thirsty was meaningful than hundreds and thousands of namaz and many days spent in fasting. 89 After the death of Bibi Fatiam Sam, Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya used to go to her tomb and obtained spiritual satisfaction. Bibi Fatima s tomb is in old Indraprastha. It was a meeting place for the men of fourteenth and fifteenth century, but by the last years of the sixteenth century it was deserted. Gradually, the memory of Bibi Fatima fell into obscurity and she became known to the local people only as Bibi Saima or Bibi Sam. 90. Bibi Fatima There was another lady known as Bibi Fatima known for her religious bent of mind. She is well known for her fasting and prayers. She had great love for God and her faith in prayers can be accessed from the anecdote given below. Once after her evening prayer she was about to have her meal, when it occurred to her that if it happened to be her last night it would be rather improper to die with full belly means it would be improper to satisfy one s material need. She rolled the bread and satisfied her hunger by merely drinking water, and again engaged herself in offering prayers. The next day that bread was given to the beggar. Now, sleep overpowered her and again it occurred to her that if it be the last night of my life I will repent that I wasted it in sleeping, she awoke and passed the night in devotional prayers. 91 The idea overpowered her for whole forty days and she did not eat or slept for forty days. The fourteenth day was the last day of her life. When MalkulMaut (the Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Urdu Academy, p.1017 ; see also The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p. 135 ; Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., p Ibid., pp ; see also A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, p. 295; see also A History of Sufism in India, Vol. I, p Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p. 138; see also Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, op. cit., folios. 135(a)-135(b) 134

155 angel of death) appeared she asked him to spare her sometime so that she can renew her ablution and place her head in procrastation. 92 This was the extent of her piety that she kept herself involved in penance without having food and sleep and every day the food was given to derveshes. Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag Dehlavi calls Bibi Fatima, Ibnul-waqt, that is a Sufi who understood the importance of human life. 93 Bibi Fatima had a slave girl who worked hard and from earnings she prepared food for her master. The food was only two cakes of barley each day. 94 These two cakes of barley and a glass of water were placed beside Bibi Fatima s prayer carpet by the maid. Bibi Sara Bibi Sara was the mother of Shaikh Nizamuddin Abdul Muid. 95 She is known for observing strict purdah. It is believed that no man had ever seen her in her private life. 96 Her devotion towards God followed by devotional prayers and religious pursuits resulted in attainment of mystic powers by her. Once it happened that it did not rain in Delhi for long period of time and the inhabitants of the city prayed for rain. The Shaikh was asked by the inhabitants of Delhi to pray for the rain, and he holding the daman of his mother prayed to the God for rain and his prayers were answered. 97 Bibi Rasti Bibi Rasti was the wife of Shaikh Sadruddin Arif and mother of Ruknuddin Abdul Fath. She was a pious lady with religious bent of mind. It is mentioned in Siyar-ul-Arifin that she used to read whole Quran every day. 98 She was a disciple of Shaikh Bahauddin Zakariya. Once, when she was pregnant she visited Shaikh Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., p Ibid. A History of Sufism in India, op. cit., Vol. I, p Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., pp Ibid. Ibid. Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, folio. 17(a). 135

156 Bahauddin Zakariya, the Shaikh treated her in an extra ordinary manner than ever before. Bibi Rasti was quite surprised at this behavior of the Shaikh and asked him the reason of the special respect. In return Shaikh explained to her that it was a humble tribute to her because she was going to be the mother of a great saint too. Bibi Rasti (daughter of Mohammad bin Tughlaq) Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughalq had a daughter named Bibi Rasti whom he married to a grandson of Baba Farid. The grandson of Baba Farid was Shaikh Fathullah bin Shaikh Auhaduddin. Daughters of Baba Farid Baba Farid had three daughters, Bibi Masturah, Bibi Sharifa and Bibi Fatima. Bibi Sharifa became a widow when she was young and she did not marry again. She was intensely religious minded that Baba Farid used to say, if it had been allowed to give the khilafatnama of a Shaikh and his Sajjahdah to a woman, I would have given them to Bibi Sharifa. 99 Such was the extent of her piety and religious mindedness. Further, the Shaikh reported that if other women had been like her, women would have taken precedence over men. Bibi Masturah was devoted to prayers and penitence. She had two sons, both of them had Sufi bent of mind and passed their lives in the Jamatkhana of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. Bibi Fatimah was married to a disciple of her father. She had two sons. At the time of death of Maulana Ishaq, the family was passing through poor financial crisis. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya sent Sayyid Mohammad Kirmani to Ajodhan to bring Bibi Fatima to Delhi for the purpose of settling there. It was in order to provide assistance to Bibi Fatima and her sons. It was unfortunate that Bibi Fatima s arrival to Delhi gave people an opportunity to create rumor that Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya wanted to marry her. Shaikh, when heard this became hurt and left Delhi for Ajodhan and returned back when the lady passed away The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p Ibid., p

157 Bibi Jamal Shaikh Muinuddin Chisti had three sons and a daughter named, Bibi Jamal. Bibi Jamal had strong mystic leanings but her sons were not inclined towards mysticism. Shaikh Muinuddin Chisti had two wives. His first wife was Ummatullah, who was the daughter of a Hindu raja of Ajmer. 101 The second wife of Shaikh Muinuddin Chisti was Asmatullah, the daughter of Sayyid Wajihuddin Meshedi. His first wife, Ummatullah gave birth to a daughter named Bibi Jamal. 102 Bibi Jamal became renowned for her piety and austerity. She was one of the successors to Muinuddin and was authorized by him to make women as her disciples. She is one of the very few women saints of Islam to whom this privilege is said to have been granted. She was married to Shaikh Riyazuddin, by whom she had two children both of them died in infancy. Bibi Jamal lies buried near the tomb of Shaikh Muinuddin. 103 Bibi Rani When Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya reached Ajodhan, his clothes were so grimy that a woman washed his clothes; she was a pious and devoted lady at the Jamatkhana of Shaikh Farid and was named Bibi Rani. Bibi Rani gave him a chadar (sheet of cloth) with which he covered his body, washed his clothes and patched them. 104 Bibi Rani had a wealthy husband who had a flourishing business at Kirman. Her husband was a rich merchant and was born with a silver spoon in his mouth. Bibi Rani was the daughter of his (her husband s) uncle at Multan whom he often visited. He was also in habit of visiting Ajodhan at the khanqah of Shaikh Farid in order to pay him respect. One day he came to Jamatkhanah and found such spiritual solace in that tumbling hut that he decided to take up permanent residence there. He gave up all his property and preferred a life of simplicity and piety. He ignored the appeal of his father- in- law to engage himself in some material pursuit. His heart was now set on things beyond Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, op. cit., pp Sufi Saints and Shrines in India, op. cit., p Ibid. Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p

158 material world. He drove pleasure in simple things like plucking pelu and delah with his hands. At the same time his wife Bibi Rani assisted him in these kinds of simple work at Jamatkhana and looked after the comforts of the inmates of the khanqah as a sister looks after her brother. 105 Few women of religious attitude find place in the Sufi literature of the period because they had love and respect towards Sufis and their disciples. These women were religious minded and kind towards Sufis and very often worked in the khanqahs in order to provide help to them. One of these women was grandmother of Amir Khurd, she was known for her kindness and charitable disposition, when Baba Farid died she gave a white sheet to cover his coffin. 106 There was a pious and religious minded woman at Ghiyaspur who earned her living by spinning. Once it happened that Shaikh Nizamudddin along with his disciples had nothing to eat for four days. She came to know about their starvation, immediately she purchased flour by the money she earned after selling the thread she spun. By that flour she baked bread and took to the Shaikh and his disciples. 107 Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag Delhvi had deep love and affection for his mother. After his death he looked after his two sisters with great love and affection. The two sisters were Bibi Bua Abdi and Bibi Lahiri. 108 Shaikh Nasiruddin not only looked after his sisters but also imparted spiritual guidance to them. After the death of his sisters he looked after his nephew, Zainuddin Ali, son of Bua Abidi and Kamaluddin Hamid, son of Bibi Lahiri. 109 Offering five times prayers a day, reciting Kalima, fasting, offering zakat, and hajj, i.e., visiting the holy places of Mecca and Medina are the pillars of Islam. Islam asks the followers to perform hajj, if their finances allow them. The women of those days were involved in the religious activities such as visiting the holy cities of and Medina for performing hajj. Once, a woman came to Khwajah Zikrullah. She was Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p The Life and Times of Shaikh Fariduddin Ganj-i-Shakar, op. cit., p. 66. The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 30. Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., introduction, pp Ibid. 138

159 back from hajj pilgrimage and came to visit the Shaikh with a tray full of vegetables, carried by a maid. 110 Shaikh was requested to break the fast by those eatables. This indicates that the women often visited to the Sufis and were respected by them. Shaikh Ahmad Maghribi was a distinguished saint of Gujarat. He lived up to the patriarchal age of 111 years ( ). 111 Born in a noble family of Delhi he was separated by his parents due to a cyclonic disorder. During the days of his adversity a poor old lady Bibi Bhuri of ghosi family had helped him by offering milk and pudding. The Shaikh never forgot Bibi Bhuri. When he was very popular at Sarkhej, a man came to see him and told him that he is the grandson of Bibi Bhuri and had come from Khattu, a world of memories glowed in his mind, he enquired about each and every member of Bibi Bhuri s family and entertained him with profound affection. 112 Women also offered namaz in congregation in the days of Sultanate rule. We have one such reference of a congregation which included women. If Imam leading a prayer makes a mistake the ladies in the congregation were allowed only to make a sound by striking the back of a palm with that of another. This type of clapping was allowed in order to avoid the woman from speaking and secondly the proper clapping sound resembles a sort of play and amusement. 113 It is important to mention here that the female voice distracts the attention of the people offering prayer. Bhakti Movement The Bhakti movement has had a long history in India. 114 During the Sultanate period there were bhakti saints namely Ramananda, Kabir, Guru Nanak, Chatainya, Amardas. Most of them belonged to north India. Like Sufi saints the bhaktas also propagated the existence of one God and feeling of brotherhood. The origin of bhaktism is hidden in mysticism. The time when Sufis emerged in the Sultanate the Hindu society was struggling with the rigid caste system. The khanqahs of these Sufis Khair-ul-Majalis, op. cit., pp K. A. Nizami, On History and Historians of Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1980, pp Ibid. Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p. 95. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p

160 sheltered everyone. 115 According to K.A. Nizami almost all these saints passed some time in these khanqahs. 116 It is noteworthy that the Khanqah of Baba Farid made no distinction between man and woman on any ground and allowed Hindus to become his murids or spiritual disciples. 117 The mystical philosophy of Baba Farid had conscious or unconscious effect upon the philosophical mind of such eminent mystic and saints as Namdeva, Kabir, Guru Nanak and Ramananda. They exhibited a happy and harmonious blend to Sufism and Bhaktism, insisted on oneness of God and denounced idolatry. Opposed the caste system and laid stress on human brotherhood. Hamid Afaq qureshi writes that they not only made their worldly and spiritual lives pious and devotional but also dedicated that whole lives for preaching others to do that and it was this systematic and effective attempt on their part to free the masses of India from the clutches of indignity, injustice, inequality, unrighteousness and various other bottlenecks of caste, creed, birth and colour which set others in motion to do the same in a roundabout way in the form of various Bhakti movements. 118 The medieval mystic brought about a remarkable synthesis between some of the basic elements of Bhakti and of the Sufism. The profounder of Bhaktism struggled to bring change through love and devotion to the Almighty. Like Sufis, bhaktas also touched various aspects of life. Women did not escape their attention. The already deteriorated condition of women provoked them to help the women folk in improving their lot. Ramananda threw open the spiritual teaching for women and entered them into the circle of his disciples. Some of his disciples were Kabir, Pipa, Ravidas, Anantanada, Suka, Sursura, Padmavati, Narahari, Dhana. Among them the female disciples were Padmavati, Sadhana and Surasari the wife of Sursura. 119 He also admitted among his disciples a Rajput queen Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit, Vol. II, pp Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Baba Shaikh Farid: A Harbinger of Hindu-Muslim Unity, op. cit., p. 77. Hamid Afaq Qureshi, Nature and Roots of Islamic Bhakti Movements and Syed Ashraf Jahangir Samnani,in N.N. Bhattacharyya ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, op. cit., p. 86. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p Ibid., p

161 Kabir considered motherhood, the most important phase of a woman s life. Kabir talks about the contribution of the women towards building the good elements in society and regards her as being responsible for molding the character of her children especially son. 121 It is interesting to know that Kabir had strained relations with his mother due to his involvement in bhakti stream. Kabir write about his mother that she cries and hides her tears; the reason of her sorrow is Kabir himself who has left weaving and become involved in bhakti and she alone could not take care of financial matters. 122 Kabir s writings show that he had many expectations from woman and he wants the woman to be a devoted and obedient wife. 123 There is similarity of thoughts between Kabir and Nanak when they talk regarding the virtuous wife. Guru Nanak, was of the opinion that it was upon women that the growth and welfare of the society rests. Women give birth to great men and are responsible for prosperity in society. Keeping these views in mind he took up the task of providing women the rights and privileges they were deprived of. Thus, the bhakti saints tried to upgrade their social and spiritual status. Women Saints There were various women saints who survived in different parts of India during the Sultanate rule in India. Lal Ded or Lalla of Kashmir, the queen of Pipa, Janabai of Maharashtra, Mira Bai of Rajasthan are shining examples of women saints in medieval India. In the history, Lal Ded is popularly known as Lal Deo, a Shaivaite yogi. 124 She roamed about in scantiest dress, dancing and singing rapturous songs. Lal Ded lived during the fourteenth centuries during the reign of Alauddin. Like, bhakti saints of other parts of India, Lal Ded is also critical of rituals, idol worship, false show of religiosity and animal sacrifice. She has a large number of vakyas which speak of Rekha Pande, Religious Movements in Medieval India, Gyan Publishing House, New Delhi, 2005, p Ibid. Ibid., p Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 256; see also Religious Movements in Medieval India, op. cit., p

162 tolerance. 125 Her sayings are still looked upon in Kashmir as being the words of holy woman imbued with mixed sentiments and spirits of Hinduism and Islam. Sita, the youngest queen of Pipa, after putting coarse garment of a mendicant accompanied her husband. 126 Pipa was a Rajput ruler who became a disciple of Ramananda. Kabir s mother and wife were also saintly ladies of their time. 127 Mirabai is one of the greatest exponents of the bhakti movement of Gujarat. Mira Bai was the daughter of Raja Ratan Singh and daughter- in- law of Maharana Sanga of Mewar. She was devoted to Krishna whom she used to call Giridhar Lalla 128 or Giridhar Gopal. 129 She is said to have been initiated into the doctrine of pure bhakti by saint Ravidas who was one of the twelve principle followers of Ramananda. She began her life as an ordinary housewife and lived in mundane happiness for a period of about ten years. After the death of her husband she suffered by the hands of her in laws. She first took refuge in her father s home, but finally she denounced worldly life and settled in Dwarka at Gujarat. Numerous devotional songs of Mira are sung all over India even today. The hymns of Mira reveal her deep sincerity, rapturous, devotion and passionate yearning for Krishna. Thus, we see that the purpose of Sufism and Bhaktism was more or less same. Both the Sufis and the Bhakti saints worked for the betterment of the poor and needy class of the society. In their attempt to improve the social conditions they did not forget to provide assistance to the women too. Sufis as well as Bhakti saints had a very kind attitude towards women. Many of them fought against the inequality given to women in society and tried to bring them on equal footing with the other sections of the society Religious Movement in Medieval India, pp Society and Culture in Medieval India, p Ibid. Manjula Bhattacharyya, Medieval Bhakti Movements in Gujarat, in N. N. Bhattacharyya, ed., Medieval Bhakti Movements in India, op. cit., p.100. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p

163 Chapter 5 Society And Women

164 Chapter 5 SOCIETY AND WOMEN The concept of society is very vast. Society always has been a combination of people of different nature and temperament. It is made up of many families, religion, caste, customs and practices. Every custom and practice has its own relevance and none of the customs and practices takes place without the intervention of women. From birth to marriage and till death the females form an integral part of all these. This chapter is an attempt to deal with all those customs and practices of the Sultanate period in which women played a significant role. These were marriage, divorce, polygamy, customs related with marriage, education of girl child, position of widows in society, sati, jauhar and purdah.a description of the dress, ornaments and cosmetics is also dealt with. The sources studied for exploring such practices related to women are Tarikhi-Firozshahi of Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Shams Siraj Afif, Rehla of Ibn Battuta, Tarikh-i-Shahi of Ahmad Yadgar, Masalik-ul-Absar-fi-Mumalik-ul- Amsar of Shihab-al-Din-al Umari, Khair-ul-Majalis of Hamid Qalandar, Fawaid-ul- Fuad of Amir Hasan Sijzi, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar of Abdul Haq Muhaddis, Hasht Bihisht, Matlaul Anwar, Nuh Siphir and Ijaz-i-Khusravi of Amir Khusrau, Waqiat-e- Mushtaqui of Rizquallah Mushtaqui and Tarikh-i-Daudi of Abdullah Khan Daudi. Education The followers of Islam are guided by the Quranic injunctions. Quran contains the God s words which were revealed to the Prophet (PBUH). Quran lays much emphasis on acquiring ilm or knowledge. Incidentally, the first Revelation begins with the verse Iqra Bismi rabika lazi khalaq which means read in the name of Thy Lord, who has created. Similarly, another verse of the same chapter tells that is He who taught the use of pen -Allazi allama bil qalam. And also, He who teacheth man what he knowth not -allamal insana malam yalam. Thus, by the means of these verses it is enjoined upon the believers to acquire, disseminate, and transmit all knowledge to others. 1 1 S. Z. H. Jafri, Education and Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval India in S. Z. H. Jafri, ed., Recording the Progress of Indian History, Primus books, Delhi, 2012, p

165 God recommends to his followers acquisition of knowledge. Acquire knowledge because he who acquires it in the way of the Lord, perform an act of piety; who speaks of it praises the Lord; who seeks it adores God; who dispenses instruction in it, bestows alms; and who imparts it to its fitting objects performs an act of piety. The acquisition of knowledge enables its possessor to distinguish what is forbidden from the allowed. It is our friend in the desert, our society in solitude, our companion when bereft of friends; it guides us in misery; it is our ornament; it serves as armour against our enemies. With knowledge the servant of God rises to the heights of goodness and to a noble position, associates with sovereigns in this world, and attains to the perfection of happiness in the next. 2 The Prophet (PBUH) has also laid same emphasis by the means of his sayings. He is reported to have said for every Muslim whether male or female, that it is a duty to acquire knowledge. We could say that no discrimination is placed between men and women on the matter of acquiring knowledge. Knowledge was considered as important for mankind as the Prophet (PBUH) suggest them to travel as far as possible in order to gain knowledge. Seek knowledge though if it is in China. 3 Dispensation of knowledge started at the time of Prophet (PBUH) and continued onwards. At the time of second khalifa a number of learned men were allowed to give lecture in mosque. They were called Qass 4 which means narrator. The subject of their recitation was the verses of Quran and traditions of the Prophet. In this way, the mosque became not only the place for worship but also a centre for education. Later on these mosques developed along with them a building where education was imparted to the pupils. These structures were called madrasas, a more institutionalized form of higher education. Beside tradition, philosophy, theology, history, geography, astronomy was also the subjects taught before the end of the Umayyad. The Abbasid rule was the Golden period of the Muslim learning. The women in Islamic Arab were no less inferior to their male counter parts. The ladies of the Prophet s family were noted for their Ameer Ali, Ethics of Islam, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, Delhi, 2009, p. 47. A. M. A. Shustery, Outlines of Islamic Culture, Banglore Press, Banglore city, 1938, Vol. I, p.162. Ibid., Vol. I, p

166 learning, their virtues and their strength of character. 5 Bibi Fatimah, the beloved daughter of the Prophet (PBUH) was attributed with immense intellectual attainments that she could participate in the controversial discussions like that of succession. Other examples were of Zainab, Darimiyya, a poetess and a propagandist in the cause of Ali against Moaviya. 6 In India the Muslim women during the Sultanate period could not attain the standard of perfection as their preceptors had in other Islamic world. Later on, in Mughal period there were a number of royal ladies gifted with the wealth of knowledge. Some examples are Gulbadan Bano Begum, the daughter of Babur who wrote Humayunnamah, Salima Sultan the niece of Humayun, Maham Anga, the wet nurse of Akbar, was well educated and founded a college at Delhi. There were institutions for the education of boys and girls. These were maktabs and madrasas. Maktabs were the centers which imparted primary education to boys and girls. These were a kind of primary schools where elementary instruction was imparted in reading and writing Arabic and Persian. 7 The girls in India received their primary education in primary schools called maktabs. The emergence of makhtabs in various parts of India was the result of the arrival of people from the various central Asian cities and towns. They brought Islamic culture with them. The master taught the children there to read and write. 8 Madrasas were the institution meant for higher education. The author of Masalikul Absar, Shihabuddin Al Umari has written that in Delhi there are 1000 madrasas. He praises the Sultans of Delhi for their generous support to these institutions of learning and states that thousands of faqih are appointed in makhtabs whose allowances are paid by the diwans. The main subject was qirat and the pupils were taught writing skills. Most of the children there were orphans Syed Ameer Ali, The Spirit of Islam, University Paperbacks, London, 1965, p Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit., Vol. II, p A. L. Srivastava, Medieval Indian Culture, Shiva Lal Agarwal and Co., Agra, 1964, p. 98. Irfan Habib, Medieval India- The Study of A Civilization, National Book Trust, New Delhi, 2007, op. cit., p. 78. Shahabuddin Al Umri, Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik ul Amsar, Eng.Tr., Ottospies, A. Rashid and S. Moinul Haque, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1943, p

167 Important information given by Al-Umari is, there were maktabs (primary schools) exclusively for girls and in the coastal western regions of India, and even the women memorized the Quran. 10 Another traveller Ibn Battuta specifically tells us about the women of the township of Honawar (an old seaport, now destroyed, on the western coast of India) and says that in the city I saw thirteen schools for girls and twenty three for boys. 11 S.Z. H. Jafri opines that perhaps it was extraordinary large Muslim population and to fulfill the need of male and female education. 12 Ibn Battuta praises the extraordinary quality of women folk to memorize the Quran. 13 According to a Sufi saint Shaikh Nasiruddin Mahmud; the act of teaching in a maktab was a noble and virtuous act. He states that, it is a sinless act as the teacher is associated with the teaching of Quran and one who teaches Quran always remains with ablution 14 which is considered good in Islam and same is applicable to the ladies who teach the holy book. The women of a village named Salahi are appreciated by Sheikh Nasiruddin Chirag Delhvi in Khair-ul-Majalis. 15 Teaching and acquiring knowledge both the activities were considered noble. We find reference of the Sultan Ghiyasuddin Khilji s reign, where women were engaged in receiving higher education. Ghiyasuddin Khilji established madrasa exclusively for women because he considered their education essential for the progress of the country. 16 Not only Mohammad bin Tughlaq but his predecessor Mohammad Ghori was the first Muslim King of India who deemed his duty to impart education in India. Some schools and seminaries were set up first in Ajmer for the spread of Islamic education by him Masalikul Absar Fi Mumalik ul Amsar, Eng.Tr., Ottospies, A. Rashid and S. Moinul Haque, op. cit., p. 24 Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husian, op. cit., p.179; see also The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., pp Education and Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval India, op. cit., p Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, p Hamid Qalandar, Khair-ul-Majalis, ed., K. A. Nizami, Aligarh, 1959, Majlis no- 32, p Ibid., p S. M. Ziauddin Alavi, Muslim Educational Thought in the Middle Ages, Atlantic Publishers and Distributers, Delhi,1988, p. 8. S. M. Jaffar, Education in Muslim India, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delhi, New Delhi, 1972, p

168 Iltutmish was very much inclined towards providing education and interested in imparting education to his children. Raziya was well versed in Quran and she could read and write it with correct pronunciation. 18 The royal ladies who acquired knowledge were interested in imparting it. The women of the harem were also interested in patronizing men of letters and huge amount of money was given to them as grant. An early example of an educated lady is of Mah Malik, the granddaughter of Alauddin Jahansoz. Minhaj speaks highly of her in his Tabaqat. 19 Her handwriting is praised by Minhaj, he says that her hand writing was like Royal Pearls. 20 The chief queen of Iltutmish, Shah Turkan patronized men of letters and huge amount of money was given to them as grant. 21 The Muizzi College at Delhi was one of the best centers of learning in the reign of Razia. The college was so rich and magnificent that it gave the impression of Jama Masjid and was once attacked by the Karamathians. 22 The Quran and Islamic teaching were the basis for everything. The pattern of education in India was similar to the pattern in the other Islamic countries. The study of religion with respect to Hadith (traditions of the Prophet) and its allied branches were the first to attract the attention of Muslim scholars in India. 23 The most important ruler of the Sultanate period who worked for the sake of education was Firozshah Tughlaq. He was an eminent educationist who appointed teachers in various parts of India. He renovated and reconstructed the old madrasas. Not only he ordered the reconstruction of old madrasas but also attain the credit of establishing the new schools and colleges with residential facility for the students. 24 It is asserted that Sikandar Lodi appointed teachers in Makhtabs and Madrasas in various cities throughout his dominion presumably making provision for them Mohammad Qasim Ferishta, Tarikh-i-Ferishta, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1865, Vol. I, p. 68. Minhaj-us-Siraj, Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Oriental Books, Reprint 1970,Vol. I, p. 392; N. N. Law, Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammadan Rule, Longmans, London, 1916, p.xxvii; see also Education in Muslim India, p Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p. 392; see also, Education in Muslim India, op. cit., p.192. Tabaqat-i-Nasiri, Eng. Tr., H. G. Raverty, Vol. I, p Education in Muslim India, op. cit., p. 41. Education and Transmission of Knowledge in India, op. cit., p Medieval India-The Study of Civilization, op. cit, p

169 through land or cash grant. 25 During his reign huge amount of money was distributed from the royal treasury two times a year for the scholars, learned men, widows and other deserving people. However, education was in practice an activity which was mostly confined to the elite, the masses had limited access to it. 26 There were no madrasas for the girls of the masses. In the very early age some girls did go to madrasas meant for the boys. 27 The fifteenth century Persian dictionary pictures a girl at a primary school at Malwa region. We can clearly notice that the girls used to get primary education together with boys. Fig. From Mifitah u l Fuzala; See also, Irfan Habib, Medieval India the Study of a Civilization. The picture confirms the presence of girl education in maktabs (primary schools) in India. The regional kingdoms also provided an impetus to the process of education. The practice of educating girls did not remain confined to the Sultanate of Delhi but most of the regional kingdoms were ahead of each other in imparting education to girls Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, ed., I. H. Siddiqui, Rampur, 2002, p. 18; see also Medieval India-The Study of Civilization, op. cit., p. 79. Education and Transmission of Knowledge in Medieval India, op. cit., p Talat Aziz, Education of Muslim Girls in India in S. M. Azizuddin Husain, ed., Madrasa Education In India -Eleventh to Twenty First Century, Kanishka Publishers, New Delhi, 2005, p

170 Among the list of the learned ladies of the regional kingdoms one was Chand Sultana, the most favourite queen of Deccan. She was a woman of excellent education and extra ordinary talent. She was skilled in arts of warfare. She spoke Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Kanarese and Marathi and her hobbies included painting flowers. 28 Bibi Raji, the wife of Mahmud Sharqi of Jaunpur had also contributed a lot in the field of education. She got constructed a Jami Masjid, a monastery and a madrasa in Jaunpur and gave structure the name of namazgah. 29 She also assigned some scholarship to professors and stipends to students. The princesses of the royal families were educated by learned teachers. What was the mode of education is not exactly clear. Later on, when the girl grew up her education was greatly restricted by the purdah system. The females when reached the age of puberty were avoided co-education. Sources are silent on this matter it is assumed that may be because of purdah they were exempted from higher education. Sultan Ghiyasuddin Khilji of Malwa is known for his outstanding efforts for girl education. He established a madrasa (secondary school) exclusively for girl education because he considered their education essential for the progress of the country. He had three schools within his harem. The harem of the Sultan had fifteen thousand women; these women acted as school mistress who used to teach the ladies present inside the palace. 30 Great Bahmani king Firoz ( ) was a good linguist and Ferishta records that in his harem there were ladies of various races, such as Arabians, Circassians, Georgians, Turks, Europeans, Chinese, Afghans, Rajputs, Bengalis, Gujratis, Telinganese, Marhattas and others with each of whom he could converse in her own language Education in Muslim India, op. cit., pp Ibid., p Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammaden Rule, op. cit., p Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. II, pp ; see also Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammaden Rule, op. cit., p

171 There were certain highly educated royal ladies who were capable of teaching the children in the harem such example are of the aunt of Ismail Adil Shah of Bijapur ( ). His aunt named Dilshad provided guidance and was his tutor. 32 Qanun-i-Islam, a book by Jafar Sharif is an interesting piece of work on education. We learn from the source that there were schools for girls. After a boy or girl initiated his or her education a maktab ceremony was performed. The pupils were given Eidi by their teacher. It was a written document on a colored or Zarafshani (illuminated) paper which was read by the child to the parents who made rich presents to the teacher. 33 We have references in the sources that the tazkir meetings were also attended by women. In the tazkir meeting of Malik-ul-Muzzakkrin Khwaja Afzal the audience along with learned and pious men were also Indian women (jewari-i-hindi) veiled ladies and those of seraglio assembled to hear the tazkir (admonition). The women due to observing purdah were kept separate. At the same time the process of learning did not reach beyond the ladies of respectable families. We come to know that in that tazkir meeting among other women there was present Shamsa Khatoon, the songstress; after she was detected she was asked to leave the meeting by the learned speaker of the tazkir meeting. 34 Education to girls was given according to their requirements. Most of the time they were given better moral, intellectual, and practical training within the walls of their houses than the women of today who receive education in proper schools. 35 Before the advent of Islam in India, knowledge was the monopoly of the upper class viz; the Brahmins. Whatever may be the reason they refused to impart education to the low-caste. 36 By the coming of the followers of Islam in India, education was imparted in schools to all the children in society irrespective of religion, caste, sex, and financial condition. Now, the Hindus who had been deprived from the attainment of knowledge received education side by side with their Muslim classmates, and there Tarikh-i-Ferishta, op. cit., Vol. III, p. 72; Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammaden Rule, p. 93. Ibid., pp Society and Culture in Medieval In India, op. cit., p Education in Muslim India, op. cit., p. 8. Ibid., p

172 existed no ill feeling like caste discrimination and enmity between the people of two religions. Thus, this was the important aspect of the primary schools which flourished in almost all the parts of Indian subcontinent. Contrary to this assertion of Jaffer, Altekar states that the percentage of literacy among the Hindu women declined during the Muslim rule. 37 Altekar calls the advent of Muslim rule in India as a political revolution which affected the education of Hindu girls of respectable families. Though, at the same time he holds the view that raising of the marriageable age of girls helped in the increase of female education to a remarkable strength. 38 Blaming purdah practice as an obstacle in the attainment of higher education cannot be regarded correct, as purdah was an integral part of all the Muslim societies mainly Arab, but still the women like Fatima, Zainab, Sakina, Darimiyya, Queen Zubaida attained high merits in the field of education. There must be other reasons which would have discouraged the women in the Sultanate from acquiring higher education. No doubt, the nobility and other higher classes of Muslims in India imparted their daughters religious education and sometimes military too. It seems that contemporary historians refrain from providing information on female education. Although in India, education existed after and before the Sultanate period but we do not find references of royal ladies or princess who attained high degree of literary education as Muslim ladies in other parts of Islamized world. Yet we can conclude that the education of the Muslim princesses in India was not neglected sometimes they did show some progress which was creditable Marriages in the Sultanate Men and women both are important part of society and their union results in the growth of population. The common means of union of a man and a woman is by A. S. Altekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization from Prehistoric Times to the Present Day, Motilal Banarsi Das, Banaras, 1956, p. 23. Ibid., p

173 the means of marriage in this way marriage forms an important part of the society. When marriage is solemnized it constitutes of various aspects. We shall try to examine what were the types of marriages that took place in society during the Sultanate rule and problems related with them. The nature of companion or the selection of proper match for a boy or girl has been always a problem and the same was the circumstances in the Sultanate period. Eleventh century Sufi saint Ali Hujwiri speaks on companionship with women and mentions the following tradition of the Prophet, Four qualities must be sought in a woman i.e. beauty, nobility, wealth and religion. 39 The Prophet (PBUH) also stated that, a married man perfects half of his religion. 40 In Islam, marriage is a civil contract made by mutual consent between a man and a woman. 41 Marriage says the Ashbah w an Nazair, 42 is an institution ordained for the protection of society, and in order that human beings may guard themselves from foulness and unchastity Marriage is a sacrament, in so much that in this world it is an act of ibadat or worship for it preserve mankind free from pollution. it is instituted by divine command among members of the human species. Marriage when treated as a contract is a permanent relationship based on mutual consent on the part of a man and woman between whom there is no ban to a lawful union. 43 As our Prophet (PBUH) states beauty, nobility, wealth and religion as criteria for selecting a suitable match there are specified degree of prohibition on the grounds of consanguinity and affinity, fosterage. Persons who come within these prohibited degrees are called Mahrams i.e; for forbidden to each other. All those are called namahrams or those with whom marriage is not forbidden. 44 Thus marriage can take place between na-mahrams Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit.,vol. II, p. 503, see also Syed Maqbool Hussain, The Sayings of The Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH), Adam Publishers, New Delhi, 2002, p Outlines of Islamic Culture, p Ibid. There exist books and chapters named Ashbah wa n Nazair in Islamic jurisprudence meaning similarities and example. The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., pp K. M. Ashraf, Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1969, p

174 During our period of study permanent marriages as well as temporary marriages were found. Although we have rare reference of temporary marriages in the medieval period but we have its references in the history of Islam. Later on according to Badauni this type of marriage was considered unlawful by Imam Abu Hanifa and Imam Shafai but Imam Malik and Shias considered them as legal. Later on Malik Qazi issued a fatwa considering muta marriage valid for both Hanafis and Shafities. 45 Reuben Levy is of the view that the object of muta marriage was not the establishment of a household or begetting of children, but simply to provide a man with a wife when he was away from home on military service or for other reasons. The system obviously left itself to abuses and it differed so little from prostitution that the traditions declare that the Mohammad made it unlawful. 46 The types of marriages is not a matter of much importance, how far the royalty and society during the Sultanate period helped in arranging marriages of poor girls is dealt with in this chapter. Sultan, the head of the state considered his prime duty to arrange the necessities for the marriage of poor girls. There had an increase in the worries of the poor parents of when their daughters attained puberty 47 as they could hardly arrange for their marriages. May be this was the reason the birth of a daughter in a family was not welcomed. It is evident from the writings of Afif that early marriages were encouraged. 48 The custom of early marriage was already prevalent in Hindu society. There was no fixed age of marriage. Both Hindu and Muslims favoured an early marriageable age for boys and girls. 49 We come to know from the source that the poor Muslims and the widows came from all sides and got the names of their daughters registered in the Diwan-i-Khairat and received large provisions from the side of the Sultan at the time of marriage of their daughters. 50 A department known as diwan-i-khairat was established by Firoz S. A. A. Rizvi, The Wonder That Was India, Vol. II, London, 1987, p.200. Reuben Levy, Social Structure of Islam, Cambridge University press, Second Edition, 1957, p Ibid., p.106, No age limits have been fixed by Islam for marriage and quite young children may be legally married although a girl is not handed over to her husband until she is fit for marital congress. A. Rashid, Society and Culture in Medieval India, Firma K. L. Mukhopadhyay, Calcutta, 1969, p Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p J. M. Banerjee, History of Firozshah Tughalq, Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1967, p

175 Tughalq which fulfilled the needs of the poor people in the Sultanate especially for arranging marriage of poor girls. This was set up under the supervision of Sayyid Amiri Miyan, he was entrusted with the task of providing relief to the needy persons, by the means of this department of diwan-i-khairat. As the name itself suggest the money was given in charity to the poor and needy. 51 Whenever any petitioner came for financial help he was interrogated in order to check the genuineness of the petition after which the provisions were granted to the needy. For the purpose of charity three degree of grants was available, first, second and third. These were fifty, thirty or twenty five tankas. 52 Sultan Sikandar Lodi was in practice of giving his sleeping dress and bed every day to orphan girls for dowry. 53 One of the wives of Sultan Alauddin Khilji who was the daughter of Muizuddin gave huge amount in charity to a person who was worried about the marriage of his daughter, when she came to know that the poor man was associated with Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya. 54 In the same way we find many references in the Sufi text where Sufis helped in arranging marriages of poor girls. The nobility was also not left behind in this generous act of helping the poor parents and providing those means and money in order to arrange the marriages of their daughters. We see that they helped by making collection of useful articles like garments, bed sheets and other articles from their houses for the dowry of the daughters of the poor parents. 55 Malik-ul-Umara, Fakhruddin, the Kotwal during the reign of Sultan Balban made arrangements for the dowry of poor girls. It is said that he appointed twelve thousand men who were only to recite the Quran every time. He used to change his dress each day and the same discarded dress was given to poor and needy people every day. Same was done with the bed sheets. Each year he gave dowries to thousands of poor girls History of Firozshah Tughalq, op. cit., p.83; see also Agha Mahdi Husain, Tughlaq Dynasty, S.Chand and Co, New Delhi, 1976, pp ; see also Society and Culture in Medieval India, p Tughalq Dynasty, op. cit., p K. A. Nizami, Royalty in Medieval India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1997, p. 68. K. A. Nizami, The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i-Delli, 1991, p Mohammad Wahid Mirza, The Life and Works of Amir Khusrau, Idarah-i-Adabiyat-i- Delli, Delhi, 1974, p. 28. Ibid. 154

176 Mian Zainuddin one such noble at the court of Sultan Sikandar Lodi provided the necessary things to the father of the daughter, everything he needed for the marriage. 57 Masnadi Ali Zainuddin was in service of Khan-i-Jahan Lodi and was allowed by Sikandar Lodi to succeed him. He used to give the poor parents the items required for the marriage; the items given were garments and other household requirements like cots, besides the dowry. 58 The dowry for marriage was arranged when the marriage was fixed but the search of a suitable match for marriage was a question in itself. The search for suitable match was the primary concern of the parents. In context a hadith of Prophet (PBUH) has been quoted in the beginning of the chapter. Marriage was fixed by the consent of parents when we talk about the common folk but in case of the Sultans there were various reasons. The Sultans usually had more than one wife. Most of the time wars of conquests ended in capture of a large number of women, some of whom were of respectable families and had to be taken as wives and supported by the conquerors. 59 In this case the Sultan sometimes conquered Hindu territories and took Hindu princess in his harem. Usually, we find the Sultan respectfully marrying these princesses. We know how Alauddin Khilji conquered Gujrat and Kamala Devi, the queen of Karen Vagela was honourably brought to Delhi and Alauddin took her into his harem. 60 Shams Siraj Afif mentions about the matrimonial alliance between the father of Firoz Tughlag and his mother who was a Hindu girl, daughter of Ranamal Bhatti. Afif narrates an interesting story behind the marriage 61 of this Hindu princess with Rajab, the father of Firoz Tughlaq. 62 Prince Khizr Khan Son of Alauddin Khilji, after a prolonged love affair with Deval Rani, a Hindu princess married her. This love affair was not accepted by his mother and she not allowed him to marry her, instead she married Khizr Khan with Rizquallah Mushtaqui, Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, ICHR, New Delhi, 1993, p. 75. I. H. Siddiqui,, Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans in I. H. Siddiqui, Composite Culture Under the Sultanate of Delhi, Primus Books, Delhi, 2012, p. 82. Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit., Vol. II, p Mohd. Habib, K. A. Nizami, A Comprehensive History of India- The Delhi Sultanate, Vol. V, part- 1, People s Publishing House, New Delhi, reprint, Nov.2006, p Narrated in the second chapter of the thesis. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, ed., Maulvi Vilayat Husain, Calcutta, 1891, p

177 one of her niece. Later, noticing intensity of the affair she was compelled to marry Khizr Khan with Deval Rani. Haji Dabir in Zafar- ul- Walih gives an account of an extra-marital affair of Sultan Alauddin Khilji with one of his cousin. As told earlier there were various reasons behind the marriages that took place in the Sultanate. We notice that there was a matrimonial relationship of every Sultan with his predecessor family. 63 K.A. Nizami opines that Matrimonial relations with the ruling house had great value for the aspirant to the throne. When the supporters of Sayyidi Maula planned a coup to place Sayyidi Maula on the throne, they arranged his marriage with the daughter of Nasiruddin Mahmud. 64 An example of marriage of Razia with her rebellious chief Altunia is an example of a marriage where political intensions were involved. During the days when Sultan Razia was struggling to save her empire by the rebellious nobles there held the successful rebellion of Ikhtiyaruddin Altuniah. The rebellion was such planned that Aitgin, another noble of Razia and Ikhtiyaaruddin Altunia secretly planned the revolt against Razia Sultan. Her faithful slave and noble, Jamaluddin Yaqut was killed and Razia was imprisoned by them. Now, the nobles who collectively but secretly helped each other in rebellion against Razia raised Muizuddin Bahram Shah on the throne. But the new Sultan had Aitgin assassinated within a month and Altunia could expect no reward for his rebellion. 65 Razia took advantage of this situation and married Altunia expecting that this marital contract will be of advantage for both. Razia expected to win back her freedom through this alliance, and Altunia saw in it an opportunity to enhance his status. Thus we can see that often marriages were solemnized for the benefit of each other. Sometimes Sultans married the women of the conquered territories with whom often they fell in a jovial relationship. Rare were the cases where marriages were arranged forcefully by the parents like that of prince Khizr Khan with his mother s niece (daughter of Alp Khan). Last but not the least the history of Muslim rule in Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 85. K.A Nizami, Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2002, footnote, p A Comprehensive History of India, op. cit., p

178 India is full of references of such marriages which were the result of a love affair between a prince and a princess. The sources of the Sultanate period beautifully depict these royal marriages. Amir Khusrau in his masnavi Deval Rani Khizr Khan, beautifully describes the marriage ceremony of Khizr Khan with Deval Rani. Similarly, Ibn Battuta in his work Rehla provides a description of the marriage of Amir Saifuddin Gada. The description of the marriage ceremonies in both the text, Deval Rani Khizr Khan and Rehla shows that the atmosphere of the marriage ceremonies was dominated by the women. These lines from the Rehla help in describing the marriage ceremony. The two days before the marriage of Amir Saifuddin the palace was decorated by the ladies, they applied henna to his hands and feet. Some entertained him with dance and music. Contrary to the nature of marriages in royalty there were a common group of people which married in their same class. Ibn Battuta informs us that the Samira people marry among their own clan and avoid marrying among other than their own. 66 Consideration was given to the lineage of the family and purity of blood was considered the primary necessary feature in a match. Syed Wajihuddin Mashedi, the darogha of Tamil, did not marry his daughter at the proper age because he could not find a boy belonging to a family with purity of blood. Lastly, she was married to Moinuddin Sanjari with a great disparity of age between the two. 67 This show how considerate the people of those days towards the purity of blood that they accepted their daughter to remain unmarried or marrying with someone with a more difference of age rather than marrying the girl with the one who does not belong to a respectable family with any purity of blood. The Afghans usually married within their own tribe and also considered the purity of blood. When Sikandar Lodi proposed Miyan Khwaja Ismail Jalwani for the marriage of his daughter with himself, Jalwani reminded the Sultan that he was the Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 6. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p

179 son of a goldsmith s daughter. 68 Bibi Ambha, also known as Hema, the Hindu wife of Sultan Bahlol Lodi was a goldsmith s daughter. Bahlol Lodi got attracted with her beauty, fell in love and married her. The son born to them was Sikandar Lodi. 69 The history of Muslim rule in India has abundant references of Muslim rulers who married a Hindu woman. Alauddin Khilji married the mother of Deval Rani, and kept her respectfully in his harem. Hoshang Shah of Ghori dynasty married a Hindu girl Ambika. 70 We have references where Sultans have made matrimonial relations with the Sufi families. Sultan Mohammad Bin Tughlaq married his daughter, Bibi Rasti with grandson of Shaikh Fariduddin. The proposal of marriage was sent from the side of the Sultan. 71 Shaikh Yusuf was the descendent of Bahauddin Zakariya at Multan. There the people had declared him the Sultan after which the Rai Sirah drove him away. Shaikh Yusuf moved to Delhi where Sultan Bahlol Lodi cemented his tie with Shaikh Yusuf by arranging a matrimonial alliance between his daughter and Shaikh Yusuf s son named Shaikh Abdullah Qureshi. 72 Sultan Sikandar Lodi became disciple of Sufi Sayyid Mohammad Gawas, the founder of Qadiri order in India and gave one of his daughters in marriage to him. He said to have done this in obedience to the command of Shaikh Abdul Qadir Jilani who was the original founder of this order, who appeared to him in a dream and ordered him to give his daughter to Muhammad Gawas in marriage. 73 Customs and ceremonies related to marriage A stage was reached in marriage negotiations when the parties agreed to the wedding of their son and daughter. The agreement was finalized by a small ceremony called mangni that is betrothal ceremony. After this formal recognition a date was fixed for the marriage and elaborate preparations began Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p.132. Yadgar Ahmad, Tarikh-i-Shahi, Baptist Mission Press, Calcutta, 1939, p. 17. Pushpa Prasad, Sanskrit Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1990, introduction, p. xix. Syed Athar Abbas Rizvi, A History of Sufism in India, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi, 1975, Vol. I, p Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans, op. cit., p. 72. John S. Subhan, Sufism its Saints and Shrines, Cosmo Publications, New Delhi, 1999, p

180 After all the members had gathered and all necessary preparations were finished, the barat comprising of bridegroom, his family members and relatives head towards the house of the bride. Reaching there, amidst various ceremonies like Nikah, marriage takes place in cordial atmosphere. After these ceremonies and songs bride departs from her house along with the bridegroom. If the bride was too young for the marriage she returned to her parents after a short time and the final ruksat was fixed at a later date. 74 K. M. Ashraf is of the view that Muslims borrowed almost all ceremonies and customs from Hindus. 75 But there were many reasons behind the matrimonial alliances made by the Kings. Nobles also married with great pomp and show. Common man at the Sultanate had no substantial means to involve in a lavish wedding. Divorce Divorce was very common in the Pre-Muslim Arab and though a lawful act was condemned by the Prophet (PBUH) who looked upon the custom of divorce with extreme disapproval and considered it the thing most disliked by God. 76 He repeatedly declared that nothing pleased God more than the emancipation of slaves, and nothing more displeased Him than divorce. 77 A revelation came from God to Moses saying you have parted My servant from Me. You have been sent (as messenger) to unite and not separate (my lovers) from Me. Do not sever my creatures from Me, because the most hated deed is to cause divorce (separation). 78 In spite of this there are rare examples where the followers of Islam followed it without any valid reason. References of divorce in the Sultanate period especially among royalty and aristocracy are rare. We have an example where Prince Muhammad, the eldest son of Sultan Balban in drunken condition divorced his beloved wife. When he regained his senses he repented for his misdeed and wished Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p.182. Ibid., pp , footnote.1. Outlines of Islamic Culture, op. cit., p The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p Outlines of Islamic Culture, p

181 for the re-union. 79 The ulema advised him that in such case his ex-wife should be married with another person and when that person would willingly divorce her she would be able to remarry her former husband. 80 Shaikh Sadruddin Arif married the divorced wife of Prince Muhammad. Shaikh Sadruddin Arif readily agreed to marry her. This shows that a Sufi saint did not hesitate to accept a divorced wife and considered it as a virtuous deed to reunite the separated couple. Although the lady refused to leave the saint and prince was killed in a Mongol raid. The prince in the above incident divorced his wife in anger and intoxicated condition but there was a Sufi who divorced his wife because she was hindrance in his worship. Husbands had their own reasons behind the divorce. Usually, unpleasant relationship of the couple became the reason behind the divorce. Once, Qazi Muhiuddin, came to Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya because his relation with his wife became so unpleasant that he decided to divorce her. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya did not approve it resulting which the relations between the husband and wife were restored. 81 Beside the reasons mentioned in Quran for a husband to divorce his wife, people had their own individual reasons behind divorcing their wives. Famous Sufi Saint Qutbuddin Bakhtiyaar Kaki divorced one of his wives soon after marriage, as according to him her presence had disturbed his daily program of prayers. 82 We can say that the practice of divorce was the most detestable and undesirable act in the verses of Quran and considered unlawful by the Prophet (PBUH) unless the husband had genuine reason (like adultery of wife), 83 behind the demand of divorce. In spite of it, we find few references of divorce in Sultanate period for which reasons varied from person to person Shaikh Jamali, Siyar-ul-Arifin, MS, Habibganj Collection, 22/11, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, folio. 84(a) - 84(b). Ibid. The Life and Times of Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya, op. cit., p. 72. Amir Hasan Sijzi, Fawaid-ul-Fuad, ed., Khwaja Hasan Sani Nizami Dehlavi, Urdu Academy, Delhi, 1992, part-iii, Majlis-10, p ; Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p

182 Polygamy The union of a man with several women by the means of marriage is called polygamy. The concept of polygamy was not only prevalent amongst the Arabian society but also in neighboring countries of Arabia. The institution of polygamy existed in the other neighboring countries like Persia, even the western parts of Europe were not an exception. The passage or the verse of the Quran which deals with the polygamy is you may marry two, three or four wives but not more. The subsequent line declares but if you cannot deal equitably and justly with all, you shall marry only one. The word equity (adl) is not merely equality of treatment but in other important and necessary matters like lodging, clothing and other domestic requisites but also complete equity in love, affection and esteem. 84 Syed Ameer Ali asserts that polygamy was an unavoidable practice in early Muslim society as there were frequent tribal wars, constant decimation of male population, and numerical superiority of women, combined with the absolute power possessed by the chiefs originated the custom. 85 Among upper caste Hindus polygamy in both its aspects prevailed from the earliest times. 86 He further adds that, certain times, certain conditions of society make this practice absolutely needful for the preservation of women from starvation or utter destitution. 87 When we talk about polygamy in Sultanate era we find that beside the chief queen i.e. the first married wife of the Sultan there were many other wives of the Sultan. Monarchs both Hindus and Muslims had one chief queen whose children succeeded to the throne. She also had other privileges like right of guardianship of a minor son who had to succeed to the throne. There was no fixed rule of choice among other queens, mistresses or concubines The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p Ibid., p Ibid.; see also Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., introduction, p.xix. The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p

183 We have a clear picture that how the Sultans were polygamous. Even princes also had many wives. Prince Khizr Khan, the son of Alauddin Khilji being already married, was involved in an unending affair with Deval Rani a Hindu princess and ultimately married her. Sources describe the harem of different nobles. One of the vivid descriptions is of the harem of a noble during the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi. 89 This signifies that the nobles also indulged in a polygamous life. Ibn Battuta a noble and a traveller indulged in polygamy. Extremely strange the Sufis who spent their lives in extreme unfavorable conditions sometimes also married more than one wife. Shaikh Moinuddin Chisti had two wives 90 and a big family. Shaikh Nasiruddin Chirag is reported to have stated that Sheikh Farid had many wives and treated them all justly and equitably so far as the marital relationship was concerned. 91 Sultans could be ignored for leading a polygamous life. There may be various reasons for marrying a number of wives may be they were highly sensuous and most of the time marrying princess from different regions was a part of their appeasement or subjugation policy. But it is difficult to say what the reasons were for Sufis behind leading a polygamous life. Sources of the Sultanate period lack the information regarding the marital conditions of the common man. Once in Fawaid-ul-fuad we find that there is a freed slave, Atiq of Amir Hasan Sijzi,( the author) who had four wives. 92 Observing the references of the Sultanate period we can conclude that polygamy prevailed in the royalty and aristocratic class in medieval India. About common man it cannot be asserted that they definitely practiced polygamy. The masses especially the poor peasants enjoyed a monogamous, healthy and free life as Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, op. cit., p. 92. Shaikh Abdul Haq Muhaddis, Akhbar-ul-Akhyar, Matba-i- Mohammadi, Delhi, 1283 A. H., pp Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p Fawaid-ul-Fuad, Naval Kishore, op. cit., p

184 he could not afford to marry many wives. 93 Although polygamy was not encouraged in Islam but Sultans and nobles followed it. Position of Widows in Society The position of the widows in society is one of the most important topics which the historian of the woman has to discuss and elucidate opines A.S Altekar. 94 One who takes a widow as his wife, in the household everything will be desired and wanted by the woman is the view of Amir Khusrau. 95 Nizamuddin Auliya fixed allowances for the widows. The above view of Amir Khusrau is helpful in describing the position of widows in society as well as the kind of mindset the poet had for widows. Unlike the Hindu widows, the Islam does not permit a Muslim widow to embrace death by burning herself in fire. Though a Muslim widow too lived a desperate life but never allowed to adopt death. Hindu widows dedicated their lives to the worship of idols at Rajgir. When such women came to the temples surrounded by the thorny trees with no food, they kept themselves standing with folded hands for at least ten days and ultimately embraced death. 96 Widows were considered as a weaker section of society and because of this reason the Sultans of the Sultanate took measures to help them financially. To begin with the mighty Iltutmish, he allowed the widows to hold iqtas allotted to their husbands. 97 Sultan Balban found the holding of iqtas unsuitable for women and the iqtas were withdrawn from them and allowances were fixed instead of it. 98 Sultan Balban deprived widows from the iqtas but he was kind enough towards them as he fixed allowances to them Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p The Position of Women in Hindu Civilization, op. cit., p S. H. Askari, Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, Khuda Bakh Oriental Public Library, Patna, 1992, p. 38. Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 88. Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, Eng. Tr., Elliot and Dowson, Low Price Publication, Delhi, 2008, Vol. III, pp R. P. Tripathi, Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Central Book Depot, Allahabad, 1959, pp

185 Mohammad Bin Tughlaq did not lack this quality of taking care of the widows. He established alms houses for widows and orphans on a very liberal scale. 99 Sultan Firozshah Tughlaq was deeply concerned about the welfare of his subjects especially the poor girls and widows. 100 The office of muhtasib was made to keep an eye on the immoral acts if prevailed in the Sultanate. His duty was to keep an eye on the acts which were not according to the Shariat. Among his other duties like to see that prayers were offered, to prevent the use of wine and demolish the gambling houses, during the Lodi period muhtasib was also entrusted with the task of finding suitable match for the widows. 101 Sultan Sikandar Lodi had great reverence for the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi, she was Niamat khatoon and was supported by Sultan Sikandar Lodi after Qutb Khan s death. Niamat Khatoon had a foster son Prince Jalal Khan. He was assigned the jagir of Kalpi with one hundred and twenty horses and fifteen elephant in order to take care of his mother. He was asked to take Niamat Khatoon to Kalpi where she was to be given all comforts. This was all because the Sultan had kind attitude, full of sympathy towards the widow of Qutb Khan Lodi. 102 Sultan is reported to have sent money from the royal treasury twice a year to every city and town to be distributed among the ulema and widows. 103 Following the Sultans their nobles also indulged themselves in the noble act of helping the widows. Mian Sultan Farmuli a noble of Sultan Sikandar Lodi used to distribute clothes and blankets to the poor in winter and rainy seasons and provided widows with sheets of cloths. 104 One of the nobles of Lodi period is known for a benevolent act towards the widows of the soldiers who died in fighting. The Khan paid the salary and allowances of the man who died in his service to the relatives of the widow of the deceased and if Promotion of Learning in India During Muhammadan Rule, op. cit., p. 45. R. C. Jauhari, Firoz Tughlaq, Shiv Lal Agarwal, Agra, 1968, p. 30. Abdul Halim, History of Lodi Sultans of Delhi and Agra, Idarah-i-Adabiyat -i Delli, Delhi, reprint, 1974, p Abdullah Khan Daudi, Tarikh-i-Daudi, ed., Sheikh Abdur Rashid, Dept of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1957, p. 62. Life and Culture under the Lodi Sultans, op. cit., p. 75. Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng.Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p

186 she did not have any relative, he asked her to adopt a boy from amongst the children of her husband s relation or in his absence any free born, and appoint one of the competent slaves owned by his husband as his peshwa (custodian). She was also enjoined to send the adopted boy to a guide or a tutor. This was a generous act of the nobles by which the widows of the deceased soldiers or any other employee was benefitted. After marriage husband is the natural custodian of a woman and if unfortunately he dies then the elder son acts as her custodian. Once during the reign of Sultan Balban, in an incident, Haibat Khan a slave of Balban in a state of utter fury murdered a son of a widow. The weeping mother pleaded the Sultan for justice. 105 Balban implying justice to the mother of the murdered son remarked this murderer was my slave, I give him to you, with your hand stab him with a knife. 106 Haibat Khan, the murderer after subjected to five hundred lashes for this murder was handed over to the widow for final punishment. The accused was pardoned by the widow when pleaded for mercy although widow was given the full rights from the Sultan to punish the man who had killed her son. Thus by allowing her to inflict the murderer with whatever punishment she wished the Sultan did justice with her and did not merely neglect her because she was a widow and a weak person. Hence, the Sultans of Delhi considered their prime duty to render support and help to the widows in their rule. The nobles also considered helping the widows as an act of virtue. They discovered various ways of helping such kind of people among which the widows were helped the most. Moral Values and women Deterioration in moral values has been a part of society in every era. Both men and women involve themselves in the immoral activities. Amir Khusrau is of the view that women when indulges herself in immoral activities brings dishonor to herself and her family and also undermines her prestige. Women were supposed to be pure in thoughts, words and deeds. 107 This signifies that women in those days also had some Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, p. 48; see also The History of India as told by its Own Historians, Elliot and Dowson, op. cit., Vol. III, p Ibid. Hasht Bihisht, op. cit., pp

187 inclination towards immoral activities and sinful acts, for which Amir Khusrau is seen concerned in his work Matlaul Anwar and Hasht Bihisht Amir Khusrau has laid down certain ethical code in his Matlaul Anwar and by the means of his daughter; conveys these codes to the other females and wants them to follow these codes. He considered eyes the chief cause of all evils. Thus, he advices women to adopt a low gaze and preserve their images like pearls which lie safe in the shells and advices that the women should not stare at unknown persons. S. H. Askari is of the view that judged from modern standards, Amir Khusrau s view about females of his time may be taken to be very conservative and preservative of old traditional principles and practices. 108 His conservative views give us one more reason to believe that society was observing certain immoral norms and evils penetrated in society. Amir Khusrau advices his daughter never to indulge in peeping activities behind the doors or the curtains, or casts her looks in different directions never to neglect the use of veil or concealing sheet of cloth and always to keep her face towards the wall and her back towards the door. According to Amir Khusrau the woman who walks or runs in streets is not a woman but a bitch. 109 He did not like women s extreme fondness for embellishment of her body and too much beautification of face for it may become the reason of mischief, disgrace and ignominy. 110 Amir Khusrau enjoins upon the wives to keep them within the limits of the homes and have watchful eyes on all the resources of their houses and the most important to have privacy with none except husband. 111 Among the immoral activities, adultery is considered most detestable and sinful act so that a husband can have his relation broken with his wife by the means of divorce, if the adultery of the wife was proved. 112 Ibn Battuta has described how Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, op. cit., p. 34. Ibid., p. 35. Ibid. Ibid., p. 63. The Spirit of Islam, op. cit., p

188 mother of Prince Mahmud was ordered by Qazi Kamaluddin to be stoned to death when her charge of adultery was proved. 113 In the same way when the charge of adultery was confirmed, for a non-muslim, he was ordered to leave the country. 114 Once during a conversation with Barani, Sultan Mohammad bin Tughlaq enquired by him that among apostasy, murder, adultery, conspiracy, rebellion, helping the king s enemies and disobedience for which sins capital punishment is permitted by Prophet (PBUH). Barani replied that only for apostasy, murder and adultery. Thus a person involved in adultery deserved the capital punishment as a murderer. 115 Many social evils prevailed among the women of the Sultanate. Among such evils one was wine drinking, an evil which is forbidden for men but women were also found indulged in it at became a popular drink among a section of women. Mostly dancers used to take wine. The reference of which has been given in chapter three. During the Lodi period the women were also found involved as member of the gang of robbers and thugs. Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui narrates an anecdote about a beautiful woman who belonged to the party of robbers during the reign of Sikandar Lodi. Hussain Khan Sarwani, once while passing by the vilayet of Lucknow found on his way a young woman in attractive garments, who was weeping. 116 Hussain Khan inquired the reason and he was told that she has lost the way to her house. The noble asked her to walk along with him, she told her incapability to walk and asked him to ride his horse. After a while she offered a betel leaf to the Khan to chew. The Khan was unwilling to eat it and kept it under his armpit. No sooner had he kept it under his armpit he lost his senses. There upon the woman held bridle of the horse and reached the place where rest of the robbers untied his belt, resulting which the betel leaves fell down from his armpit on ground and he regain his senses. The robbers ran away and Hussain Khan Sarwani rode his horse and having tied the woman with the tail of the horse dragged her Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 86. Some Aspects of Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, op. cit., p. 77. Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., pp

189 The woman was kept in his harem according to the author of Waqiat-i- Mushtaqi she was a beautiful woman, he did not kill her. 117 Such gangs were active those days and women were also a part of it. Men alone could not be able to perform these sorts of crime so they took help of women. May be these women were a part of their families. Once more a man named Sikandar was betrayed by an old woman who belonged to a gang of highway robbers. These robbers looted the travelers while they were in the journey. An old woman asked Sikandar to bow down his head as she would remove the grass blades from his turban. As he bowed his head she placed something on his head and as a result of it he lost his senses. She took him in the forest where rest of her companions waited. He regained his senses when his turban fell on the ground. The men fled away and he arrested the woman, took her to the town and having left her in the custody of darogha, restarted on his journey. These kinds of women involved themselves in immoral acts of betraying travelers only for the purpose of earning money. The amount collected by this means would help them in providing their livelihood. Thus, we can notice that there were various ways by which women earned their livelihood. Some found it suitable to work in fields, some worked as maids and salves in houses and on the other hands there were presence of such women who indulged in unwanted activities for their livelihood. This also shows that administration of the Sultanate was running weak and unwanted elements whether men or women were active. Ornaments, Cosmetics and Dresses of Women Ornaments and women are inseparable, ornaments and cosmetics have been used by women to beautify themselves. There were ornaments to decorate various parts of body. K.M. Ashraf is of the opinion that leisured classes had special facilities for cultivating attractiveness among both sexes. 118 Physical beauty can be acquired by Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., pp Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p

190 the help of both the things i.e. ornaments and cosmetics. Women of all class are fond of wearing it. Ornaments were used by the ladies since times immemorial and were quite an important item for the decoration of the body, whether masculine or feminine. The ornaments used by the females were necklace, earring, ankle let, bracelets (worn round forearms and legs), and nose pendent and broad ornamented bracelet. The perforation of the ears of one s daughter is mentioned. 119 According to a Chinese traveler the women of Bengal wore earrings of precious stones set in gold; they had pendants on their neck, gold bracelets on their wrists and ankles. 120 Yadgar Ahmad narrated an incident where mang tika (placed on forehead) were made by a goldsmith using precious diamonds of various valuations i.e. five lacks, three lacks and two lack tankas for sale. 121 Such remarkable and precious items of jewelry were made during those days. Mian Taha Farmuli a noble and a scholarly man during the reign of Sultan Sikandar Lodi is found of making a special kind of earring as a gift for the wife of Ahmad Khan. Beside other things he knew the art of making objects of ivory. He had carved out an earring out of ivory for the wife of a noble, Ahmad Khan. The earring resembled a bud of water lily. 122 He placed an artificial black bee made of ebony (a hard black wood), inside the bud. When that earring was put on the lady s ear, it remained in the form of a bud as long as she did not move her head, but as soon as she moved it, it opened into a flower and the bee came out and began to fly near her eye. 123 This shows that how much fondness of unique jewellery existed among the ladies of the Sultanate, the goldsmiths and various other people indulged in the art of making ornaments and earned a handsome amount Amir Khusrau, Nuh Siphir, MS, Habibganj Collection, 50/16, Maulana Azad Library, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, Part VII, folio ; Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit, p. 56. Ibid. Tarikh-i-Shahi, op. cit., pp ; see also Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 57. Waqiat-e-Mushtaqui, Eng. Tr., I. H. Siddiqui, op. cit., p Ibid. 169

191 Cosmetics Cosmetics have been used by women for adding charm to their personality. For the works of Amir Khusrau especially Ijaz-i-Khusravi, Matlaul Anwar and Nuh Siphir we come to know how the middle aged women used cosmetics to retain their diminishing charm. Amir Khusrau, ridicule of the dying of hair by the people of the Sultanate age. 124 This shows that there were colors found to paint the hair in medieval times, this was called wasma and Khizaab in Ijaz-i-Khuaravi. 125 Beside these we find the mention of gulguna and ghaza, (red color which women used to apply on their face) and supaida. Women used collyrium on their eyelids to enhance their grace and beauty and also painted the eyebrows. Powdered their face and put antimony in eyes. The body was adorned with cosmetics and scented lotion. 126 Ubtan, a paste made of various aromatic powders was rubbed on the skin in order to cleanse it. Decoration of hairs with flowers and application of red color in the feet were popular aids of beautification in those days. 127 Betel leaves were chewed to redden the lips. 128 They put black dot on their cheeks as a protection against evil eyes. Henna was used to give red color to hand and feet. 129 Amir Khusrau also talks of the Solah Singar or the sixteen forms of embellishment or ornaments of the Hindu ladies and address to his daughter that the preference must be given to chastity rather than applying of cosmetics and false beautification of face and body. 130 These names of the sixteen articles of embellishment given by the historian and poet are these- Henna, Wasma, Surma (collyrium), Surkhi (red color), ghaza (face rouge), safidab( white paint), ghalia (civet), sar-aweza (head dress or veil), gushwara (ear-ring), Silsila (chain), halqa-ibindi (nose ring), galuband (necklace) and bazuband (armlet), dastana (bracelet), Khalkhal (ankle ornament), angushtar (ring) 131 etc Amir Khusrau, Matlaul Anwar, Naval Kishore, Lucknow, 1302 A.H, p Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 56. Malik Mohammad Jaisi, Padmavati, Eng. Tr., A. G. Shirreff, Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta, 1944, p. 182; Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 56. Society and Culture in Medieval India, p. 56. Amir Khusrau, Nuhsiphir, MS, op. cit., part VII, Folio Ibid.,, folio 45-46; Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 56; Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, op. cit., p. 30. Ibid. 170

192 Dress Religious literature gives a description of poor people especially farmers who had hardly enough clothes to cover their whole body. The laborers did not have enough clothes to cover their whole body. 132 Shaikh Hamiddudin Nagori had a piece of loin cloth to cover his body where as his wife had a tattered dupatta. The average costume of the Muslim women constituted of a sheet of cloth called chadar, veil called naqab, trousers called izar, pairahan a kind of loose waistshirt or shift called shalwar, maqna was a garment worn over the head reaching the ground. Garments like trousers and shirts were common for both male and females. 133 Amir Khusrau has mentioned about the various types of garments in his Ijaz-i- Khusravi. Paicha-i-Shalwar, Khastak-i-izar, niganda, dotah, barani, Kulah and dastar, durrah (upper garment) 134 Poor or non-aristocratic women probably went about wrapped up in long sheet of cloth covering their heads with a garment known as burqa. 135 Color also mattered for the people and they were superstitious regarding the blue color of the fabric. This color was avoided in daily use as it was considered the colour of mourning. Women were fond of bright colors and preferred clothes having prints or drawings on them Society and Culture in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 54. Ibid.; Life and conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p Ibid. Ibid., p Ibid., p

193 Sati Being an important section of society many social practices are related with women. Some enforced practices like sati and jauhar were very traumatic. The practice of sati is attached to the society from ancient times till the middle ages. This social practice was one of the most traumatic and inhumane practice related to women. By the means of this social evil a widow was forced to immolate herself in the pyre of her husband. It is important as well as interesting to explore where and how the practice of sati emerged. The origin of sati had its roots from the character of a woman who was named Sati she was the wife of Lord Shiva and daughter of Daksha. She was the first to consume her in the fire. 137 The word sati is derivate from the word Satya (truth) or Godliness. Sati literally means a virtuous wife, but practically it was the practice of burning the widows on the funeral pyre of their husband. This custom was prevalent among upper class Indians, for at least two thousand years. 138 This can be exemplified by the examples from Ramayana and Mahabharata. The Ramayana describes a Brahmin woman who committed Sati when molested by Ravana. In Mahabharata, among several examples two are worthy to be mentioned here. A woman Sairandhri is ordered to be burnt with Kicaka and eight queens of Krishna entered fire on his death. 139 From the ancient times till the medieval age the cruel practice continued. When Alberuni visited India he found the practice of Sati prevalent in India. It was common though not compulsory. According to Alberuni if a woman became widow she could not remarry. She had only to select between two things, either to remain widow for rest of her life or to burn herself along with the pyre of her husband. Unwillingly, the second was selected because living a life of a widow was extremely painful as widows were ill-treated and lived a life of extreme pain and Nirmala Gupta, Sati System in Medieval India, p. 1. Annoted Quotation. Ibid. K. Krishna Murthy, Social and Cultural Life in Ancient India, Sundeep Prakashan, Delhi, 1982, p

194 torture. 140 Nirmala Gupta is of the opinion that the life of the Hindu widow became miserable if she selected to survive the rest of her life. 141 The widows were forbidden the use of ornaments and good dresses. They could not enjoy good food and have long hairs. Being widow was considered as a punishment for the sins of the previous life. 142 Ibn Battuta, when came to India too found at many occasions widows burning themselves on the pyre of their husbands. On one such occasion while hearing the cries of the woman he fainted. 143 He gives a detailed description of how a woman was prepared for being a sati. The description is very poignant. 144 Amir Khusrau describes the burning of women in medieval India through the practice of sati and writes that Islam does not permit such kind of merciless and cruel practice for the mankind. But he praises the spirit of the Hindu widow who burns herself. He also asserts that if this practice becomes lawful among the followers of the Islam, pious devotees might surrender their lives. 145 Malik Mohammad Jaisi also had praise for the sati women and writes that, the sati burns herself for the truth and for her husband and the same truth has the power to cool the fire. 146 The Sultanate period had a mixed population of Hindus and Muslims. With exception of Mohammad bin Tughlaq none of the Sultan made efforts to stop this inhumane practice. Ibn Battuta informs us that the Sultan enacted a law, through which it was necessary to procure Sultan s permission before burning a widow. Probably, the law was designed to discourage the use of compulsion or forcefully burning a woman on pyre Abu Al Raihan Muhammad Ibn Ahmad Alberuni, Alberuni s India, Eng.Tr., Dr. Edward C. Sachau, Oriental Books, reprint 1983, Vol. II, pp Sati System in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 4. Ibid. Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p The Travels of Ibn Battuta, op. cit., Vol. III, p Nuh Siphir, MS, op. cit., folio. 22. Padmavati, Eng. Tr., A. G. Shireff, op. cit., p

195 It is important to mention that the people who encourage the practice were the Brahmins of that age, as when the woman had to be sati she used to take bath in river and give all her ornaments and garments to the Brahmins in alms. 147 We have one single reference of burning of a widow in Muslim society, by the wife of Ain-ul-Mulk Mahru. Ain-ul-Mulk Mahru revolted during the reign of Mohammad bin Tughlaq, his revolt was crushed and he was defeated, when this news of his defeat reached to his wife and subsequently not any other information reached she decided to be a sati. 148 Thus, we see that women out of love for their husband and most of the time because they were compelled by the society, embraced death by burning them in the pyre of their dead husbands. The practice of sati became prevalent because of two reasons, one is that in the society of those days women were completely subordinate to men. Secondly, the male dominant society had no respect for the widow women even if she was a childhood widow, religious beliefs had overpowered the society because of this no one dared to oppose this painful treatment given to widow women. Jauhar When we analyze or think over the practices like sati and jauhar we are compelled to think that what the real position of Hindu women was in the medieval society. No doubt the men had complete control over the women. We have evidences in the sources that women collectively burnt themselves when the army was defeated by the hand of enemy. The practice of jauhar was prevalent among the ladies of the harem of rajput rajas. Such a terrible death was accepted by the women of the defeated rajput army in order to save their integrity and chastity and avoid getting in to the clutches of victorious conqueror. Most of the times the victorious army was of the Muslim invaders but there are also references when brave rajputs preferred jauhar while losing in inter tribal wars, which frequently took place Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p. 22. Ibid., p

196 Jauhar was adopted under two forms and under two circumstances. The situation when the rajput army was completely defeated and the other when they were apprehensive of being captured alive. The two forms of the Jauhar were when the females threw themselves in the fire, in order to avoid themselves falling in the hands of the victor. In the second form, the males when found difficult to win the battle forced their females to jump into the fire. The purpose of both the forms of jauhar was to preserve the chastity of the females of the defeated army. 149 The siege of Chittor by Alauddin Khilji and the women performing jauhar has been a famous incident in the history. Another event of jauhar during the reign of Alauddin Khilji was the siege of Ranthambor. 150 The upheaval at Ranthambor fort compelled the queen of Raja Hammir, Ranga Devi to plunge herself into the fire along with other ladies of the fort. The jauhar was committed by the raja of Kampilla when his fortress was besieged by Mohammad Bin Tughalq to punish him for sheltering a rebel named Bahauddin Gurshasp. The raja tried his best to avert the crisis but apprehensive of being captured alive decided to embraced death by throwing themselves in fire. The description of this incident is found in Ibn Battuta s Rehla. He describes that all the ladies washed themselves, rubbed their bodies with sandal wood paste, and then made their solemn obeisance to their master and quietly threw themselves in the fire. 151 It was the brutality and humiliation given to the defeated army and their women which compelled them to accept such a painful death. Not only Hindu rulers embraced death by performing jauhar but references of such death are found by Muslims, when Timur invaded India. Timur s invasion resulted in brutal slaughter which persuaded the warriors to adopt the course of Rajput jauhar. 152 Kamaluddin the governor of Bhaitnair and his retainer burned their women and their property and then proceeded to fight Timur like blood thirsty devils Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p The Campaigns of Alauddin Khilji, op. cit., p. 40; Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p.192. Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, p Ibid., p Ibid., footnote. 175

197 Again in the year 1739, we find Mussalmans in a very difficult situation and decided to perform jauhar. This was the year when Nadir Shah invaded India. Thus, we can conclude regarding this practice that it was not only barbarity and brutality of the Muslim invaders which compelled rajput women to embrace death but the practice also took place when there was a conflict between various rajput tribes. It is noteworthy that Muslims also embraced death by burning themselves out of fear of brutal treatment by the invaders likes Timur and Nadir Shah, thus safeguarding the integrity and chastity of Muslim women. Purdah It is held by B.N. Sharma 154 that the Muslims are responsible for the growth of custom of purdah and that before Islam the women of Hindustan went freely. Indeed the elaborate and institutionalized form of purdah dates from the time of the Muslim rule in India. 155 Purdah, when applied to women means concealing oneself from the gaze of males who are not related to blood. This can be further justified by the translation of a surah of the holy Quran. O, Prophet! Speak to the wives and to the daughters of the faithful that they let their wrappers fall low. And speak to the believing women that they refrain their looks and observe continuance; and that they display not their ornaments except those which are external, and that they draw their kerchief over their bosoms. (Surah. XXIV, 31) 156 The Quran instruct the women to unveil themselves only in the presence of their fathers, husbands and brothers. 157 Those men relatives of a woman with whom Islam prohibits to marry are called mahrams and persons beyond this prohibited degree are called Na-mahram. The underlying idea behind the institution of purdah is the seclusion of Na-mahrams. It may be noted that much emphasis was placed on the B.N.Sharma, Social Life in Northern India , Munshiram Manoharlal, Delhi, 1966, p. 25. Life and Conditions of the People of Hindustan, op. cit., p Imtiyaz Ali, Ameer Ali on Islam, Amar prakashan, Delhi, 1982, p.11. Ibid., p

198 purity of moral character of a woman and most important was the public reputation of woman for chastity. Strict observance of purdah is advocated by the medieval historians especially Isami and Amir Khusrau. They are strong supporters of purdah. Isami advocated that women should be completely secluded from the males. The women those who observe purdah are characterized as chaste and of high moral values. 158 About purdah Amir Khusrau is also of the same view. By the means of his daughter, he advices women not to indulge in peeping from behind the door or the curtain, or caste her look in different directions. 159 Amir Khusrau suggests the females to remain inside their houses so that they remain unnoticed by any male. He says that women should not roam here and there and it does not suit a girl of respectable family 160. It is purdah which protects the chastity and elevates the moral level of women. He gives an example of shell and water drop inside it; unless and until the shell is removed the water drop inside it remains pure and unnoticed. Women who come out of their house soon fall in the eyes of men. In order to live a pious life by women he emphasizes the observation of purdah. 161 Amir Khusrau disapproves Raziya of unveiling herself in front of courtiers and common public. 162 When women came out of their houses they used palanquin as a means of transport. These palanquins had silken curtains to protect the woman inside it from the looks of other people. 163 Ibn Battuta describes the palanquin of Makhduma-i-Jahan, the mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq. 164 To respect the lady who observes the purdah is the quality of a virtuous man. The mighty Tughlaq Sultan, Mohammad bin Tughlaq considered its duty to respect the pardanashin women and not to unnecessary gaze at them. Whenever, the Sultan Abdul Malik Isami, Futuh-us-Salatin, Eng. Tr., Agha Mahdi Husain, Asia Publishing house, Dept of History, Aligarh Muslim University, Aligarh, 1976, Vol. II, op. cit., p Amir Khusrau- As a Historian, op. cit., p. 35. Amir Khusrau, Hasht Bihisht, Sulaiman Ashraf Institute Press, Aligarh, 1918, p Matlaul Anwar, op. cit., p.199. Amir Khusrau, Deval Rani Khizr Khan, Silsilah Kulliyat-i-Khusrau, Aligarh, 1916, p. 49. Rehla, Eng. Tr., Mahdi Husain, op. cit., p Ibid. 177

199 had to enter the harem he used to send information of his arrival through eunuchs. The purpose was to inform the pardanashin women to hide themselves from the sight of the emperor. 165 Afif mentions women who resided in seclusion in the palace. 166 Tatar Khan carried his slave girls in a closed cart for the sake of purdah. Firozshah Tughlaq insisted upon the observance of purdah by the women. Women visited to the shrines of the saints in palanquin which was later prohibited by Sultan Firozshah Tughlaq. 167 The purpose was to stop free mingling of both the sexes as it was contrary to the Islamic code of conduct and gave liberty to unruly men to molest women. Visiting shrines was not only prohibited for Muslim women but the Hindu ladies too were stopped from visiting temples during the reign of Firoz Tughlaq because such visit led to promiscuous mixing of men and women. 168 Contrary to this, the common lower class women folk went around unveiled. They did not live a secluded life. We find references of women who came out of their house for work, devoid of purdah. Some women came out of the house for the purpose of bath and filling water. 169 There were many more household jobs the common women had to do. Thus purdah seemed to be a barrier in performing day to day duties of household. Common women only covered their head with the lapel of their dupatta or sari. Architecture We do not have ample evidences where royal ladies provided patronage in the field of architecture. Usually wells were constructed as a matter of work of pity and welfare. Rich merchants used to get the wells built. One well was constructed at the behest of a princess of a royal family; she is named as Ayesha, a sister of Sikandar Lodi. 170 Beside Ayesha, Bibi Raji of Sharqi kingdom of Jaunpur is known for her outstanding contribution in the field of architecture Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 66. Shams Siraj Afif, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., pp Ibid., pp ; see also Firoz Tughlaq, op. cit., p Royalty in Medieval India, op. cit., p. 38. Ziauddin Barani, Tarikh-i-Firozshahi, op. cit., Vol. I, pp Sanskrit Inscriptions of Delhi Sultanate, op. cit., introduction, p. xxix, p. xxxi-xxxii. 178

200 After the study of the social conditions of the society during the Sultanate period; I found that there was an inevitable line of demarcation between the royal ladies and the common women. The position of royal ladies was an exception. Poor women had to work hard for their livelihood. We see royal ladies busy in formation of cliques and intrigues for the benefit of their sons. Polygamy strongly existed. The Sultans were polygamist due to various reasons may be because of their sensuous nature or due to the appeasement policies for various other states. Divorce is rare in Sultanate. Royalty spends a huge amount on marriage ceremonies of their kith and kin. Female slavery was an integral part of the society without the study of which the research is incomplete. Purdah is also followed by the royal ladies and common woman only covered her head with lapel of her dupatta or sari. Practices like sati and jauhar had its roots deep penetrated in the Hindu society. Cosmetics and ornaments were also a part of life of royal ladies and poor women were devoid of it. In this way by the study of the sources of the Sultanate we find that there was a strong line of demarcation between the elite class of ladies and common women. 179

201 Conclusion

202 CONCLUSION The present work focuses on Women and High Culture during the Sultanate Period. It is a comprehensive work related to women from thirteenth century to the year 1526 A.D. and involves the study of women in political and social field. The study of the sources found relevant for the first chapter reveal the fact that assistance was provided by women in almost all the fields. Woman was the pivot of all domestic activities but still was given a subordinate position to men. The later pre- Sultanate Hindu society deprived the women of education, used her as the provider of domestic help and satisfy the carnal instincts. Gradually, the position of women deteriorated. She was devoid of education and was not permitted to read Vedas and religious scriptures. By the time of the smritis around the beginning of Christian era, Vedic knowledge was almost closed to women; early marriages were encouraged and became obligatory. By the coming of the Muslims invaders social evils like sati and child marriage et al had crept into the Hindu society in northern India. Changes in social and cultural conditions came into being as the Sultanate was established. A strong central empire became dominant over petty fighting chieftains. In this shift of power in India, we find that the women had significant participation in all spheres of life. Aristocratic as well as common women had special roles to play. The aristocratic women sometimes intervened in the political matters and changed the course of events. A complete change was seen when Sultan Iltutmish s daughter Razia was enthroned. Sultan Iltutmish observed in her the qualities befitting a king and nominated her to be next heir apparent, as his eldest son prince Nasiruddin already died. In life time of the Sultan, the name of Razia started to be mentioned on the coins along with that of Iltutmish. Her reign is very significant in the context that she was the first lady monarch of the Sultanate who ruled independently. She won over the hearts of the common people of Delhi and they raised her to the throne. That was the age when no royal ladies appeared unveiled. In order to establish effective administration, she took the courage to discard the veil for which she was criticized by historians like Isami and Amir Khusrau. Razia proved to be a lady monarch who dealt with all kind of situations very tactfully, whether it was a clique of revolting nobles or the Mongol invasion at the frontiers. Attending open court without veiling 181

203 her was something which astonished the nobles and they became apprehensive of her uprising power. Thus they planned a coup against her and her reign came to an end. The harem was a large unit which comprised of the royal ladies related to the Sultan. It also accommodated the slave girls, concubines and female workers of other kind. It was the centre of female activities with ingrained jealousies, back-biting among the ladies. It was a place from where many intrigues originated as it happened in the case of Razia when chief queen of the Sultan Iltutmish named Shah Turkan created obstacle in order to prevent Razia from her accession. Shah Turkan was a Turkish hand maid of the Sultan and by the dint of her charm she rose to the respected position of Malika-i-Jahan. She applied heal and toe to ascend her son Ruknuddin to the throne and succeeded to some extent. Same as Shah Turkan many other royal ladies struggled for the cause of their son. In the list of these ladies there were Malikai-Jahan wife of Sultan Jalaluddin Khilji wanted her son Arkali Khan to be enthroned as the Sultan. For which she wrote to Arkali Khan who was then at Multan. Another name in the list was of Khudavandzada, the aunt of Firuz Tughlaq, she was so willing to place her son Davar Baksh on the throne that she even planned the murder of Firozshah Tughlaq. The important thing which is revealed by the study is that ladies alone could not help to decide any succession issue. They needed the help of their near relatives and especially the nobility. In all the cases whether it was the case of Shah Turkan, Malika-i-Jahan wife of Jalaluddin Khilji or Khudavandazada the support of a group of nobles was needed for them to succeed. As soon as they were devoid of the support given by the nobility they remained helpless. These ladies often enjoyed prominent position as in case of the mother of Mohammad bin Tughlaq, we see that she was a virtuous lady respected by all. Chapter three discusses various roles performed by women in social spheres. The study has explored various fields where women worked either to earn livelihood or took the work as the legacy of the parents. There were well versed female musicians and dancers who enhanced the glory of the royal court. The daughter of Fiqai is mentioned in the Tarikh-i-Firozshahi of Barani. Sultans and nobles enjoyed these kinds of gatherings. Ibn Battuta s description of Tarabad as a separate establishment where female singers and dancers reside is helpful in establishing the fact that the influence of these entertainers was deep on Sultan and nobles. 182

204 There were female slaves who excelled in all sorts of domestic chores and were sometimes used as concubines by their masters. Usually these slaves involved themselves in the household chores. These were cheap and a person with lesser means could also afford one. In the days of utter poverty when Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya lived with his mother they used to avail the services of a female slave. The prostitutes also formed an inseparable section of society. They were supported by Sultan Alauddin Khilji when he issued orders that they should get lawfully married. We also find in Ferishta s, Tarikh-i-Ferishta that their prices were fixed as the prices of all the other commodities were fixed by the orders of the Sultan. This profession was seen as a disgraceful one but there were also people who visited them. In spite of the prohibition of keeping concubines in the holy Quran (surah V;5) we find prevalence of concubines in Sultanate history. There were also eunuchs who were special class of slaves who were especially kept to guard harem. We see the influence of Sufism and Bhaktism on society. Sufis had deeply influenced the common people of the Sultanate age. People of all caste without discrimination of sex entered the khanqah of these Sufis. These Sufis respected women and sources have various examples to prove it that Sufism also had its influence on women. Sufi literature mentions some female Sufis who also influenced the society. Some of these female Sufis were the mothers, wives and sisters of some eminent Sufi saints. The Sufi women kept themselves involved in penance and most of the time they were engrossed in the love of God. In the matter of religion and worship they did not lag behind the male Sufi saints. The chapter also discusses the Sufi views regarding marriage and celibacy and come to the conclusion that most of the Sufis except few lived a married life. Shaikh Nizamuddin Auliya did not marry but never opposed marriage. Sufi saints helped people by arranging suitable matches and also commodities and money needed for marriage. Arranging for the marriage of poor girls is considered as a good deed and these saints who served humanity also did so. Fifth and the last chapter of the thesis deals with the marriage, education, divorce, polygamy, and moral values related with women, social systems like sati, jauhar, purdah. Their dresses and ornaments also have been dealt with. Marriage took 183

205 place in the Sultanate society with great pomp and show. Females were the main participants in every function related with marriage. The poor section of society especially the bride s side was financially helped by the royalty. For this purpose the department of diwan-i-khairat was established. Marriages held those days had political motive too. The marriage of Razia with Altunia is one such example. One important feature of the marriages fixed in upper class was that they always married among their own clan or tribe and consideration was given to the purity of blood while marrying. Regarding education we know that Prophet (PBUH) laid emphasis on education. By the means of his sayings he insisted that for every Muslim whether male or female it is a duty to acquire knowledge. There were primary schools (maktabs) where elementary instruction was imparted in reading and writing. In some regions references of madrasas is found where young girls were taught. These were the centers of religious education. The Princesses never went to these institutions they were taught by female teachers inside harem. However gaining education was in practice an activity confined to the elite, the lower class people had limited or no access to it. When we study the position of women in Sultanate society we find that unlike the Hindu widow Muslim widows had better living conditions. Divorce is found in the Sultanate society and polygamy was a common feature. Lack of moral values has been found in society in every era and so was the case with the Sultanate society. Women were no exception to it. Sources have a reference where a lady, mother of Prince Mahmud was stoned to death for the charges of adultery. Women also acted as the gang of robbers and thugs. Women in Sultanate society were also fond of ornaments and cosmetics. Sources of the Sultanate period also mention various female apparels. We get clear references of social practices followed by the Hindus like sati and jauhar. Purdah was an important element of the Muslim royal class during the Sultanate period. Royal ladies never unveiled them (with exception of Razia) and took litters while travelling. 184

206 Even slave girls were carried in closed carts for the sake of protecting them from the evil eyes of unruly men. By the detailed study of the Sultanate society we can conclude that women were an integral part of the society. Along with the adherence to purdah the royal ladies were active in political matters. They used to render support to the Sultan whenever he sought their advice. In spite of some prohibitions in Islam related to women like concubinage, divorce, prostitution we find references of these activities present in the Sultanate society. 185

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229 Appendices

230 Appendix I Courtesy : H.Nelson Wright, The Coinage and Metrology of the Sultans of Delhi, Oriental Books reprint corporation, Munshiram Manoharlal, New Delhi First Indian Edition, 1974

231 Appendix II

232 Appendix III

233 Appendix IV

234 Appendix V LADY COMMITTING SATI Courtesy : K. Krishna Murthy, Social and Cultural life in ancient India, Sundeep Prakashan Delhi, 1982