The land, which has functional division through historio-geographical

Transcription

1 CHAPTER-III POLITICAL PERSONALITY The land, which has functional division through historio-geographical entities provided for the evolution of the political personality of this region. The evolution of political personality has far reaching results not only in the management of land with special reference to the political system, but also in specifying the emerging political relations between different racing groups under the dynastic lables. The first one, to identify Eastern-Calukya - Rashtrakuta relations; secondly; the Westem-Calukya-Cola impact leading for a degeneration of that part of triangular area of Godvari - Manjira - Krishna. In the second stage, there was much political vacuum which gave rise to different regional dynasties like the Codas of Kandurunadu vishaya, the Viriyala family of Koravi desa and the like. During this period the eastern portion of the middle Krishna valley gave rise to the Kayastha chiefs. The third stage has remarkably exuberance, of political solidarity, which gradually led for the formation of the Kakatiya kingdom. During this stage, the Kakatiyas had to fight for their survival with the Yadavas of Devagiri,1 who had not only conquerred the Kakatiya rulers like Kakati Mahadeva ( ) and during the period of Singhana (11 IQ- 1147) the foremost of the Yadava family, they had extended down into Naravadi,

2 3<f and caused not only for politically disdainful divisions but also for the expansion of the Yadava rulers. These three aspects clearly indicate the nature of political relations with reference to the Western Andhra. EASTERN CALUKYA - RASHTRA KUTA RELATIONS: This is the period, which forms the political canvas to study this area. The Rashtrakuta rulers like Amoghavarsha-I2 (814 A.D. to 880 AD), Krishna-ll 3 ( ), Dhruva ( ) and Govinda ( ) had tried to extend their regime into the middle valleys of Godavari and Krishna. The Rashtrakutas succeeded the Gangas of Talakadu4 ( AD) in the West and the same Ganga rulers were successed by the Nolambas5 ( AD). The counter part of the Rashtrakutas on the east was found in the Eastern Calukya rulers Vijayaditya-I ( ), Gunaga Vijayaditya-ll. ( A.D.). Most of the historians used to give weightage upto this period because most important changes had taken over during this period only. But even during the period of Calukya Bhima-I ( A.D), Ammaraja Vishnuvardhana-I and Calukya Bhima-ll ( A.D.) significant changes had taken place, which can be corroborated with the evidence identified in the record of Koravli of Kusumayudha of Ranamardana family6. The entire process can be described in the following way. The problem of the Calukya - Rashtrakuta families in the eastern part of Andhra Pradesh had started with the emergence of the Rashtrakutas as a political power. Having deprived Kirtivarman-ll (of Badami Calukya family) all

3 35 his outlaying provinces, Dantidurga strengthened his political position and delivered the final assault on Kirtivarman sometimes in 752 or 753 and proclaimed himself the sovereigh power in Deccan. It has been mentioned that Dantidurga extended his power upto Srisailam and most of the parts of Telangana and Rayalasima8. Dantidurga breathed his last in 756 A.D. and he was succeeded by a weak successor, Krishna-1. It had become an initial point of active political rivalry with the overlapping internicine warfares and Vijayaditya I took fancy in fighting with the Rashtrakutas. But Krishna-1 dispatched an expedition under the crown Prince Govinda-ll to whom Vijayaditya-I ( ), ruler of Vengi, made his submission without a fight9 ( ) and died in 772 A.D. The death of Krishna-1 left the empire with a war of succession between Govinda-ll and Dhruva-I, Dharavarsha. Vishnuvardhana -IV ( ), the son and successor of Vijayaditya-I, lent his support to Govinda-ll, who also had the support of the ruler of Malva, Kanchi and Gangavadi. Of all these provinces Gangavadi has more say to influence the region of the western Andhra, ebbing in the neighbourhood. Being chased by a brutality of luck, Vishnuvardhana-IV, remained again eminical to the Rashtrakuta throne, as Dhruva I defeated Govinda-ll, and usurped the throne of the Rashtrakutas. This situation had an immence influence on the political personality of the Western Andhra Pradesh. The Rashtrakuta kings, who had already established their control over the parts of the rivers Narmada, Mahi and Mahanadi, clamoured to have their expansion into the Godavari valley which naturally tantamounts to the Western Andhra

4 36 Pradesh. The region of Karimnagar district came into his direct rule and his vassal Arikesari-I, of the family of the Calukyas of Vemulavada led a squadron against Vishnuva-rdhana-IV10. This situation also indicates that Arikesari not only invaded Vengi, but also the Trikalingas, and with this expansion the Rashtrakuta power had a completed circuit from Mahanandi to Godavari and Krishna riverine zones. Vishnuvardhana- IV was made to accept the suzerainty of the Rashtrakutas and he gave his daughter Silamahadevi in marriage to Dhruva-I, Dharavarsha. Dhruva died in 794 A.D. and succeeded by his son Govinda-lll. Govinda-lll ruled from 792 to 814 A.D. The period of Govinda-lll is a remarkable period for understanding the impact of Rashtrakutas on Western Andhra Pradesh. It was so happened that, Vijayaditya-ll, Narendramrigaraja, the son and successor of Vishnuvardhana-IV, came to power after the death of Vishnuvardhana-IV, and he had to face the conspiracy of Bhimasalki (also called Bhima Salukki). Bhima dethroned Vijayaditya and expressed his committed fidelity to the Rashtrakuta king Govinda-lll. This had reversed the fortunes of glory of the Calukyas of Vengi. Bhima Salukki Submitted himself to the Rashtrakuta king and deprived the kingdom of Vengi and its entire glory. This situation did not make Vijayaditya-ll to remain intact. He wanted to reply the Rashtrakuta lords in their own coin. He had ably pursued his cause for a period of 12 years. There was a widespread rebellion of the officials supported by the Eastern Calukya Vijayaditya-ll and the Ganga Racamalla-ll 11. This opinion evinced by Sastri is a noteworthy observation. It indicates that

5 37 Vijayaditya -II did not satiate himself to lose a kingdom by the sheer brutality of his cousin. The valiant ruler walked over to the peripheries of the Rashtrakuta kingdom and attempted in 108 battles to terrify the Rashtrakuta kings. He had extended his power very much straight upto Stambhapuri and destroyed12 it. It cannot be Camby, but it was the present day Khammammettu (Stambhadri), which is to function as a threshold of the basin of Godavari, which can straightly lead him to the suburb as of Rashtrakuta kingdom. He had created thus an havoc amongst the Rashtrakuta officialdom. Suvarnavarsha-I, Karka, the ruler of Gujarat, was able saved the situation and also at the same time the officiating regent of the boy-ruler Nrpatunga, latter Amoghavarsha. Karka was made in turn to give his daughter Silamahadevi to Vishnuvardhana-V, Kali, the son and successor of Vijayaditya-ll. It is quite intersting to note that this aspect left the Rashtrakuta kingdom with very much feeble glory and its political survival was almost at stake. According to K.A. Nilakantha Sastri, at no time during his (Nrpatunga s) long reign of 66 years can peace be said to have prevailed all over his extensive dominions. This observation can be taken as a guideline to examine this phase. Amoghavarsha was on the throne from 814 A.D. to 880 A.D. He was very much insecure upto 821 A.D. Soon after his acquisition of security, Nripatunga, more frequently was known of his title Amoghavarsha, His political policy changed from a defence to the offence. During this attempt he seldom took into cognition the relationship of any kind. He spared no body for the promotion of his kingdom, and even the maternal-grandson is of no exception. Moreover, he understood

6 38 that the very existence of the kingdom of Calukyas of Vengi was a danger to the survival of the very Rashtrakuta hegemony, which he did not want to have a stage of materialisation. He defeated Gunaga Vijayaditya-111, made him as his ankakadu and the Sisali copper plate inscription extolls Nripatunga as: Gunaga Vijayaditya pati rankakarah pratidina mabhyarcya bhavati ripu nripa Tungah (The greatest - supreme for all the enemy kings, Nripatunga was served by Vijayaditya, Gunaga as Ankakara). This is a diplorable position that the Calukya ruler experienced at the hands of his grandfather Amoghavarsha. During 880 A.D. Krishna-ll, Akalavarsha succeeded Amoghavarsha. During the regin of Amoghavarsha, it has been recorded that Kotaiah, a general of Ballaha, built a Vishnu temple at Agali in Anantapur District and this phase was considered to be a period of interim peace between the Nolambas and Rashtrakutas. At this juncture, it must be told that the conquest of the Rashtrakutas over the Gangas of Talakadu made them immediately to come into contact with the Nolambas and hence the war. As per Medanitu record of Ammaraja-ll Vishnuvardhana, Vijayaditya-lll, invaded this region most probably in the capacity of Ankakadu of Nripatunga and killed Nolamba king Mangi. Hanumanta Rao opined that the then Nolamba king was, Polalcora Nolambadhiraju 13. Whereas, Somasekhara sarma took Mangi or Mangala to be title of Polacora14. On the other hand Satyamurty, identified him with Manniya of

7 39 Hemavati genealogy15 (genealogy of Nolambas as found at Hemavathi). It is also found that Nolambas also defeated the Rashtrakuta general Kiriya Ponnaya in the battle of Ibili, where in Nolamba Diliparasa had the help of Gajakusachola. This situation indicates the submission of the Calukyas of Vengi and their role in the southwestern parts of Andhra Pradesh, which was very much overlapping with the western parts of Andhra. The Rashtrakuta invasion had a set back due to the policy of Gunaga Vijayaditya III. Immediately after the death of Nripatunga, Vijayaditya III wanted to re-claim his hegemony and he was very much assisted by the famous generals like Panduranga. It is no need to say that the invasion of Gunaga Vijayaditya had almost shook off the foundations of the kingdom of the Rashtrakutas. But, it is also to be understood that the impact of the Calukyas of vengi did not leave the South - Western Andhra, only with the rule of Gunaga Vijayaditya -III By A.D Calukya Bhima-ll, in his war with Rashtrakuta Govinda-IV put down the Nolamba ruler 16. This is a clear-cut indication for the fall of the Rashtrakuta hegemony. This identity existed prior to Calukya Bhima-ll. Vishnuvardhana-VI, alias, Calukya Bhima- I, came to the power in 892 A.D and he started his aggression into the Godavari valley. In this attempt he found a faithful ally in Kusumayudha. Actually, as per Pandipaka record, Bhima-l, introduced into the Rattavadi prior to his accession 17, The reason for this may not be any political situation aggravated in Vengi, but the remains of political

8 40 ethos inherited by Calukay Bhima-I. It is clear that Bhima was overwhelmed by the impact of Gunaga. Dharmavaram inscription of Bhima-I is a clear cut evidence, which did not speak about Bhimal-I, but extolled the political achievements of Vijayaditya-lll. The identity for the flying away off the Rashtrukuta ruler from the battle field18 (Kannara bhupati vennajilonjupe) may be also an indication for the fact that Bhima, must have actively participated during the times of Vijayaditya-lll, in the wars against the Rashtrakutas, and the same was attested in Pandipaka record. The relation between Calukya Bhima-I and Kusumayudh is an empirical test to identify the declining power of the Rashtrakutas in the western parts of Andhra Pradesh. The Koravi inscription (un-dated) specifically says that, Kusumayudha of Ranamardana family decorated the king with a necklace and made him coronated with the help of his sword19 Bhuja virya bala parakramambunandecci Kanthiyangatti Pattambetti khadga sahayundai nela yellam gavam buni This is basically a turning point. And the activity of Calukya Bhima-ll, is more a specific measure to put an end to the Rastrakuta impact in the peripheries of Manchikondanadu itself, which was considered to be the geographically initiating point of Vengi desa. There is another turning point in the history of Western Andhra Pradesh. Govinda-IV ( ) was basically of insane personality. He had come to the

9 41 throne usurping all the claims of Amoghavarsha-ll. This change demanded retaliation from all the sides. The relatives of the Rastrakuta family and the allies and other kings were forced to take sides on this occasion. Baddegadu, the uncle of Govinda-IV made a claim for the throne. Govinda was removed from the throne by his feudatories, who bestowed the kngodm on Baddega, Amoghavarsha-lll, a half brother of Indra-lll 20. This is a process wherein Western Andhra Pradesh also witnessed the process of disintegration of Rashtrakuta hegemony. Arikesari-ll of Vemulavada, took sides for the benefit of Baddega. The entire Karimnagar district and its neighbourhood was under the impact of Rashtrakutas during the period of Dhruva Dharavarsha, partly became politically independent to support the every existence of the Rashtrakuta power by its contribution. The contribution of Arikesari-ll is a glaring example for this change. Vijayaditya of Mudigonda Calukya family also joined hands with Arikesari-ll in defeating Rashtrakuta general. It is found that, the Calukyas of Mudigonda, starting their independent political career in the Mudugonda region near Khammam in about Eight century, they were in possession of the region including Koravi for a long period, till the end of the twelfth century. Between the powerful kingdoms of the Eastern Calukyas and the Rashtrakutas and subsequently the Western Calukyas of Kalyana they could retain their individuality as subordinates 21 It is very much interesting to note that the the political developments in Western Part of the Krishna river in is that, Vijayaditya-ll, made a conquest over Stambhapuri (Khammammet). The political reversal that had taken place due to

10 42 the foul play of Bhima Salukki; Amoghavarsha-1 and the policies of Vijayaditya-lll and Calukya Bhima-I, much political vacuum was created and the Calukyas of Mudigonda filled the same in. They had, gradually, a contact with the Ranamardana family and as long as the Rashtrakutas were powerful in the Godavari-Manjira basin, the Calukyas of Mudigonda remained insignificant. But the collision with Arikesari II made this dynasty somewhat powerful. Moreover, the political vacuum was properly balanced by the occupations made by Vijayaditya-lll, Bhima- I and Danarnava ( A.D). Mangallu inscription of Danarnava22 clearly indicates a stage of failure in the power of the Calukyas of Vengi, but also the emergence of another feudatory family of the Kakatiyas, probably under the precession of Kakatya Gundana. This situation clearly indicates that by 970 A.D. the total power of Danarnava was based on Mallana and Gondiya, the chiefs of the Mudigonda family and Gundyana of Vadde family (Samanta Voddi Samjnamkulam asijjalanidhipratimam... Gundiya Rastrakutas = sat pujya.23 This clearly indicates that the political fertility of the Coastal belt had to its credit only a debit of energy and fertility. In such a situation one can see a pale rule of Danarnava during A.D. and by 973 Danarnava was killed by Jatacodabhima ( A.D) and the fall of Danarnava initiated a second stage in the history of western Andhra. The second stage is obviously very much important and it is limited basically to the western Andhra Pradesh. During this period the impact of the

11 43 coastal political identities was not at all decisive for the formation of the political factors in that part of Western Andhra Pradesh. The Rashtrakuta hegemony was taken over by the Calukyas of Kalyana. The Rashtrakutas spent most of their energy to consolidate the secondary political area as well as the resting of the problems in the periphery. The efforts of Govinda III and Govinda IV, basically, to conquer the dynasties of Vaidumba, Nolamba, Bana and chiefs like Butuga made them to be provided of a concerned effort to lose the basic ground in Tattavadi, Gangavadi, Sindhavadi and Kurravadi. This situation is in no way a result of decentralised political supremacy and a cause for the emergence of the new political powers. It is very much clear that Taila I was an officer under the rule of Govinda-IV and he had much knowledge of the imbecility in the very administrative system. Moreover, as per the observations made by Altekar, Taila-I was almost a powerful feudatory by 957 A.D24 itself. It clearly indicates that Govinda must be cautious of certain political forces, which may contribute for the destruction of the very Rastrakuta Empire and thus prove fatal to the very fortunes of the Rastrakuta dynasty. The reasons for the support of Taila I, for the sustenance of Govinda-IV are not known. But, it can be said that the emergence of the Colas under Parantaka Cola ( A.D) of the line of Vijayalaya, Gandaraditya ( ), and Madhurantaka Uttama Cola ( ) might have provided a scale for political observation, as well as the rise of the smaller families like Colas of Peddakallu25, might have made Taila I not to think of any reason to dethrone Govinda-IV.

12 44 But it is very much interesting to note that, Sastri PVP had called the same as a collapse. A sudden fall due to certain reasons not identifiable by any established evidence. Clearly it must be said that it was not a mystery, but the evidences on the hand of the historian are not at all convincing to trace out any acceptable process to find out a sudden down fall, of un-signalled and unwarranted nature, particularly during the period of Govinda-IV. The Calukyas of Kalyani had their effective rule from A.D. during which period, Taila-ll, who married Bonthadevi, was on the throne. The Calukyas of Kalyani had taken active steps to occupy the middle Godavari and the middle Krishna valleys. The political panorama of that particular period was very much confusing and disturbing. Those disturbances created two important situations. The first one was related with the changing equations between different feudatory chiefs. The Kakatiya family, the Viriyala family, the family of the Calukyas of Mudigonda and the Codas of Kanduru nadu, had different politico-polymer variants. It had led for the variation in different bondages and such political situation not only remained a stage of the origin of political preeminence of the families, within a given politico-geographical canvas, which is the present triangular region of Manjira - Godavari and Krishna. Certainly it is a political situation of no mean order, which required a further clarification for political stability, which had to take in course of time. The second situation, which is emanating out of the disturbed political deformities, how they may be called - in the sense of politico-geographical

13 45 identities and such a type of situation, had led for the establishment of the power of the Calukyas of Kalyani. Amongst the rulers of the Calukyas of Kalyani, the most significant one can first be found in the period of Somesvara I, Ahavamalla ( A.D) "It deserves to be noted that the Kakatiya chieftain Prola I and his son Beta assisted Somesvara I in his wars, and received from him as fief the Anumakonda Vishaya 26 It is almost again to be noted that the rule of Tribhuvanamalla ( A.D) is the period of the highest watermark of the glory of the Calukyas of Kalyani in the portions of Western Andhra Pradesh. It must also be seldom forgotten that the Calukyas of Kalyani had revengeful attitude towards the Cholas. The battles of Koppam and Kudali Sangam had the most important effects on the fortunes of not only the Calukyas of Kalyani but also those of the Calukyas of Vengi. The Colas were very much aggressive. Rajadhiraja-I ( A.D) entered the Krishna - Godavari doab and made a decisive battle at Kollipaka 27 (Kollipakki of Tamil Records) and set fire to the settlement. Prior to the battle of Dannalakota (identified as that of Dhanyakataka) clearly indicates that the Chola rulers devastated the Krishna riverine zone on both the sides and it is not simply a factor for the victory of the Colas over the Calukyas of Kalyani, but the same had led for the politicogeographical disorder, which in turn made the establishment of the Kakatiya kingdom an easy process.

14 46 It is also considered to be as the most important fact that, the rule of Tribhuvanamalla had remained the last challenge for the political supremacy of the Cholas basically in the period of Kulottunga chola ( A.D) The Western Calukya supremacy continued from 1126 to 1200 A.D. after the period of Tribhuvanamalla and that of the Colas continued after Kulottunga from 1122 to 1173 A.D. Thus this second stage is more important simply not to provide a balance between the Western Calukyas and Colas, who weighed each other to obtain supremacy over the plateau area, including lava area, and that of the coastal area respectively. It had failed to equate the sources for the formation of any kingdom of significance in both the zones. As such, the Calukya and Cola activity, could destroy the very political stylobate of the present Andhra Pradesh including the coastal and the Western zones, but did not provide a scope for politico-cultural metamorphosis. In this situation any kingdom that has to follow must be in a position to alienate the impact of the other powers or to nullify the impact of the other powers either by war or truce or peace. The Western part of Andhra Pradesh had to undergo a third stage of political genesis, which in turn gave rise to the kingdom of the Kakatiyas. THE KAKATIYAS In view of the political factors the rule of Kakatiyas can be identified as the makers of a kingdom from the level of being members of the army as non- mustered roll units. They turned into the level of mandalesvaras and even

15

16 47 claimed the status of Kshatriyas, which is very much spurious as a fact, but very much ornamental in nature. The history of the Kakatiyas was not only shrouded in mystery but also, through out the annals of research thoroughly confused. The mystery is due to the appellations to Kakatamma, the goddess of un-specified origin, but identified with Kushmandini, for the sake of the mere convenience of the historians. In the same way, the identification of the Kakatiyas as belonging to the solar family is a myth of confusing variety. At the most it can be taken as more an ornamental phenomenon. Agastya Vidyanatha, the author of Prataparudra Yasobhushana specifically mentioned this confusion in the following verse as: Kausalyasit Prathama janani Devaki ca divitiya Vishnormata yadi nesahate Mummadamba tritiya 28 (Kausalya has become the first mother; Devaki the second mother and if we do not make it Mummadamba can be taken as the third mother of Lord Vishnu). This is practically a poetic allegory, a contemplation to hide the truth. This ideology is due to an Indian notion that no one can become a king without the radiation of Lord Vishnu - Naa Vishnuh Prthvipatih. In the same way Bhagavadgita clearly mentions that... I am the king among the human beings29. This type of approach is quite above the Divine right theory of monarchy, more prominent in the Western World than in Indian context. If we consider the attributes made by Vidyanatha, Rama was said to be of solar dynasty and

17 48 Krishna was said to be of Lunar family. The addition the name of Mummadamma, creates a problem by itself, if considered in the sense of history. Upparapalli inscription of Ganapatideva mentions Ganapati deva as of solar origin in the first lines of initiation and concludes that he belonged to the Sudra family 30. This social introvertion and extrovertion can be identified as factors of Sanskritisation and it can be discussed in the following way. As far as the political relations are concerned, the Kakatiya element had started with the latter Rashtrakuta period and the records like Bayyaram tank inscription, 31 Mangallu grant of Danarnava 32 and Gudur inscription of Viriyala Kakamasani33 clearly specify the situation. Politically the Kakatiyas has appellations with certain Durjaya, identified as mythical figure34 and this Durjaya can also be taken as the same that is found in the case of the Codas of Velanadu 3S. The Codas of Velanadu flourished in that part of Krishna valley on the southwest of Khammam district and Kakartya Gundyana was found in Mangallu and Bayyaram tank inscriptions flourished in the present parts of Khammam district, which are very close to Warangal district. The reversals happened not only to Danarnavava but also to the Rastrakutas, made the successor of Gundyana to take sides with the chiefs of Koravidesa of Viriyala family and as attested in Bayyaram tank record Kamasani contributed for the ushering of Kakati Beta raju ( ) as the fief - founder of Anmakondavishaya from the Kalyani Calukya rulers.

18 49 This is an auspicious beginning. They had to assimilate their core area into one by conquerring the areas like Sabbindu 1000, Kandurunadu, Koravidesa and Mancikondanadu. In this process they had become powerful neighbours to the Yadavas of Devagiri, immediately on the south of Godavari. As such, all the Yadava rulers like Singhana had to weigh the swords in order to prove their potentiality. This situation created a very much awkward state for the assimilation of the fortunes of the Kakatiyas. Rudra-I, who claimed the titles like Anmakonda puravaresvara, Mahamandalika, was put to trial by the prosecution of time. The time which favoured the Kakatiyas had taken a reversal, may be of temporary nature, and the same made Ganapati, the grand son of Rudra and son of Mahadeva to be kept as hostage in Devagiri in the prison of the Yadavas. The core area was hit hard as a powerful area did not potentially second it. The original area of Bayyaram, the zone of sabbi sasiramu, and Machikondanadu were kept in by the Nallamalai forest and hill zone and the running hills of Hasanparti, Candupatla etc. As such the Kakatiya political potentiality has become weak and further weak with the passage of time. The southern banks of Godavari were crept in by deciduous forests. As such, the Kakatiyas had to become feeble in the agrarian resources and it was a situation that had made the further policies, very much essential in the case of the ensuing Kakatiya rulers. Among the Kakatiyas Beta I, Beta II, Prola II, Rudra I, Mahadeva, Ganapatideva, Rudramamba and Pratabarudra are considered to be powerful

19 50 rulers without and with sovereign authority. A political biography of these rulers can be provided in the following way in order to illustrate the relations between the feudal lords of western Andrha Pradesh and also to trace the process of the expansion of a feudatory power in to a kingdom of considerable nature. The Western Chalukyas, which flourished for over 150 years declined about the middle of the twelfth century. The Kakatiya rule is significant in many respects in the history of Andhra. After the Satavahanas, Kakatiyas also ruled over the whole of the modern Andhra Pradesh. Beta -I The first of the kakatiyas, a subordinate kind ( ), ruled over Netavadi and Koravi seema both situated in the present Warangal district. His capital is said to be Kakatipura, A Kazipet inscription describes him as a subordinate chief. Beta -I was succeeded by Prola-1. He ruled for about forty-five years (A.D ). He obtained from his sovereign the Hanumakonda Vishaya by a grant. One of his generals captured conjeevaram from the cholas and thus added to victories of his Chalukyan over lord. Beta-ll who succeeded prola -I ruled for thirty-five years (A.D ). He was a feudatory of vikramaditya VI. The Kazipet inscription describes him as a Valiant fighter. He was a terror to the Cholas and Malavas. His sovereign awarded him the title Tribhuvanamalla. He had a powerful commander by name Vyjana in his service. He was instrumental in acquiring Sabbi mandala for his master. It consisted of one thousand villages, situated in the present Karimnagar District.

20 51 Prola-ll (A.D ) established himself with the support of the king Vikramaditya Vl.The Padmakshi temple inscription dated in the Chalukya Vikrama year 42, Hevalambi, corresponding to A.D Speaks35 likely that he assumed power in It records the construction of a Jaina basadi called Kadalalaya- basadi by Mailama, wife of Kakati Praia s minister Betana-pergada. It also records a gift of land to the same institution by mahamamdasesvara Medarasa of Ugravadi region born in the family of Madhavavarman. Medarasa here was Meda-ll, the elder son of Jaggaraja and the grandson of Meda-I.37 This Medaraja finds mention in the said Padmakshi temple record after the mention of Prola-ll indicating his lower status than that of the Kakatiya chief38. The political disturbances that took place in Telingana during the preceding decade beginning from A.D 1106 owing to the revolutionary attitude of Paramara Jagaddeva. And how the Kakatiyas availed themselves of the opportunity in gaining not only new additions to their principality but also in emerging as political potentates in Telingana. The Anumakomda inscription of Rudradeva datable to 19th January 1163 A.D gives a detailed account of the military exploits of himself and his father Prola-ll39. The Jagaddeva's defeat at the hands of Praia seems to be the earliest among his victories. Jagaddeva, the Paramara prince, during his short stay of about four years between A.D at Killipaka, with an ambition to establish a principality of his own pared the displeasure of the Chalukya king, Tribhuvanamalla. It seems that he invaded Anumakomda and having suffered a defeat at the hands of Praia II, retreated to the north of Godavari leaving

21 52 Sabbinadu. Praia s usurpation of power from his elder brother Tribhuvanamalla Durgaraja gives rise to the suspicion that the latter might have lent support to Jagaddeva in his rebellion. Similarly, the Prolasa chiefs also might have had some hand in it. From the Sanigaram epigraph it can be noticed that Jagaddeva seems to have lost that part of the province to the Kakatiyas. The Matedu epigraph of Praia's vassal named Vemabola Boddama Mallenayaka of the Pulinda family, dated C.V. 45,Sarvari, 1120 A.D incidentally states that his father Reva rendered service to Kakatiya Beta II by collecting tributes on his behalf.40 And he is also said to have defeated the dayas or agnates of the Kakatiya kings, he suggest the enmity between Praia and his elder brother Durgaraja, who seems to have been deposed by the former with the help of Reva and others. The other references to Praia's victories help us in identifying his enemies and their periods. The Ganapesvaram inscription of Ganapatideva recounts Praia s military exploits 41 Prola-ll, according to an epigraph at Daksharamam 42 was slain by Chodayaraja of the Kota family and the Haihaya chiefs Satya and Mallideva of the Kona Country, a fact confirmed by the Pithapuram inscription dated (S.1117), A.D A Suryavamsa chief named Mahadevaraja, a Subordinate of the Eastern Chalukya king Malla Vishnuvardhana of the Beta Vijayaditya line, who, according to his master's copper plate bears the title 'Prodari-badabanala'(the submarine fire to the enemy named Praia)44 claims for himself the credit of killing Praia. These references show that the Prola-ll was killed in a battle with the above chiefs probably in his attempts to conquer the coastal Andhradesa. Praia-

22 53 It's wife was Muppamamba, sister of Natavadi Durggaraja, was also a subordinate of the Chalukyas and was having his fief near Inugurti in the Mahbubabad taluk, Warngal district. Among Praia's sons Rudra and Mahadeva are prominently known, whereas his other sons Harihara, Ganapati and Repolla Durgaraja are known only by references in the inscriptions as already noticed in the genealogy of the family. Rudradeva A.D Prola-ll was succeeded by his eldest son Rudhradeva some time before Saka 1080 (A.D 1158) the date of the Daksharamam inscription of his minister Inangala Brammireddi.45 In addition to the Saka year 1080 the record mentions the 13th regnal year of the Chalukya- Chola king Rajaraja II which need not be seriously considered. It was customary at Daksharamam to date the records in that king's regnal years also and it does not however signify any political submission of Rudra to the Chalukya-Chola king. Rudra is simply mentioned as Anumakonda Rudradeva. It is also likely that Inangal Brammireddi might have accompanied Prola-ll to assist the Chalukya-Chola king Rajaraja-ll in suppressing a rebellion by the Kota chief Chodayaraja and the Haihaya chiefs Manma Satya and Mallideva. Since they seem to have been defeated and Praia lost his life, the Kakatiya general without much flattering simply stated Rudradeva of Anumakonda as his master. The Thousand Pillar Temple (Anumakomda) inscription,46 as in the case of Praia II, gives us a detailed account of Rudra's military achievements also, which justify the proclamation of Kakatiya sovereignty.

23 54 Tailapa-nripa is mentioned in connection with Brima Choda's defeat at the hands of Rudra. There it is explicit that even after Tailapa's death caused by the terror of Rudra, Brima still assumed the position of the king for a short period. Yate' pi Tailapa-nripe divam asya bhttya Sarv-atisara-kabalikrita-gatra-yashtau Sri Rudradeva-nripteh=prithu-vikramasya Bhimopi rajya-padavim kshanikam sa=lebhe47 Tailapa-nripa here cannot be taken as Tailapa III who according to the Kisuvada (Pattada Kisuvola) inscription dated Saka 1085, Subhanu (AD )* was alive even after the Anumakomda record under review dated in the beginning of the previous year, that is S Chitrabhanu. Further, it is stated that subsequent to the death of Tailapa, Bhima assumed the position of the king, obviously of Kandorundadu the appanage of Kumara Tailapa. Therefore, Brima's association in the verse lends support to the identity of Tailapa-nripa with Kumara Tailapa was alive Bhima owed allegiance to him and nobody raised any objection to that. But soon after Tailapa died, Bhima instead of submitting to the king Jagadekamalla assumed himself to be the king of kandorunadu. The words rajyapadavim kshanikam sa=lebhe imply that Bhima was not allowed to remain long as the lord of Kandorundu as he desired. As a member of the royal family Kumara Tailapa even after his defeat at the hands of Prola-ll was allowed to live elsewhere, perhaps with the usual privileges and honours he was formerly enjoying and Bhima might have been paying his tributes to him. But after his death Bhima's disregard to any king made Rudha invade his town Vardhamanapuri and drive him away to the forest along with his followers. So

24 55 this narration of Rudha's conquest of Kandorunadu is in no way connected with king Tailapa-lll, or his death. But it might have been possible that when Tailapa- III usurped the Chalukya throne, Bhima taking advantage of the disturbed condition of the Chalukya capital, made himself king of Kandorundo. His brother Gokarna's son Udaya also might have lent his suport to Bhima in this attempt. The Kakatiya chiefs Prola and Rudra by virtue of the former's remarkable military exploits during Jagadekamalla's campaign to Telingana as noticed before earned the recognition as local potentates. Rudra could not remain unconcerned to Bhima's attitude of founding an independent kingdom in the neighbourhood of his territory.49 The reason for his provocation was mere envy. It is in no way concerned with the Chalukya king. It is entirely between themselves.50 The words 'spardha-vadhita-garva-parvatamaha sringagram arohati", significantly indicate their mutual rivalry. Two epigraphs, one from Kishtapuram and another from Rachuru both datable to A.D 1157, representing Bhimachoda and Udayachoda respectively furnish not only the identities of Rudra's enemies of their namesake but also the approximate date of his conflict with them, that is between A.D and Of the other three enemies of Rudra deva namely, Dommaraja, Medaraja and Mailigi, the first mentioned was the lord of Nagunoru near Karimnagar where, besides, several Jain vestiges, some inscriptions of this chief are noticed. All these epigraphs refer to Dommaraja and record the victories of his warriors. One of these label inscriptions is dated in Calukya Vikrama year Uttamavisya nalkeneya which is rather unintelligible.52

25 56 Meda-ll was another enemy mentioned in Rudha's Anumakomda record. It is said that the latter defeating Meda annexed his region of Polavasa to the Kakatiya territory. The Hanumakonda record of Gangadhara contains a graphic description of the defeat of Meda at the hands of Rudra. Medaraja according to that narration, unwilling to offer his daughter to Rudra and sue for peace gave up his wealth, pride and family reputation.53 The last enemy of this group is Mailigideva. His encounter with Mailigi is stated in acquiring the wealth of Polavasadesa. Polavasa was the capital of Medaraja, again a chief in the neighbourhood of Dommaraja the lord of Nagunoru. The defeat of Dommaraja, defeat of Meda, conflict with Miligi and the plundering of Polavas were affected by Rudra in one and the same campaign. The date of this conflict can be safely assigned to round about A.D 1159 as furnished in the Nagunoru epigraph of Dommaraja referred to above. The plans of the confederacy of these and other chiefs as stated in the Anumakomda inscription were foiled by Rudra.54 Mearaja was driven into the woods. Instead of offering his daughter and making peace with Rudra he lost all his wealth. Rudra deva s kingdom extended in the west upto Kataka is justified in the sense, that his armies went in truimph upto Kalyana Kataka the capital of Bijjala. Having thus repulsed Mailigi and chased him upto Kalyana, Rudra was left in unquestioned supremacy in the entire Telingana. With the annexation of Polayasa, his territory touched Godavari in the north. His father had already set up a Victory-pillar at Srisaila in the south and Rudra vanquishing Bhimachoda annexed Kandorunadu to the akatiya kingdom. However, as a conciliatory

26 57 measure he married the daughter of Udayachoda and allowed him to hold his fief as before. The upper tract of the Srisailam forest was given as fief to the Charaku chiefs who assisted him in his campaign on the Chodas which event has been alluded to in the Jammuloru inscription of Charaku Bollaya 55 dated S A.D The record mentions the ocean that is Bay of Bengal as the boundary of Rudra's kingdom in the east. During the time of Rudra an expedition to the north beyond Godavari is noticed in one of the Hanmakonda fragmentary epigraphs of Gangadhara-mantri which states that Rudra defeated the king of Chakrakota who on a former occasion wrested the title of 'Manyakhetakakara, from Medaraja56- Establishing himself as unquestioned master of Telingana, Rudra turned his attention to the coastal Andhra desa. Velanati Kulottunga Rajendrachoda succeeded his father Gonka-ll in A.D These Velanati chiefs were in the beginning faithful to their Chalukya-Chola kings so long as Rajaraja-ll was alive. But when he died in1172, the Velanati chief Kulottunga Rajendrachoda-ll shook off the authority of the new Chalukya-Chola emperor Rajadhiraja II and made himself master of the entire seaboard tract extending from Darsi in the south to simhachalam in the Visakshapatnam district. Kakati Rudra could not extend his authority over the coastal Andhra-desa as long as Velanati Rajendrachoda-ll was supreme at Chandaavolu. Owing to the unexpected death of this chief in A.D 1181 and the outbreak of a fratricidal war of the Palnati chiefs Nalagama for assistance. Rudra at once set out with an army accompanied by the nayakas of the Malyala, Komaravelli, Vipparla and Natavadi. Apart from the outcome of the

27 58 Palnati internecine war, Rudra defeated the Kota chief Dodda Bhima and caputred his town Dharanikota. But as a conciliatory measure he installed Kete- II, son of Dodda Bhima on the throne and gave him back his ancestral territories. With the assistance of Keto II Rudra proceeded against the Velanadu chief and subjugated the Komdapadumati chiefs who served as wardens of the western marches of the Velanti kingdom. An inscription at Tripurantakam dated A.D 1185 registers his gift of the village of Revoru on the bank of the river Krishna in Komdapalli-nadu to the god Tripuranataka Mahadeva57. Rudra attacked the Mudigonda Chalukya chiefs Kusumaditya and his brother Nagatiraja after coastal Andhra expedition. The Kukanuru plates of the former state that soon after his accession there occurred some upheaval (bhapraghattana) in the kingdom and as a result they had to seek shelter in other territories (para mandala) undergoing troubles for a period of twelve years58. Rudra's death at Jaitugi's hands is not known otherwise and therefore Hemadri's statement is not straight away believable. His last known date according to the inscription at Bekkallu, in the Jangaon taluk, Warangal district is Saka 1117, Raskhasa, Vaisakha Parnima corresponding to 26th April A.D 1195,59 Among the generals of Rudra, mention must be made first of Kata and his brothers of the Cheraku family who according to their Jammuluru epigraph assisted him in subjugating Kandurunadu from the Choda Chiefs Bhima and Udayachoda60 and obtained the region of Cheraku-70 as appanage. Since then they were serving the Kakatiya rulers as subordinates and generals. Malyala Kata was another

28 59 loyal general of the Kakatiya king who took active part in subjugating the Kota kingdom as indicated by titles Kota-gelpata and Raya-garuda. As Rudra had no issues his younger brother Mahadeva ( A.D) succeeded him. According to the Khamdavalli copper plate grant of Prataparudra,61 Rudra gave the kingdom to his younger brother Mahadeva. The only political event of his reign was his invasion of the Seuna kingdom. The Khamdavalli plates state figuratively that while plundering the enemy's town he slept on the two temples of the elephant, stained with blood as if smeared with the red sandal of the breasts of the goddess of victory in the night62. On the basis of these, and the literary evidence of Pratapa-charitra and Somadevarajiya, it can be difinitely said that Mahadeva, invaded the Yadava country during the reign of Jaitugi I (A.D ), and in an attempt to seize the enemy's capital perished while fighting seated on an elephant in the night time. After Mahadevas death Ganapathideva ( ,A.D) ascended the throne. He was a war prisoner to the Yadavas for about 12 Years63. His earliest known inscription found at Manthena datable to 26th December 1199 A.D attributes to him the title sakala-desa-pratishtha-panacharya, the establisher of all the kingdom64, which indicates that Ganapatideva by that time was released from the Yadava captivity and became the master of all the kingdom which Rudra acquired. The Ramakrishnapuram epigraph of the same period also states that Rudra-senani reinstated Ganapati on the throne.65 The statement of Pratapacharitra, that, Ganapatideva was offered in marriage the daughter of the Yadava king is however doubtful, because the Bayyaram tank inscription states that the

29 60 marriages of both Ganapati and his sister Mailamba were performed by Mahadeva66 which must have taken place before his campaign to Devagiri which ultimately that led to his death. Ganapatideva's relations with the Seunas were normally amicable throughout his long reign of sixty years. Gangapati gave asylym to the Seuna princes and apointed them in his service. Certain Permadideva, son of Singhana is noticed in an inscription at Peruru in the Nalgonda district and dated 1159, A.D, wherein, he is stated to have made gifts of lands to brahmanas allover the country ruled by Ganapatideva.67 In this southren campaign, against the Pandyas, Ganapati was assisted by some Arya or Yajava chiefs as commanders of his armies. An important event, which rebounds to the credit of Ganapati, was the change of the capital from Anumakomda to Orugallu. His uncle Rudradeva laid the foundations for the new capital in his last years. Ganapati continued this work and constructed two forts, one within the other, in stone and mud respectively. The new fort according to tradition was provided with seventy-five bastions, the protection of each being entrusted to a nayaka in the service of the king. Feudatory Chiefs of Ganapatideva:- During this Period the Recherla and the Malyala chiefs were the important Kakatiya feudatories. Rudra - Senani of the Recherla family played an important role in re-establishing the fortunes of the Kakatiyas in the beginning of

30 61 Ganapatideva's reign. On the death of Kakati Rudra's brother Mahadeva in a war with the Yadavas and when Ganapati was imprisoned at Devagiri, the nobles rose in revolt and tried to destrory the very foundation of the Kakatiya kingdom. Recheda Rudra stood loyal and took upto himself the task of of preserving the integrity of the kingdom. He put down the nobles with a stern hand, drove away the foreign invaders and administrered the kingdom until the return of the young king from captivity at Devagiri. Rajanayaka, the commander of Recherla Rudra's armies led expedition into Kalinga and rendered distinguished service on several fields of battale.68 Among the Malyalas, Chauda and his son Kata deserve particular mention, for they took a leading part in the conquest of Divi and Velanadu regions. Next in importance was Jayapa, the Ayya chief of Divi who was taken into service by Ganapati after subjugating the island. Jayapa was a distinguished commander or senani who appears to have been especially skilled in leading elephant forces, as his title gaja-sahini would indicate. Jayapa was also a great critic of art and man of letters. He composeda treatise on dance and choreogrphy called Nrittarainavalil, which is considered to be one of the best works on the subject. The Telugu Chola king Manumasiddhi II of Nellore and Opili Siddhi of Konidena are the most important and powerful among the subordinate allies rather than feudatories of Ganapati's time. The Chakranarayana princes named Madhava Maharaja and his son Sarangadharadeva were other subordinates who rule the Addanki region in the present Prakasam district. Centain chiefs of the Eastern Chalukya descent are noticeable in the records of Ganapatideva. But

31 62 nothing important is known about them. His daughter Rudrama was given in marriage to Virabhadra, one of the members of Eastern Chalukyan family. 69 Among the ministers of the king Somaya of the indulori family was the most eminent. Though a brahmana by birth and ranked as a mahapradhana at the court, he took the profession of arms and by his own merit rose to the position of one of the foremost general of the king. Sivayogasara credits him with many a victory in Ganapati's Kalinga campaign of A.D Another mahapradhana of Ganapati was Praia Bhima-nayaka, who was distinguished by the title Aruveladushaka (the destroyer of Velanadu), Kanchi-charakara (plunderer of Kanchi), etc. Gangaya sahini of the Kayastha lineage was another distinguished officer, who was taken into sercive in the latter part of the king's reign. He held the high office of bahattara-niyogadhipati, i.e., the president of the seventy-two brnches of administration in which the sendhhaksha, mahapradhanas, pradhanas, etc., were included. Besides this exalted position in th royal court Gangaya sahini held the post fo a military rank as turagasadhanika, commander of the cavalry as mentioned in his Tripurantakam inscription.70 Ganapati also conferred on him an extensive tract of territory extending from Valluru-pattana in the Cuddapah district as his capital.71 He died in A.D 1257 and was succeeded by Jannigadeva or Janardana, his nephew, son of his yonger sister Chandaladevi. Ganapatideva, who had no male issues nominated his dauthter Rudramadevi ( A.D) as heir to the kingdom, which she began to rule as co-regent from A.D under the name of Rudradeva Maharaja. According to Pratapa-charitra, certain chiefs named Harihara and Murarideva,

32 63 Ganapatideva's sons by other queens, revolted against Rudrama and have seized the capital. The existence of these chiefs as Ganapati's cousins or sons is not known otherwise except in the said literary work. It is not improbable that some members of the royal family revolted against the queen. But she could manage to tide over the difficulty and seize the throne with the help of some loyal supporters72. Ganapatideva's reign, as said before, ended with the Pandyan invasion over the sourthen territory of the Kakatiya kingdom. It is obvious that Kakatiya power suffered an eclipse in the Godavari region for a period of nearly sixteen years after which some inscriptions with their reference to Rudramadevi appear in Daksharama.73 A record date S (c..d 1262) mentions Narasimha- naradhipa who was likely Narasimaha-I the Ganga king of Orissa. His son and successor Bhanudeva-I invaded Vengi in S and set up two inscriptions in Daksharama. Rudramadevi sent her army to the east under the commanders Potinayaka and Proli-nayaka to check the advance of the Kalinga armies. The Kakatiya generals appear to have succeeded in repelling the enemies. The river Godavari formed boundary between the two kingdoms. Thus Rudrama had to re-establish her authority in the coastal Andhra, which remained under the Kakatiyas till the end of the dynasty. In Telingana the northern parts were under the rule of the Yadava kings. The Kakatiya queen, Rudrama, annexed some portions of the Yadava kingdom and established her power. Mahadeva sued for peace and agreed to pay Rudrama huge amounts of money and horses as war indemnity. It may