Chapter 5 SOCIO CULTURAL DYNAMICS IN CANNANORE

Transcription

1 Chapter 5 SOCIO CULTURAL DYNAMICS IN CANNANORE 5.1 Introduction The arrival of the Portuguese opened a new chapter in the history of Cannanore. The trade constituted one of the major attractions for the Portuguese to enter on the perilous voyage to the Malabar Coast and the subsequent socio-political confrontations. They wanted to have direct access to the spice-producing areas and appropriate for themselves the entire profit from the trade, doing away with all intermediaries especially the Arab and Muslim merchants. The Muslim merchants were thrown out of the field of trade and the Portuguese trade in Cannanore dealt a fatal blow to them. The Portuguese dominated Cannanore till they were displaced by the Dutch in But they kept their impact on the social, economic, religious, political and cultural life of the people of Cannanore. 5.2 Social Structure of Cannanore at the Arrival of the Portuguese In the population of Malabar in the sixteenth century, the majority belonged to Hinduism and the caste system was very prevalent among them. The society was divided into two different sections: higher caste and lower caste: Savarnas and Avarnas. Savarnas consist of Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sudras. The Brahmins were in the top of the society. They monopolized learning and they formed the intellectual class. They were the religious leaders and they performed the temple duties. Next to them was 207

2 Kshatriyas. They belonged to the warrior class. They were the fighters and rulers of the land. The third class were known as Vaisyas. The Vaisyas were the commercial and agricultural people. The Sudras were the last class. They were the workers and supposed to be the servants of the Brahmins and Kshatriyas. There was a similar division in the European feudal society in the same period. The society was divided into three classes: 1.the Prayers, 2.the Fighters and 3.the Workers. The prayers were the ecclesiastical class; the fighters belonged to the ruling class and the workers were the agriculturists, the working class. The Nairs belonged to the Sudras and they were farmers as well as warriors. They acted as body guards to the chieftains and imparted military training in kalaris. The duty of protecting the rulers and the country was assigned to Nairs. 1 They worked in the military of the Portuguese too. There were also suicidal squads among Nair soldiers known as Chaverpada.They were always ready to fight for their masters and defend till death. The other section is known as Avarnas. Ezhavas, Tiyyas and Mukkuvas belonged to this category. Their occupations were toddy tapping, agriculture, weaving and fishing Society in Cannanore Luís de Camões had a high opinion of the people of Malabar. He wrote about them in his famous saga Happy race, under a kindly star, 1 Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar, Vol.2, p32. 2 In Vadakkan Pattukal Tiyan is described as one who follows the profession of toddy tapping. 24 Vadakkan Pattukal, pp.322,

3 who feel no pang of jealousy within. Such practice, the men of Malabar, like others odder yet, esteem no sin. 3 The European writers especially the Portuguese in the sixteenth century found the Malabar society a mysterious entity and so they felt it interesting. Whatever they found interesting and different from their culture they took note in writing. And their comments and explanations are all the more important because they are available written sources for the study of medieval Malabar society. Since the oriental writers were used with the customs of the Malabar community it was not a matter of writing for them. They did not feel nothing novel in them. Van Linschotten gives reference to the community that existed in Cannanore. He says that the society of Cannanore consisted of Nayars, Pulayas, Mores and Mohamedans. The Mores and Mohamedans dwelt more in Cannanore compared to other places of Malabar. 4 Linschotten considers only two types of natives in Malabar. They are Nayros (Nayars) and Polias (Pulayas). 5.4 Caste System in Cannanore Among the people of Malabar caste system was prevalent, as it was in Cannanore. There were different groups and castes existing in the society. Tomé Pires has given the explanation of the caste system existing in the Malabar society. Among them the Brahmins were most 3 Gerias são as mulheres, mas somente Para os da geração de seus maridos. Ditosa condição, ditosa gente, Que não são de ciumes ofendidos. Estes e outros costumes váriamente São pelos Malabares admitidos Ref. Luis de Camões, Os Lisíadas, Canto VII, verse Arthur Coke Burnel (ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi,1988, p

4 high and the kings and priests belonged to the Brahmin caste. The fighters were Nairs and they were very loyal to the king. They gave reverence to the masters and elders. 5 Another section existing in Malabar was Mukkuvas. The lowest caste consisted of Parayas, Vettuvas, Vannathavas, Mukkuvas, Pulayas, Kaniyans, Canjares, Iravas, Carpenters, goldsmiths, craftsmen etc 6. But the explanations of the foreign travellers and writers differed. Their ignorance and dependence on second-hand information created many differing reports on the state of society in Malabar. They collected information from their contacts with the people whom they met The Nayars There was a fierce warlike tribe worshipping nagas. They were the Nakas or Nayars. The soldiers were Nayars and normally except the soldiers they did not use weapons. They acted as body guards to the chieftains 7 and they were trained in kalaris. 8 The soldiers are always 5 Tomé Pires, The Suma Oriental, Vol.I, p Parayans were sorcerers and lettered men. They eat cow s flesh which is considered as a sin. The Hindus worshipped cows as gods. The Pulayas and Vettuvas were workers of the land. Normally the high caste owned the land and the Pulayas and worked in that land. It is also discussed as a feudal system existed in the medieval Malabar. They have to work in the land of the high caste most of the days and they were allowed to work in the land which is given as a lease to them by the high caste as remuneration for their work. R.S. Sharma called it as Indian Feudalism. The Vannathavas did the work of washing the clothes. While Pulayans played the music during festal celebrations, the Canjaras danced in the temples and while the Mukkuvas were engaged with fishing and the Kaniyans produced salt. The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires and the book of Francisco Rodrigues, vol. I, p K.S. Mathew, Society in Medieval Malabar, Kottayam, 1979, p Kalari signifies a fencing school. Physical education was imparted to the children in kalaris. There were two types of kalaris; 1.Angakalari and Toduvorkalari. The training in kalari was called pairru. The kalaris and their presiding deities occupied an important place in the life of a Nair. Ref. K.S. Mathew, Society in Medieval Malabar, Kottayam, 1979, pp

5 ready to do the service of the kings and to obey his commandments. Some carry a bow and venimous arrow upon their shoulders and they were experts in using them. Wherever they go they must always have their arms with them. Even though they were not married, they were allowed to live with the Nayar women, even if they were married. When he entered the house of a Nayar woman he kept his arms at the door of the house and it as sign that he was there inside. So, whoever passes the house would not enter the house seeing the arms of the Nayar kept at the door. 9 The aristocracy was mostly the Nair community who supplied soldiers to all the respective Malabar kingdoms. Most of the feudal chiefs were Nayars. The Nair leaders usually wore gold or silver bracelet or rings on their arms. a) Malabar Soldiers In Malabar kingdoms there were Nayars who took the role of soldiers. The Nayars were of high class and they were trained by the Panikkers. 10 Van Linschotten had a great appreciation on the Malabar people, especially the Malabar soldiers. He described them as excellent soldiers. 11 On another occasion he says that they are very strong and 9 Arthur Coke Burnel (ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1988, p The training of the Nayars in kalaris was done by the teachers who were given the title Panikkers. They held in high esteem in Kerala. Some Panikkers were also appointed at the palaces by the kings as chieftains and they acted as captains in the warfare. The Portuguese also appointed them in their fortresses and factories. 11 Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.),the Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi,1988, p

6 courageous. 12 The soldiers were Nayars and they usually wear and handle arms. They are always ready to follow the commands of the king. 13 Duarte Barbosa speaks of the Nayars who were noblemen engaged solely in warfare. 14 They were attached either to the Raja or the great land lords known as Kaimals. 15 The Kaimals were of noble class and they wielded great influence on society both because of their share in the administration and their hold on large property, which was a mark of great authority in the medieval period. Van Linschotten gave a quite different idea of the Nayar community here. According to him there were only two types of people in Malabar: the Nayars and Pulayars. 16 He makes the distinction here based on the military service of the people. It is contrary to the explanation of Varthema, who gives the six-fold division of the community. 17 The Nayar soldiers were very good and strong. They were also full of revenge against enemies. 12 Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.),the Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi,1988, p Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.),the Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi,1988, p In this land of Malabar there is another caste of people called Nairs and among them are noblemen who have no other duty than to serve in war and they always carry their arms wherever they go, some swords and shields, others bows and arrows and others spears. Duarte Barbosa, A Description of the Coasts of East Africa and Malabar, Vol. 2, p Kaimals were the great landlords in the medieval period and they gave their lands to cultivators on rent. Kaimals constituted the aristocracy commanding high position on Malabar coast as well as respect from the Portuguese. 16 Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.),the Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi,1988,p According to Varthema, there are six divisions among the people of Malabar. They are Brahmins, Nairs, Teua (Tiyyas), Mechna or Mechua (fisherman), Poliar (Pulayar) and Hisaua. But his explanations were also not correct. 212

7 Kings, rulers and other captains were guarded and accompanied by Nayar soldiers when they went abroad. b) Jangadas The loyal group of Nair soldiers were known as Jangadas 18 during the Portuguese period. Fidelity to the employer was their important characteristic feature 19. They were ready to give their life to their masters. Their fidelity and loyalty were very famous and it encouraged the Portuguese to keep the Nair soldiers with them 20. Their two main duties were to guard property and to guide the Portuguese on journeys. 21 The Portuguese kept the Jangadas or Nair soldiers in all their forts in Malabar. The Jangadas considered as their duty to defend anything entrusted to him, ready to the point of giving their lives or even killing their own in order to fulfil their sense of duty. So great was their fidelity The Pulayas The Pulayas were another group existing in society. They were considered as a low caste group. They had to keep themselves apart from the Nairs. 22 With the arrival of Portuguese they came into prominence in the society. 18 The term Jangadas, referred by many historians, is related to the Malayalam word Changathis which signifies a loyal friendly relationship. A changathi is a trustworthy person. K.S. Mathew, Portuguese Trade with India in the Sixteenth Century, Manohar, Delhi, 1983, p Cartas do Afonso de Albuquerque, tom.iii, p Os senhores que ora lhe obedecem, que lhe obedecem, asy e da maneira que lhe ora fazem, e que lhe não posão tirar as jangadas, que ao presente tem em suas terras. Somao Botelho, Regimentos das Fortalezas, Bastora, 1951, p R.S. Whiteway, The Rise of Portuguese Power in India, Patna, Janakiprakasan, 1979,p Arthur Coke Burnell (ed.), The Voyage of John Huyghen Van Linschotten to the East Indies, Vol. I, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1988, p

8 5.4.3 The Brahmins The most respected among the peoples of Malabar were the Brahmins. They were the priestly class performing the religious duties and ceremonies of the community. They were not engaged in trade but had a control on the people and property of their region. The emigrant Brahmins formed the apex of the society. They were here from the third century B.C. The religious authority and the control of the temples were vested in the hands of the Brahmins and Nambutiris The Ezhavas The introduction of coconut from Poltnesia via Ceylon created another section of the population who were known as Ezhavas The Mappilas and the Moors The Mohammedans in Cannanore were of two groups: a) The Mappilas: They lived in small communities and they did not like to mingle with other persons of the same religion. They were an indigenous people. b) The Moors: They were also Mappilas but distinct from the former. They were emigrants from foreign parts. 25 But the Europeans made no 23 K.M. Panikkar, History of Kerala, ,Annamalai University, Annamalai Nagar,1960, p K.M. Panikkar, History of Kerala, ,Annamalai University, Annamalai Nagar,1960, p There are many interpretations regarding the meaning of the term Mappila. According to one interpretation, the term ma means mother and pilla means 214

9 distinction between the two groups and the Portuguese called them Moors. Portuguese writers of the 16 th and 17 th centuries used the term Moors to denote all Malabar Mohammedan and this custom was followed by the Dutch and the English later. 5.6 Portuguese Missionary Activities in Cannanore India had a long history of Christian missionary activity from the beginning of Christianity. In particular, the land of Malabar was blessed with arrival of the St. Thomas, the very disciple of Jesus Christ in 52 A.D. There are also traces of Christian merchants who sailed from West Asia and settled on the western coast of India in the early centuries of Christian era. 26 The Franciscan missionaries also came to India in the 13 th century 27. In 1320, three Italian Franciscan missionaries named, Thomas of Tolentino, James of Padua, Peter of Sienna, a Georgean or an Armenian lay brother, Demetrius of Tiflis, and a French Dominican Jordan Catalani of Severac visited Malabar and started to preach in the western coast of India. In his Mirabilia Descripta, Jordan Catalani wrote that there were 10,000 Christians in child. So Mappila means child of a mother. It is related to the matrilineal system of the society. Another interpretation is that it signifies Maha pilla which means great persons in the society. Chera Perumal had conferred on the Jewish chief, Joseph Rabban, and his successors the title of Cheramanad Mappila. refer. K.P. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala, Vol. II, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1983, pp Joy L. Pachuau, Responses to the Portuguese Missionary Methods in India in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, in Portuguese Presence in India during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries edited by Yogesh Sharma and José Leal Ferreira, Viva Books, New Delhi, 2008, p These Franciscan missionaries were Italians. They were influenced by the adventurous stories of Marco Polo ( ), who had visited the South India including Cannanore. Gervasis J Mulakara, Christianity in India Before the Arrival of the Portuguese, in Exploring Cochin, edited by Marian Arackal and Francis Kurisinkal,Cochin, 2008,pp.16-17; A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989, p

10 India in Later many other Franciscan Italian missionaries came to India from Italy in the following years. 29 But the systematic and official missionary activities started with the coming of the Portuguese during the sixteenth century when they arrived in India with the Papal Padroado privileges. According to this Papal mandate they had the right and privilege to bring all discovered lands to the Christian faith. The Portuguese considered Malabar as the ecclesiastical sees of the Indies which were under their protection or patronage: their padroado mission. It was the traditional right of the Portuguese king to have power on the missionary activities in the Orient and so in Malabar Search for Souls The king was greatly interested in sending missionaries, both religious and secular or diocesan to the newly discovered lands. He took initiative to appoint chaplains and parish priests for the churches, chaplains for the fleets and friars for the missionary works and support the churches. 31 There was a viceroy who had the power 28 Catalani wrote that since his arrival in India about 10,000 persons had been won over to Catholic faith. And he highly appreciated the quality of the Christians. He wrote: There is no better land or fairer nor people so honest, so victuals so good and savoury, dress so handsome or manners so noble as here in our own Christendom; and above all, we have the true faith, though ill it be kept. 29 Before the arrival of Portuguese the only two religious orders that came to India were the Franciscans and the Dominicans. 30 Kenneth Ballhatchet, European Missions and Indian Society: The Archbishop of Goa, the Vicar Apostolic of Malabar and the Padroado in the Early Nineteenth Century, Lisboa, Institute de Investigação Científica Tropical, 1985,p Sergio Mascarenhas, Christians and Cochin: The Religious Factor in the Portuguese Establishment in Cochin, in Exploring Cochin, edited by Marian Arackal and Francis Kurisinkal, Cochin, 2008, p

11 and duty to arrange the services for the missionaries in each country. Some of the governors were keenly interested in spreading the gospel of Christ among the natives of their trade centres and promoted conversion among them. From Portugal many of the missionary congregations reached Malabar with the merchants such as the Dominicans, Franciscans, Carmelites and the Jesuits. 32 They were keenly interested in the missionary activities especially in the field of conversion. The king sent the missionaries with each fleet. They were sent not only for conversion of the gentiles 33 but also to administer to the spiritual needs of the people on board. They celebrated Holy Mass for the people on board and administered sacraments like confession. They heard confession of the sick and prayed for them and on the feast days they celebrated solemn Mass and gave sermon to them. 34 Hence they were responsible for the souls of the people on board. The king Dom Manuel sent Franciscan fathers with Pedro Alvares Cabral when he made the first voyage to India in the year They went to instruct the Christians in Malabar. But they could not do anything there. They met the Hindus in Calicut and found that they were idolaters and not Christians. The Portuguese did not have any authentic information regarding the Christians in India. They had 32 Pius Malekandathil, Portuguese Cochin and the Maritime Trade of India , Manohar, Delhi, p The Portuguese always considered the non-catholic people as the gentiles. They used the term gentile in order to mention that they did not receive Catholic faith. They considered it as their duty to baptize all in the name of Jesus Christ. 34 Gasper Correa, Lendas da India, vol.i, Tomo.I,Part I, Capitulo viii, Coimbra, 1922, p

12 some knowledge about the Malabar Christians in India through the writings of Marco Polo, Friar Jordanus, Marignolli and others. It was during the voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral that the Portuguese got better information regarding the Malabar Christians. Cabral visited the Christians and Jews in Cochin and Cranganore. 35 Jewish traders settled in Cranganore during that time. But he did not mention anything about the Christians in Calicut and Cannanore. Pêro da Covilhã and Vasco da Gama during his first voyage did not mention the Christians in the South of Malabar. Vasco da Gama misunderstood the Hindus with the Christians in Calicut. 5.8 The Diplomatic Role of the Missionaries The missionaries arrived in India with every fleet. The priests were the most educated and intelligent and so they were used as mediators in diplomatic relations and were considered as counselors in times of disputes and troubles and because most of the missionary priests and friars had the knowledge of the vernacular language of India and were keenly interested in learning them too. 36 They had easier 35 William Brooks Greenlee, The Voyage of Pedro Alvares Cabral to Brazil and India, Asian Educational Services, New Delhi, 1995,p.xxx. And it is explained in the letter written by king Dom Manuel to his parents-in-law Kind Ferdinand and Isabella on 29th July 1501 from Santarem: In this kingdom of Cochin, there are many true Christians of the conversion of St.Thomas, and their priests follow the manner of life of the apostles which much strictness, having nothing of their own except what is given them as alms. And they practise celibacy, and have churches in which they say Mass, and they consecrate unleavened bread, and wine which they make from dried fruit with water, for they cannot make other. In their churches they have no images save the cross, and all the Christians wear the apostolic garments, and never cut their beards and hair. And from there he found definite information concerning where the body of St.Thomas lies, which is 150 leagues from there, on the sea coast, in a city which is called Mailapore, of a small population. Ibid, p Afzal Ahmad, Indo-Portuguese Diplomacy during the 16th and the 17th Centuries, ( ), Originals, Delhi, 2008, p

13 access to the common people than for traders because the Indian community was religion oriented under the influence of Hinduism. They gave priority to sharing their Christian faith with the locals. They tried to convert the rulers because they assumed that if they could convert them they could easily convert the people of that kingdom. Normally the centres of trade became the centres of missionary activities that were organized under the terms of the Padroado Real. 37 The early traveller Tomé Pires said that there was a Christian community in Malabar who had faith in the Holy Trinity. But actually he was confused with the faith of the Hindu people in Trimurthi or three fold gods of Brahma, Vishnu and Siva with Christian faith. But he was very convinced that there was a Christian community that had accepted the teachings of St. Thomas, the apostle of India. 38 The Portuguese encouraged by their aim of spreading the Catholic faith as the Alferes da Fe (standard bearers of faith) and promoting the counter reformation by giving their official patronage to the Catholic Church The Missioniser and the Recipient When we deal with the missionary activities of the Portuguese we have to think from both sides: from the side of the one who received and the other who administered. The one who administered normally had only one motive, to exchange his religious belief to the other whom he met. But in the case of the one who received, he might 37 John Villies, The Portuguese and the Fading World of Asia, in Portuguese Voyages to Asia and Japan in the Renaissance Period, published by the Portuguese Embassy in Japan, 1993, p Tome Pires, The Suma Oriental, Vol. I, p Joseph Velinkar, India and the West: The First Encounters, Heras Institute of Indian History and Culture, Mumbai, 1998, p

14 have different intentions, and sometimes it might be because of pressures also. In some cases the reception of faith was not active but passive. 40 Some received baptism because of a real experience of faith; some others for secular and personal ambition, while a few were due to pressure on the part of the missionaries and authorities. Marriage was another cause for conversion. In order to marry a Portuguese the Malabari woman had to be of the Christian faith. And in the case of caste some received baptism in order to keep themselves away from the caste discriminations. Those who accepted the Christian faith did not have the barriers of caste and class in society. In Cannanore society was hampered by the problem of caste and class The Role of the Kings The Catholic faith was the national religion of Portugal. Its kings were the patrons of the Catholic religion in the country; hence they considered it their duty to propagate the faith they received in countries with which they traded. It is very clear from the letters written by the Portuguese kings to the local kings of Malabar in addressing the Malabari kings as their brothers in Christ. 41 The Portuguese King Dom Manuel expressed his major concerns with the 40 Joy L. Pachuau, Responses to the Portuguese Missionary Methods In India In the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, in Portuguese Presence in India during the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries edited by Yogesh Sharma and José Leal Ferreira, Viva Books, New Delhi,2008,p For instance, in the letter written by Portuguese king Dom. Manuel to the king of Calicut through his viceroy Pedro Alvares Cabral in 1st March 1500, refers to the Christian brotherhood among themselves and in this letter he gives a detailed explanation of the faith and Christian brotherhood because in Malabar the existing Christians were the followers of St. Thomas, the first apostle of Jesus Christ. Ref.Silva Rego, Documentação para Historia, vol.i, carta.4, pp

15 Portuguese religious intervention in Asia to the Government under Francisco De Almeida: a) The need to arrange a religious system, both in terms of clergy and the religious infrastructure, like churches for the Christians and residences for the clergy. b) A directive to integrate the indigenous St.Thomas Christians and direct their religious indoctrination and education He showed concern for new converts. 42 The local kings of Cannanore did not have much interest in the conversion because it created social and religious disturbances in the kingdom. Hence the Raja of Cannanore wrote a letter to the King Dom. Manuel complaining about the conversion of his slaves (Tiyyas and Mukkuvas) would give rise to conflicts between them and his vassals. The Nairs got some payment from them but they were not ready to pay any tax after conversion. 43 Many of the slaves became converted and escaped from the bonds of slavery to the high class. Hence the main problem in conversion was both social and economic. For the high class it was religious too. The Portuguese king did not respond to the Raja s plea and the Portuguese continued their missionary activities. The king of Cannanore did not like the missionary activities because many of them were exempted from paying the taxes after embracing 42 Sergio Mascarenhas, Christians and Cochin: The Religious Factor in the Portuguese Establishment in Cochin, in Exploring Cochin, edited by Marian Arackal and Francis Kurisinkal, Cochin, 2008, p Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.I ( ), Lisboa, MCMXLVII, p.61. It is the letter of the Raja to the Portuguese king dated Cannanore, 6 December

16 Christianity. In 1512, again the Raja of Cannanore wrote to the Portuguese king about the ill will of the converts to pay the tax to the country complaining that many of the Christians are not paying tax and he could not permit it because it affects the economy of the state. 44 He argued that just as the Portuguese were the subjects of the Portuguese king, the people of Cannanore whether converts or not, were his subjects Missionaries in Cannanore The merchants and traders were accompanied by the missionaries and they had the duty to fulfill the spiritual needs of the Portuguese traders. Meanwhile they practised the missionary activities among the locals. It was not an easy task because they were ignorant of the local language and so they had much difficulty for communication. But most of the missionaries spent their time learning the vernacular language in order to communicate and teach the basic catechism of the catholic faith. It is said that Francis Xavier spent some days to learn the Catechism in vernacular language before going to teach them. But he could not visit Cannanore. 45 The strenuous efforts made by the missionaries to improve the living condition of the village folk deserve special mention as it had a far reaching impact on the formation of a Christian society. 44 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.I ( ), Lisboa, MCMXLVII, p.616,327. The Christian converts stopped paying customary dues to the king. 45 M. Joseph Costelloe, (translated), The Letters and Instructions of Francis Xavier, Gujarat Sahitya Prakash, Gujarat, Francis Xavier preached the gospel of Christ in the southern part of Malabar. He went up to Cranganore from Cochin. He visited Quilon, Cochin and Cranganore in the Malabar coast. Then he went to Mailapore to visit and pray at the martyrdom of St. Thomas. 222

17 5.12 Christians in Cannanore There were Christians in Malabar. Tomé Pires gives an account of the St. Thomas Christians who were there while the foreigners came to Malabar. According to him there were about fifteen thousand Christians in the province of Malabar dating back to the time of St. Thomas: the group of reputed Christians consisted of the noblemen, merchants and prominent people, and the others who were craftsmen and the poor. It should be noted that Tomé Pires is quite clear in his finding no Christian followers of St. Thomas outside the province between Chetwayi (Chetua) and Quilon (Coulam). 46 Hence, we can conclude that there were only a few Christians in and around Cannanore at the time of the Portuguese arrival. Christians were the new community that emerged only after the arrival of the Portuguese The conversions The response to Christianity was both positive and negative. 47 What the conversion essentially had done for the people concerned was to bind them in association with a hegemonic power. It linked the people to powerful level of society. 48 And the marginalized could easily enter into the main stream of the society by becoming converts. It was a positive from the point of view of the depressed class. Hence, we see that the majority of the converts belonged to the low class in 46 The Suma Oriental of Tomé Pires and the book of Francisco Rodrigues, Vol.I, p The Book of Duarte Barbosa, Vol.II, p.81. He writes: Around the fort is a town of Christians of this country, married men with their wives and children, who were converted to our holy faith after it was built and continue daily to be converted. He says that the conversion is going on and many receive baptism because of their influence. 48 A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, pp

18 society with a few exceptions. 49 The high class, even though they were interested, had many barriers in receiving a new faith in their life. The king of Portugal Dom Manuel was deeply interested in the conversion of the Nairs because according to him the Nairs were reputed to be more willing than the Brahmins to accept the western culture. 50 But the captain of Cannanore in 1512, Jorge de Melo had a different opinion. According to him the Nairs were a vain people and haughty too. 51 Conversion of the lower classes as well as upper classes and vassals of the Raja disturbed the existing socio-economic set up and negatively affected the relations between the local kings and the Portuguese king. As the leaders of the society many of the kings were favourable to the conversions even though they did not receive Catholic faith due to the barriers of caste and class and as the leaders of the society. In 1519, Dom Aires da Gama found that the population inside the fort was numerous and the facilities in the fort were insufficient to accommodate everyone 52 since Aires da Gama was the brother of Vasco da Gama and captain of the Cannanore. It signified that there was a steady increase in the number of Christians in the fort due to 49 Albuquerque forbade the conversion of the slaves because he had the opinion that most often the low class people accepted Christianity for material game. Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ( ),Lisboa, MCMXLVII, p.256 : Carta de Jorge de Melo, capitão de Cananor,a El-Rei (dated 28th December 1514, Cannanore). 50 A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ( ),Lisboa, MCMXLVII, pp.265,266: Carta de Pazes e Contrato que fez Afonzo de Albuqueque com o rei de Calecut (dated 26th February 1515). 52 A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p

19 conversion. Aires da Gama requested the king of Portugal to raise the royal subsidy for the new converts, as an incentive for them for further conversions. He believed that many of the Hindus became Muslims because of the influence of Moorish merchants. He wanted to follow the example of the Muslim merchants by converting the entire area into Christianity so that the Portuguese could attain the monopoly of trade in Malabar Albuquerque s Policy of Mixed Marriages and Patronage by the Portuguese Government The origin of the Portuguese descendents goes back to their policy of religious conversions and mixed marriages. Alfonso de Albuquerque encouraged the mixed marriages between the Portuguese men and the local women. 54 He was the prime mover of this custom. 55 In his letter of 1 st April 1512, he spoke of the evils among the Christian community of Cochin and reported on the mixed marriages. According to him there were a hundred such married men in Cochin and Cannanore. 56 As per the estimate some faring children were of unmarried women. These women were of different religions: Christians, Brahmins, Muslims, and Nayars and were from different regions like Gujaratis, Malabaris, Canarins, and 53 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ( ),Lisboa, MCMXLVII, p : Cristandade de Cananor. Carta de Dom Ayres da gama a El-Rei de Portugal, ( dated 2 de Janeiro de 1519). 54 Baby T.J., The Anglo Indians of Kerala-A Portuguese Contribution, a paper presented in the IV International Seminar on Indo-Portuguese History, Lisbon,1985, (Baby T.J. alias Sr. Annette Thottakkara, St. Joseph s College Alleppey, ). P Walter Rossa, Cidades Indo-Portugueses, Commissão Nacional para as Comemoraçoes dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, Lisboa, 1997,p.25.s 56 Silva Rego, Documentação,I,p

20 Javanese etc. Each of the married men was presented with a house, a horse, land and money. 57 From the beginning of the 16 th century onwards several orphan girls from good families were sent to India with a purpose of getting married. They were known as the King s Orphans. Their dowries were very attractive: dowries such as good posts or positions in local administration, captaincies, lands etc for those who married the orphan girls of the King. 58 Another reason for the promotion of mixed marriage was the existing caste system in India. A document dated 8 th February 1650, allowed the marriage of Portuguese men with Brahmin and Kshatriya women. The baptized Brahmin widows also could marry again. There is a letter which deals with the marriage and caste system: D. John Meale, grandson of King Adil Shah Meale, who was living here (Goa), is dead. Your Majesty had granted him the captaincy of Nagapatinam and the captaincy of Onur, as dowry of his two daughters; afterwards he had also demanded the captaincies of Cannanore and Rachol for other two daughters of his. The State Council favoured this grant. 59 In a letter written on 25 th February 1595, the viceroys ordered that the viceroys and governors should arrange marriages for the orphan daughters of the noble men who 57 Silva Rego, Documentação,I,p Antonio da Silva Rêgo, The Monsoon Codices at the National Archives of the Torre de Tombo, in Indo-Portuguese History: Sources and Problems, OUP, Delhi,1981,p Antonio da Silva Rêgo, The Monsoon Codices at the National Archives of the Torre de Tombo, in Indo-Portuguese History: Sources and Problems, OUP,Delhi, 1981,p

21 had died in the service of the king in India; and that dowries should be provided to them. Often these girls were married to the men of lower classes Life of the Christians in Cannanore The number of the Christians was very few in Cannanore. The Christians can be classified into four categories: Portuguese Christians. They were the Christians who came from Portugal or other European countries. They arrived at Cannanore in the fleet and were appointed with duties related to trade and fort Native Christians They were the St.Thomas Christians who were living in Cannanore before the arrival of the Portuguese. Their forefathers were baptized by St.Thomas, the Apostle of Christ. Very few of them were in Cannanore Portuguese Casados This third group is the mixed group of Portuguese and Indians. The Portuguese men married Malabar women after their conversion. Their children were brought up in the Catholic faith and were given catechism. They were maintained and educated with the financial assistance of the Portuguese exchequer New Christians They were the converted Christians of Cannanore. Mainly the Nairs were converted to Christianity. Besides, the Tiyyas and Mukkuvas also 60 A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th Century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p

22 received baptism from the Portuguese missionaries. But the missionary activities were not as strong in Cannanore as in Cochin and Quilon. The church imparted systematic and regular religious instructions to the new Christians. The vicar rang the bell to inform all the women and children to attend the church to receive instruction. 61 Catechism was given in the afternoons. Church functions and ceremonies were conducted with all decorum and devotion. In 1522, the Bishop of Dume visited Cannanore and preached there a few times and gave them instruction. He administered the Sacrament of confirmation to a number of new Christians. He found everything in order in the fort Christians in Cannanore Afonso de Albuquerque did his best for the propagation of Christianity while he was the governor in Cannanore. He encouraged mixed marriages of the Portuguese with the locals on condition of receiving baptism and becoming Christian before the marriage. Such people were employed in the fortress. It was a stimulus for missionary activities. There were also conflicts between the missionaries and the viceroys regarding matters of support and assistance. Governor Albuquerque was not in favour of the missionaries. 61 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.I ( ), Lisboa, MCMXLVII, pp , It is the letter of Afonso Velho, vicar of Cannanore, to the king of Portugal, dated Cannanore,20th December 1514; p.372, it is the letter of Ayres da Gama, captain of Cannanore, to the king of Portugal dated Cannanore,2nd January, A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p.383; Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.I ( ), Lisboa, MCMXLVII, p

23 In 1513, an incident which happened in Cannanore when Albuquerque was the governor, illustrates both the extreme pretensions of the priests and Albuquerque s own attitude towards them. A native Christian (formerly a Nair) who had killed a Hindu Nair had taken sanctuary in a church. Albuquerque ordered the captain, Diogo Correa, to hand him over to the Rajah, which was done. Before pardoning him the Raja wanted one of his hands to be chopped off. This was done. The vicar Afonso Velho resented the unilateral decision taken by the civil authorities. He put the church under interdict. The priest fined the captain a fine of 400 cruzados and placed the whole of Cannanore under an interdict for the high crime of obeying the governor. Albuquerque was furious that Correa did not take stern measures against the priest and, as a disciplinary action, dismissed him. 63 The first incident which led to a baptism happened in 1502 near Madayi when Vasco da Gama came for the second visit in Malabar. He had been given reports of Muslim arrogance and of the ill treatment meted out by Muslims in Calicut. Vasco da Gama met a Muslim ship from Mecca and he was intent on revenge. The Portuguese captured the ship of the Egyptian sultan and killed everyone except the twenty children aboard. They were baptized in retaliation for Portuguese Christians who had been taken to Mecca and forcibly made Muslims K. M. Panikkar, The Portuguese and Malabar, Bombay, 1929, p.193; Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ( ), Lisboa, 1947, pp :Carta de afonso de Albuquerque a El-Rei (dated 2 nd December 1513); A.M. Mundadan, History of Christianity in India, Vol. I, Bangalore, 1989, p A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p

24 The Raja of Cannanore informed the Viceroy and the king of Portugal of the confusion caused by conversion in his kingdom. Albuquerque had two solutions. The first one was to leave the converts as slaves to the high class or to accept the dignity and equality as the fellow Christians. The Portuguese selected the second. Albuquerque however did not promote conversion because the Portuguese treasury could not meet the needs of the converts. 65 They were taken to the factory and fortress and were accommodated there. Further Albuquerque then forbade the conversion of slaves of the Hindus, Muslims and the low class people. He believed that they wanted to become Christian only for material gain. There was not much reference to the number of Christians in Cannanore except a few in the collections of Corpo Cronologico. According to the document in Corpo Cronologico, I, 17-32, in 1514, there were 344 Christians in Cannanore of which the number of men was 174 while the women were It indicates that the missionary activities of the Portuguese in Cannanore were modest. The reason may be of twofold: either the Portuguese did not care much for conversion and missionary 65 Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.I ( ), Lisboa, MCMXLVII, pp. 241 ( letter of Afonso Velho, Vicar of Cannanore, to the king of Portugal dated 20th December 1514),p.256 (letter of Jorge de Melo, Capitão de Cannanore to the King of Portugal, dated Cannanore 27 December,1514.) 66 Corpo Cronologico,I,17-32,Torre do Tombo, Lisboa; António Silva Rêgo, Documentação História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,India,Vol.I,carta.113,Agência Geral das Colónias, Lisboa, 1947,p.254: «Da jemte da terra que he tornada christã nesta cidade de que Vosa Alteza nos mamda que hemviemos certidam som os que se seguem, per todos trezemtos e quoremta quatro pessoas scilicet cemto e setemta e quatro machos e cemto e setemta femeas».in the letter of Afonso Velho, vicar of Cannanore he also gave the same number of Christians in Cannanore. But he made some mistakes in number when he divided them for example, he wrote there were 8 Nairs (5 men and 3 women) and the total number of Tiyyas and Mukkuvas were 158 (73 male and 85 female).but he agrees with the total number

25 activities, instead of that they might have paid more interest to the field of trade; or there was not much encouragement from the king and locals to their missionary activities. Whatever may be the reason, the statistics reveal that the number of Christians was very low in Cannanore. The following are the detailed explanation of the Christians: Table 5.1 Christians in Cannanore Sl.No Category Male Female others 67 Total 1 Mouros (Moors) Mouras (Moors) Nairs Moços (children): a. Moors b. Gentiles Tiyyas and Mukkuvas Children of Tiyyas and Mukkuvas Children of the Portuguese husbands and native wives Children of the Portuguese bachelors and native women, or of the writers Total number of Christians in Cannanore: «Others.» Here there is no distinction between the male and female. «E vimte dous moços, treze que forom mouros e nove jemtios...».documentação História das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,India,Vol.I,carta.113,Agência Geral das Colónias,Lisboa,1947,p Mouros or Moors are the converts from Islam. 69 Out of 22 children, 13 were Muslims and 9 were Hindus. 70 There were 33 children from Tiyyas and Mukkuvas, out of them 18 were boys and 15 were girls. 71 Some of the Portuguese had children without marrying the native women. The father-parents of these children were the Portuguese but the parentage of these children was unknown. They were the illegitimate children born to the Portuguese from their slaves and others. They were considered Christians by the Portuguese. 231

26 Out of these Christians in Cannanore, the elders were 274 in number (115 men, 137 women and others 22), while the number of children were 70 (37 boys and 33 girls). Altogether there were 344 Christians in Cannanore in But this number does not consider the number of Portuguese Christians who were living in the fortress. It was not given because they were the moving personalities from one place to another. Fr. Afonso Velho, vicar of Cannanore, asked the king for the promotion of conversion through his letters. He reported that even though Albuquerque had prohibited conversion from the low class the population of new Christians went on increasing. He suggested that if the Portuguese treated them with consideration and favour many more would have joined to Christianity. The vicar encouraged the new Christians to bring their relatives to Christianity. He requested the king to issue an order to grant financial assistance to the new Christians from the Portuguese royal treasury 72. He had difficulty in communication because he was not conversant with the local language. He welcomed the help of fellow Christians in this endeavour. In 1519 Captain Dom Ayres da Gama wrote to the king of Portugal about the increasing number of Christians in Cannanore and the king appreciated the missionary zeal of the vicar Fr. Afonso Fernandez A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente,Índia, Vol.I ( ),Lisboa,1947: Carta de Ayres da Gama a El-Rei de Portugal on 2nd January 1519,Cannanore; Gaveta 15, 9-11, ANTT. 232

27 Another account of the number of Christians is given in the letter written in According to this account there were 900 Christians in Cannanore out of which 200 were Portuguese and the rest 700 were native Christians. Among these there were 25 Portuguese casados and they were living in the fort maintained by the Portuguese. Of these 25 casados four had married girls of mixed origin. 74 The eldest married girl was twelve years old. There were other girls too of the same age but not yet married. 75 There were 70 children, younger and elder, counted as Portuguese. 76 In 1524, the number of Portuguese casados inside the fort was a little less than Besides these there are no more statistics available about the Christians in Cannanore Portuguese Descendents in Malabar The Anglo-Indians of Kerala are mostly the descendants of the Portuguese conquistadores of yester years. Article 366(ii) of the Indian Constitution defines the title of Anglo-Indian as a person whose father or any of whose male progenitors in the male line is or was of European descent but who is domiciled within the territory of India and 74 These girls were the daughters of Portuguese fathers and Indian mothers. They were living in the fort. Their needs were met by the Portuguese exchequer. 75 A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p.382; Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.II, Lisboa, MCMXLVII, p.17. It is from the letter of the vicar of Cannanore, Afonso Fernandes to the king of Portugal dated Cannanore, 10 October Antónia da Silva Rêgo, Documentação para Historia das Missões do Padroado Português do Oriente, Índia, Vol.II, Lisboa, MCMXLVII, p A.M. Mundadan, From the Beginning up to the Middle of the 16th century, Vol. I of History of Christianity, Bangalore, 1989, p