LAHAUL-SPITI ~TI~ A FORBIDDEN LAND IN THE IDMALAYAS S.C. BAJPAI. INDUS PUBLISHING COMPANY FS-5, Tagore Garden, New Delhi INDUS

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1 LAHAUL-SPITI A FORBIDDEN LAND IN THE IDMALAYAS S.C. BAJPAI ~TI~ INDUS INDUS PUBLISHING COMPANY FS-5, Tagore Garden, New Delhi

2 CL-CSKHPKV ~ ~ )-\\\\ ' ~\ ~ '-' s- L- \j \ t,_, \ L-. C L ~ I ( S.C. Bajpai ISBN All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying. recording or by any other information and retrieval system with out written permission of the publisher. Published by M.L. Gidwani, Indus Publishing Company, FS-5, Taaorc Garden. New Delhi and printed at United Enterprises, F-57, Mayapuri Industrial Area, Phase II, New Delhi

3 ~~~~~ ~--'Y-'ci..'F!!PQ)HJFJWSU ~ II UNIVERSITY LIBRARY I ~ H.P. KRISHI VISHVA VIDYALAYA I Q HIM PALAMPUR r.f ( -l ' l- I -- J ~ Class No. ';!._:, ' ' 1 -:. I.-,,, l EJ _. Aueuion No. ~-i "' I Book No.! '.,;... \ L, (_ J -lliiliii.. li~wi~iiiiii...,.... ~... ~ H I M UNIVERSITY LIBRARY I.P. KRISHI VISHVAVIDYALAYA PALAMPUR H t M Ace. No.UlC.Cf.D ' 1 Claas No.1.tS':~S.~Book No.. f>..i.i.:\.l.t; J., Author..{)..':1 P ~..,... S..!.. l.:... Title... W~... S.. J.i Borrower' Due Date Borrower's Due Date NO. No

4 ~ f:~g fl) Himachal Pradesh KRISHI VISHVA VJDYALAYA LIBRARY t- ij>,1 PALAMPUR IJ IL l Call No.Cljl(' ~{ 1.. '~ ( - Ace. No. " f..,~-/o ' Date of releasej'or loan This book should be returned on or before the date last stamped helow. Overdue charges \Vill be collected for each day the hook is kept overtime. (See Rules Overleaf). (' l. _! l,ll- \l a~~ f.(o I ~ ~ t

5 LAHA UL-SPITI A Forbidden Land In the Himalayas

6 BY THE SAME AUTHOR The Northern Frontier of India (1970) Kinnaur in the Himalayas (1981)

7 For DIVY A & DEEKSHA

8

9 Preface THE Himalayas are not only the mightiest range in the world but are also the object of fascination for millions of people. The inaccessible, formidable and impassable mountain ranges presented a challenge to marauders, mountaineers and mystic monks in the past. But during the present times when scientific, technical and military skills have developed beyond imagination. the Himalayas have acquired greater importance for us from the viewpoint of security, strategy, integration and knowledge. Hence an overall view of the Himalayan frontiers is essential, and a detailed study of the regions most desirable. Lahaul-Spiti is one of the remote districts of Himachal Pradesh. The modern inhabitants of this region, the Bhots, are a mixed race and have mongoloid features, the sharpness of which increases as we go eastwards towards Tibet. The region oflahaul-spiti and its people were neglected in the past due to the inaccessible terrain and inhospitable climate. Except for some references in the travel accounts, perhaps no systematic and comprehensive work on the region or the inhabitants is available. But this segregation was thought not desirable for long. Hence steps have been taken to integrate and develop the region. What kind of people live in this area? What are their languages, religions, customs and rituals? How do they clothe and adorn themselves? What kind of houses do they live in? How do they entertain themselves? What is their family structure? What are the moral values that go with their life style? What is their historypast and present; and what has been their economic development through the years? What has been the impact of the modern system of communication, education, medical facilities, civic services, and the coming of electricity to the region? How far-rea

10 viii Lahaul-Spiti ching changes have these factors made on the economy and outlook of the people? Polity in Lahaul-Spiti has developed from primitive times through puttees, kothis, waziris and tehsil to modem district. These are some of the relevant topics that have been studied in this book. An attempt has also been made to compare the culture of this region with some other parts of the country. The source material on the subject is scanty and scattered. I have tried to locate and utilise almost all published afl.d unpublished material preserved in the National Archives of India, New Delhi; Himachal Pradesh Secretariat Library, Shi11lla; Census Department Library, Shimla and other libraries located at Shimla. Extensive field observations, long conversations with the local inhabitants, and participation in the fairs, festivals and ceremonies of the area have helped me a great deal in understanding the habits, nature and impulses of the people of Lahaul a.nd Spiti. I have tried to treat the subject chronologically. That is to say. what it was in the ancient past and how it has reached the present stage of development, in order to present an overall picture of this beautiful and unique region of the Himalayas. The present work is a multi-disciplinary study and has been carried under a fellowship from the Indian Council of Historical Research, New Delhi. I owe a great debt of gratitude to all the scholars who have written on the Himalayan regions, and upon whose writings I have drawn liberally. I express my most profound feeling of gratitude to Professor S.S. Barlingay and Professor A.R. Kulkarni of Poona for their encouragement in my research of Himalayan regions. I am thankful to my friend Mr. R.P. Misra for taking care of my problems. My thanks are also due to Mr. H.K. Kaul, Mr. N.H. Ramachandran and Mr. E.M. Sundaram of India International Center, New Delhi, for their co-operatioll and help. Finally, I am thankful to my wife Chandra Mohini who has been patiently and cheerfully bearing all kinds of strain to enable me to devote all my time to academic pursuits. Needless to say, the responsibility for ideas, errors and omissions, if any, rests solely on me. Delhi August 1987 S.C. BAJPAI

11 Contents Chapter I Chapter 2 Chapter 3 Preface ECOLOGICAL SETTING Boundaries I Physical features 2 Climate 4 River system and water resources 5 Glaciers and snow-fields 8 Communications 9 mstoricai, PERSPECTIVE Traditional period of Indian history 10 India in the sixth century B.C. to sixth century A.D. 12 Tibet: Rise and decline of Tibetan imperialism 14 Birth and growth of Lahaui-Spiti 16 Ladakh 16 Ladakh-Tibet war and treaty of Principality of Lahaul 20 Spiti 24 PEOPLE: SOCIAL SETTING Castes 3/ Restrictions in interdinning and intermarrying 33 Languages 34 Housing pattern 35 Furniture, utensils and decorations 37 Dresses and ornaments 38 vii

12 x Lahaul-Spiti Food habits and drinks 41 Recreation 42 Religions, faiths and superstitions 43 Social status of women 46 Family, inheritance and morals 47 Polyandry 49 Rituals 51 Marriages 53 Divorce 59 Death rites 60 Community life-fairs and festivals 6/ Chapter 4 TRADITIONS, LEGENDS, MYTHS AND SUPERSTnnONS 72 Rohtang pass 72 Tandi 76 Gyephang 78 Hidimba 79 Dzeetha Dambargya (Puja) 81 Superstitions 81 Joginis 84 Lhas 86 Chapter 5 ECONOMIC RESOURCES Agriculture 89 Crops 91 Horticulture 92 Animal husbandry 92 Measures to improve agriculture and animal husbandry 93 Handicrafs, cottage industry and natural resources 95 Weights and measures, finance and money Chapter 6 POLmCAL ORGANISATION AND ADMINISTRATION 102 Lahaul 102 Spiti 105

13 Contents xi Judicial administration: Crime and punishment 110 Police and courts 114 Revenue administration of Lahaul 116 Revenue administration of Spiti 122 Collection of land revenue 127 Administration after Chapter 7 DEVELOPMENT AND ATTITUDES 129 Communications 129 Post and telegraph 131 Agriculture and irrigation 13:! Drinking water 133 Education I 33 Medical facilities 134 Social welfare and block development 136 Hydro-electric power 137 Democratization I 37 Appendix I Appendix 2 Appendix 3 Appendix 4 Agricultural Implements Household Utensils Ornaments Glossary of Words Bibliography Index Map of Himachal Pradesh Photographs Facing page 1 Between pages 48-49

14 Location of Lahaul-Spiti in Himachal Pradesh. Note: The boundaries arc approximate. HIMACHAL PRADESH

15 Chapter One Ecological Setting LAHAUL-Spiti, one of the frontier districts of India in Himachal Pradesh, has a very difficult terrain with ice fields, snow-covered peaks and most inhospitable climate. The region is cut-off for most part of the year from the rest of the world. Lahaul and Spiti, the two ditterent geographical units beyond Rohtang and Kunzam passes on India and Tibet border, were put together to form a new di'>trict of Himachal Pradesh, India. in Prior to the formation of the new district this region was the part of Kangra district of Punjab. This district in the western Himalayas is situated between 31 44' 57" and :no 59' 57~ north latitude and between 76 46' 29" and 7R 0 41' 34.. cast longitude. The total area of the district is 12,210 square kilometres and the population is 32,063. The average density of the population per square kilometre is 2 only. Boundaries The district of Lahaui-Spiti is separated in the north from Ladakh region of Jammu and Kashmir by the Baralacha range which has an average height of 5,500 metres. and in the east is situated the Tibet region. In the south-east the district is separated from Kinnaur district by a lofty mountain with an average height of 5,000 metres. In the south-west and west the district is separated from Kulu and Chamba districts by the lofty range with an average elevation of 4,500 metres. The sole access to Lahaul-Spiti lies over the 3,915 metres high Rohtang pass. Spiti is separated from Lahaul by a high mount

16 2 Lahaul-Spiti tain rib running towards the north from the Himalayan range. The two valleys of Lahaul and Spiti have a tenuous link over the Kunzam pass (4,500 m). Another road from Samdoh to Kaza is almost complete, linking Spiti with Himachal Pradesh via Hindustan-Tibet road. The Lahaui-Spiti district is a unique sociological unit of Himachal Pradesh. The route to Spiti takes a traveller over two passes, each about 4,500 metres above the sea-level and these passes are open for not more than four to five months in a year. There are difficulties for the travellers in narrow paths and in a number of ice-cold streams, but the effort and trouble involved in reaching these parts is amply compensated for here nature holds sway in its wildest and grandest manner. Few parts of the Himalayas can compare with Spiti and Lahaul in sheer grandeur and splendour of the mountains. Physical Features The face of the district presents a network of mountains which intersect each other in every direction. In between the mountains there are several glaciers in both the regions of Lahaul and Spiti. The average elevation of the peaks in Lahaul is between 5,480 metres and 6,400 metres. The lowest point is 2,740 metres where river Chenab makes its exit from the district. Spiti region is more difficult than Lahaul both in terms of terrain and climate. The average elevation of the terrain is about 4,570 metres and that of mountain ranges is over 5,485 metres. The lowest point is 3,350 metres above the sea level. Lahaul has three valleys, i.e., Chandra valley, Bhaga valley, and Chandra-Bhaga valley, one great mass of mountains, and a plain of about 260 square kilometres. The valley of the river Chandra is locally called Rangoli. A considerable portion of this valley is just a snowbed near Baralacha Pass, and is uninhabited. This region contains mainly high mountain peaks, large glaciers and vast snowfields. The vegetation exists only in patches, mainly pastures, where the Gaddis (the migratory people) camp during summer months. After about 72 kilometres of earlier portion of the river, the habitation starts. K.hoksar is the first village in the valley. Several villages are situated on the right bank of the river Chandra after

17 Ecological Setting 3 Khoksar and on the left side of the river there is almost a wall-like mountain rising from the bed of the river and going upto the crest. After the village Ghondla and upto Tandi village the mountain slopes become gentler and have fields and grass pastures. Most of the cultivation is done around the villages on the right bank. The valley of the river Bhaga is locally called Gara. Like Chandra valley, the earlier region of this valley also presents a deserted look. The river starts from the south-western foot of the Baralacha pass and upto the village of Darcha it flows in almost a narrow gorge. This valley becomes wider from Darcha and upto its junction with Chandra at Tandi has most of its population and vegetation. The portion of Bhaga valley from the village Darcha to Keylong is locally known as Stod and beyond that Gara. The valley of the combined rivers of Chandra and Bhaga is called Chandra-Bhaga valley. popularly known as Pattan. From the village Tandi to Thirot village on the boundary of Chamba district the valley is wider, fertile and thickly populated. Most of the villages are situated m this valley and most of the cultivation is done here. It may be termed as orchard and granary of Lahaui Spiti. The landmass between the rivers Chandra and Bhaga with its junction at Tandi village contains mass of the mountains which forms the centre of this region and has a very little and scattered population. From a distance it looks like a huge fort. This mountain mass contains most of the glaciers, torrential nullahs with intervening valleys and high mountain peaks which rise over 6,400 metres above the sea level. This region has the distinction of having the Baralacha Pass. which is nearly eight kilometres long, known also as 'Pass with crossroads on summit' where roads from Zanskar, Ladakh, Spiti and Lahaul meet. It also gives rise to the three important rivers of the region-chandra, Bhaga and Yunan-in the south-east, north-west and north respectively. Lingti Plains, the uninhabited. uncultivated and deserted area of some 260 square kilometres, is situated across the Baralacha Pass towards the north. It has the minimum elevation of 4,270 metres from the sea level. The streams of Lingti and Yunan flow here before entering into Zanskar. It provides good grazing

18 4 Lahaul-Spiti ground for the Gaddis who move in with their cattle during the summer. Spiti. in comparison to Lahaul, is higher in elevation, rugged and difficult in terrain. and oppressive and inhospitable in climate. There arc high mountain peaks all around Spiti rising above 6,000 metres from the sea level. In the north Chocho-Lang Kilta peak exceeds 6,400 metres in height, while in the cast Spiti is protected by the main Himalaya which is over 7,000 metres at places. In the south there is Manirang Peak with the elevation of about 4,600 metres, and in the west Spiti is protected and separated from Lahaul by the Kunzam Range. The surface of the region of Spiti presents lofty mountain ranges with narrow gorges formed by rivers and streams. The gorges are at an average elevation of metres above the sea level with the depth upto 2,500 metres which gives a remarkably dangerous sight. Situated in the arid zone, Spiti region has very little vegetation. It is a typical mountain desert at such an altitude. High velocity winds blow all the year round and make the cool climate of Spiti prohibitive. The dry weather of the region provides an opportunity to climbers and mountaineers to scale and conquer the mountain peaks, some of which are yet to be climbed. Spiti has four distinct regions. The two main valleys arc ~piti and Pin. The two high mountain regions are located in the north and in the cast of Spiti tehsii, above the river Spiti valley and west of Lingti river. Most of the people live in these valleys, but the other two mountain regions also have some population. The local people have divided practically barren landmass into four distinct regions. Sham, the lower region, is situated on both the sides of the river Spiti between its confluence with Lingti and its junction with Pare. Pin region is the valley of the same river located on both the sides of the river with an average of about ten inhabited villages. Bhar, the middle region is located midway of the river above Kaza. Tud, the higher region includes all the areas above the river Spiti and the waste tracts of Tsarab. Climate There is remarkable variation in the climate of this district from Pattan to Pin. Pattan valley of Chandra-Bhaga river has less

19 Ecological Setting 5 elevation and hence less rigours of the climate. Here cultivators sow and reap two crops in their fields during the spring, summer and autumn whereas the upper regions of Chandra and Bhaga valleys are snow-covered till almost May and start snowing with the close of the year. Spiti and Pin valleys have average elevation, between 3,660 and 4,270 metres. The result is that the most part of the year is under snow. Sometimes the river-bed turns into a solid ice during the nights in the month of September. There is great variation in temperature also between lower portions of Lahaul and higher reaches of Spiti. The rainfall is extremely small. Tn July and August there are a good many showers of rain in the lower parts of La haul and around the Rohtang Pass, but as we go up to Spiti there are only light showers of rain. Lahaul has heavy snowfall as compared to Spiti, where only 70 to 75 centimetres of snow is recorded in winter. Both regions of the district have clear and cloudless summers. Though the strong winds blow almost all the year round but it is dry and remarkably healthy. There are very few diseases of any serious nature except a few cases of simple colic, fever or cold. Both men and women have a marked muscular development which gives them beautiful loo.ks. Rb er System and Water Resources Three major rivers with tributaries along with feeder glaciers, snow-fields and avalanches situated at an elevation of 3,048 metres to 4,270 metres above the sea level are the major sources of water of the district of Lahaui-Spiti. The major rivers are Chandra, Bhaga, Spiti and Pin. There are twenty one big and small glaciers including the famous Bara Sh1gri. Ice-fields and snowbound tops supply the regular flow of water to this area. Chandra and Bhaga rivers rise on opposite side of the Baralacha Pass at an elevation of nearly 5,200 metres above the sea level. Chandra from its source first flows to the south-east for 85 kilometres upto Shigri glacier and then along the base of the mid Himalayas to the north-west for 96 kilometres to a place called Tandi where it meets the river Bhaga. Therefrom the combined river Chandra-Bhaga passes via Pattan valley to Chamba, a distance of 24 kilometres. Chandra river has a great flow with icy cold water

20 6 Lahaul-Spiti and it first passes through the region which has vast mountainous grandeur and typical sterility due to lack of monsoon. "No villages adorn its banks, no attempt at cultivation is to be seen, and nothing meets the eye but the never ending and monotonous cliffs that sweep down in contorted masses to the seething stream, which laps in fierce anger against the banks and tears them in its wrath as it rushes on" 1 All along the course between Shigri and Tandi the mid-himalaya ranges close over the river and, opposite the village Ghondla, it rises like a wall, a full 3,350 metres above the bed of the river. Such a sheer rise can be seen only at very few places in the world. The source of water of the river Chandra is from the ice-fields and glaciers. Upto the village of Tandi the river is fed by a number of glaciers and the biggest among them is Bara Shigri on the left bank of the river. On the right bank of Chandra the water from the Samundri glacier meets the river. The main tributaries of Chandra below Shigri have their origin in Sonapans and Sissu glaciers on the right bank of the river. Between Khoksar and Sissu there are good grazing grounds on the right bank and beyond Sissu upto Ghondla the valley gradually becomes richer in cultivation and habitation. The Bhaga river also has its source on the Baralacha Pass. Coming out of Baralacha Pass on the north-west side it enters the Suraj Dal. or the lake of the sun, situated at an elevation of about 5,000 metres above the sea level. Setting out of the lake it flows for nearly 16 kilometres in a most barren tract, then it takes a turn to the south-westerly direction and reaches Darcha village which is the last village in the north-eastern direction towards Baralacha Pass. At Darcha it is joined by the Zanskar river from the west and increases in size and the bed of the river becomes wider. Passing through Keylong, the tehsil headquarter, it becomes narrow again and then it reaches Tandi where it meets the Chandra river. and thereafter the combined river is known as Chandra Bhaga. The total distance from the source to Tandi village is about seventy-two kilometres. The tract between Baralacha Pass and Darcha village is most mountainous and barren, but the high 1 A.F.P. Harcourt, The Himalayan District of Kooloo, IAhoul and Sp1ti (Lahore, 1874), p. 6.

21 Ecological Setting 7 rising snowy peaks are most beautiful "which relieve the landscape, if not from its sterility, at any rate from its drear monotony". Between Darcha and Tandi, around the villages of Keylong, Kardung and Baelung, there are rich cultivated tracts all around. Amongst the tributaries of the Bhaga, Zanskar, Milang and Baelung are important. The river Zanskar rises in the extreme north of Lahaul region and after running about thirty six kilometres in a barren tract in south-easterly direction falls into the Bhaga river at Darcha. Milang stream joins the Bhaga below Darcha from the south-cast direction, and Baelung enters a few kilometres above the junction of Chandra and Bhaga rivers. Spiti is the main river of the Spiti region of the district. It flows in both the districts of Lahaui-Spiti and Kinnaur. In Kinnaur, near Chango village in Hangrung valley, it has the widest bed. It has its source in the far north on Kunzam range which divides the two tehsils Lahaul and Spiti, of the district. After about sixteen kilometres in south-easterly direction it is joined by a stream which drains the mountain range on either side of the Kunzam Pass. As the river proceeds towards the east its bed becomes wider and it attains its maximum width in Kinnaur district at Chango village. As it proceeds beyond that village it gradually becomes narrow and meets the river Sutlej at Khabo. The Sutlej with its tributaries passes, through the district of Kinnaur, to Punjab. The river Pin is the most important tributary of Spiti which joins it on the right bank. It passes through the valley of its name and is joined by several small streams. The chief among them are Palder Chin, Palder Chum and Shang on the right bank and Karve, Lavrang, Miedel Taking, Madang, Sagnam, Baraknit, Gaoling, Seeling and Kis on the left bank. Besides the river Pin the river Spiti is fed by Chiomo, Gyundi.. Rahtang Ulah, Langze, Mane, Surahl, Pomograng, Mamdang and Sumra streams on the right bank. On the left bank the river Spiti is met by three important tributaries of Lingti, Gimbo and Pare Chu. Besides these there are several small tributaries such as Thama, Hanse, Thumna, Tagling Gindo etc. Most of these small rivulets disappear in the summer, but the Spiti river which is fed by the glaciers is a perennial one. In winter it is mostly freezed and its depth reduces to bare 60 to 75 centimetres. In an uninhabited region of Spiti a small river Tsarab runs in the north-west direction and enters

22 8 Lahaul-Spiti Zanskar in Ladakh. This river is of no usc to the Spitians. Glaciers and Snow-fields The district of Lahaul-Spiti has perhaps the largest deposits of ice in the Himalayas in various shapes. In Lahaul tehsil, particularly between the two rivers of Chandra and Bhaga. there is one solid mass of mountains or one great ice-bed broken here and there by lofty heights of impassable rocks and peaks. Most of the glaciers and snow-fields are located here. Travellers and explorers who visited the region. particularly Captain Harcourt (1869), Andrew Wilson (1873) in the nineteenth century and Huge Whisller in the twentieth century have all praise for the Bara Shigri glacier. After independence this glacier has turned to be a great attraction for the mountaineers and explorers. Tn 1956 'Abinger Himalayan Expedition', an all women expedition had conquered Great Shigri Glacier. In 1958, Great Shigri and Gyundi glaciers were conquered by an expedition headed by J.G.G. Stephenson. The process is still continuing. Great Shigri Glacier is several kilometres long. It emerges from the mountains on the left hank of the river Chandra and stretches right upto the road which passes through Kulu. The breadth of the glacier is more than a kilometre. Across the Great Shigri Glacier there is small Shigri Glacier which does not reach to the bed of the river but it is most steep and slippery. Great and small Shigri is located close to the river Spiti in the eastern part of La haul. Sonapani Glacier is located in the western region of Lahaul and it 4:an be seen from the Rohtang Pass. It is about 11 kilometres long and an ice-cliff forms the huge bulge which is mostly covered by stones, and the stream originates from an ice-cave situated towards the western path of the ice-cliff.2 'For ecological details reference can be made to Sir James Douie, Tire Punjab North-West Frontier Province mul Kashmir(Cambridge,19J6); S.C. Bose, Geography o/the Himalaya (N.B.T., New Dclhi,l972); S.P. Chatterjee, Physical Features of tire Himalayas; papers and the reports of the Seminar on the Himalayas, December 1969; I.S. I.S. and Delhi School of Economics (New Delhi); R.L. Singh, ed. India: A Regional Geography (Varanasi, 1971).

23 Ecological Setting 9 In between Sonapani and Shigri several smaller glaciers are located and notable among them is Perad Glacier, which is smaller one and is easily accessible. Ice-fields and snow-capped peaks arc there all around. Communications In this mountainous region, passes only provide the routes of communication. Baralacha Pass from Ladakh side, Rohtang Pass from Manali side and Hamta from Kulu side are the main gateways. The old trade-route between Sultanpur to Leh used to pass through Lahaul. But now the region is connected by regular bus services from Kulu to Kaza, the tchsil headquarter of Spiti via Rohtang, Gampha, Chhottadara, Lossar, Hansa, and Rangrika. Similarly there is a regular bus service between Manali to Darcha via Rohtang, Khoksar, Sissu, Ghondla, Tandi, and Keylong. Besides bus service, the army operates regular helicopter service. Now then: is a proposal to open the area by an all-weather road under the Rohtang Pass by digging a tunnel. Despite geographical barriers, climatic hardships and communication problems in the past, adventurous men have searched the remotest corners of the several valleys of the region and have established themselves there.

24 Chapter Two Historical Perspective THE present territory of the district of Lahaul-Spiti is completely within the Himalayas. Tradition tells us that the Himalayas have been our northern limit from times immemorial. Hence in Vishnu Purana we read: Uttaram yat samudrasya Himadreshchaiva~dakshinam Varsham tad (tam) Bharatam nama Bharate yatra santati The country lying to the north of the ocean and to the south of Himadri (Himalaya) is called Bharatavarsha (Land of Bharata) 1 for there live the descendants of Bharata (Bharat Santati). Though the date of this text is not known to us, but it certainly indicates that the greater Himalayas and all those who inhabited them belonged to the Bharatavarsha. 2 Traditional Period of Indian History The Himalayan frontiers of Bharatavarsha had always been known to the Indians throughout the Vedic period. The Rigveda which was written about I 500 B.C. contains abundant geographical knowledge of this region. 3 Almost every river which had its origin in the Himalayas was known to the author of the Rig- 1 Lahaul-Spiti has been part of this Bharatavarsha and not to Guge and in turn to Lahsa as has been referred by several earlier writers. 1 R.C. Majumdar and A.D. Pusalkar, ed.. The History and Culture of the Jndian People: The Vedic Age (London, 1951), vol. I, pp. los, , F. Max Muller, ed., Rig-Veda Samhita (Varanasi,l966), Vol. IV. p

25 Historical Perspective 11 veda. Evidently the land upto the Himalayas was India proper. Geographical information contained in Samhitas, Brahmanas, Upanishads and Sutras makes us believe that at no time had India considered Kailash Manasarovar region a foreign land which is still considered as a place of pilgrimage for the Hindus. 4 Northern India during the early Vedic period was inhabited by several tribes. The northernmost portions of the Himalayas were inhabited by the Mujavant tribe. They were distinct people taking their names from the mountain Mujavant in the Himalayas. The Bakalikas were another hill tribe inhabiting the adjacent region. The Mahavrishas and Gandharvas were the immediate neighbours of the hill tribes. Sialkot and Central Punjab were inhabited by the Uttarakuru and Madra tribes. Kashmir and the foothill area was the territory of Uttara-Madra and Uttarakurus. This Madra tribe may have been corrupted in course of time and become Mundari or Munda referred to by several writers.~ Lahauli people perhaps belong to this Madra tribe which used to inhabit this region. The tribal population of these Aryans gradually came to be organised into a political state. Tradition tells us that one of the earliest rulers of the land was Manu, who ruled between 3100 B.C. and 2550 B.C. The traditional period of India from Manu to the Mahabharata was divided into several periods, such as the Mandhatis period from 2750 B.C. to 2550 B.C., the Parasuram period from 2550 B.C. to 2350 B.C., the Ramchandra period from 2350 B.C. to 1950 B.C. and the Krishna period from 1950 B.c. to 1400s.c. The Krishna period was marked by the great Bharata war. This war was fought sometime in 1400 B.c. Several rulers of the Himalayan regions were the participants in it. The exact location of their territories has not been ascertained. But the geographical know~ ledge which one derives from the accounts of the Mahabharata and the Bhagwad Gita provides sufficient ground for believing that the people of Lahaul-Spiti also must have been the participants in the great Bharata war. Kailash Manasarovar region was ceded to Tibet only after the Ladakh Tibet war and the treaty of It will be taken up later in this chapter. 'Compare with Gazetteer$ of Kangra Di$lrict, Part Ill (Lahore, 1917), p. H!B and. Himachal Di$trict Gazetteer, Lahaul &: Spiti (Simla. 1975), pp

26 12 Lahaul-Spiti India in the Sixth Century B.C. to Sixth Century A.D. After the long traditional epic period, we are on firmer historical ground. At the beginning of the sixth century D.C. India was divided into sixteen great Janpadas and several smaller ones. Among them Gandharva. Kamboj, Kuru, Kosal, Mull, Vajji, Panchal, and Shakya were either in southern Himalayan region or had their territories extended upto the Himalayan ranges. The extent of the country known to the great grammarian Panini is indicated in his Sutras. According to that information the westernmost point of Bharatavarsh<J was Prakanva, corresponding to modern Ferghana. To the south of it v.as Kamboj. the modern Badakshan Pamir. lt was known as Gandhara in the contemporary literature and in the edicts of Ashoka. The extent of Gandhara was roughly about Rajouri including Hazara district in Pakistan and probably extending as far as Kafiristan. South of Kamboj was Kapisi, the modern Kafiristan in the southeast of Hindukush. The Kabul river valley with its outpost at Takshila was known as Gandhara Valley. At times Kashmir was also included in Gandhara. Among the autonomous clans the Shakya was the most important. It was bounded on the north by the Himalayas, on the east by the river Rohini and on the west and south by Rapti. Besides these, Trigorta, i.e., Central Kulu, Mandamati, i.e., Mandi. Kalakuta, i.e., Kumaun, were also known. Kalakuta was an extensive region including the lofty mountains wherein the Beas, the Sutlej, the Yamuna and the Ganga had their sources. 6 To this Kalakuta or Mandamati the territory of Lahaul-Spiti must have been the part. Bimbisara of Magadha first tried successfully to establish supremacy among the other rulers and has left behind a rich legacy of the unity of India. The extent of the rule of the dynasties of Surya, Nanda and Maurya extended upto the Himalayas. The Himalayan King Parvataka was an important ally of Chandragupta Maurya. The Himalayas were the part of the Ashokan empire. After the collapse of the Mauryan power the Kushanas established an ex- v.s. Agrawala, India a5 Known to Panini (Lucknow. 1953), pp ; R.C. Majumdar and A.D. Pusalkar, ed., The History and the Culture of the Indian People: The Age of the Imperial Unity (Bombay, 1951), vol. II, pp

27 Historical Perspective 13 tens1ve empire within and beyond India. In the Central Asia Kanishka fought against China for a long time to maintain the integrity of his frontiers with China. In the meantime northern India was divided into a number of small kingdoms and autonomous tribal states. From Kashmir to Kafiristan there was a great Janpada Ki-Pin. In the neighbourhood of Jamuna, Sutlej and Beas the Kuninda tribe was ruling. To this Lahaui-Spiti must have been a part. Kulu was inhabited by Kulutas. TeJTitory to the east of Kangra was occupied by Audumbaras. Nagas were the rulers between Ganga and Jamuna valleys on the north. Rohilkhand and the adjoining areas were parts of the kingdom of Ahichchhatra.7 Under such divided country Gupta empire grew and continued to flourish upto A.D On the disruption of Gupta empire Mihirkula, the Huna leader. established his sway in Kashmir and the neighbouring areas. but was dislodged within a few years. 9 Yasodharman of Malwa rose and fell like a meteor between A.D. 530 and 540. His suzerainty was acknowledged over the vast area extending upto the Himalayas in the North. Lahaui Spiti may also have been the part of this. Early in the seventh century Harsha came to power at Thaneshwar in A.D During the course of the next four decades he had established a most powerful empire in India. All the existing kingdoms of Kapisa, Kashmir, Kuluta, Satadur, Mo-li-pa-la and Suwarngootra were incorporated in his empire. Mo-li-pa-la was the name of Ladakh to which Lahaul-Spiti was a part and Suwarngootra was situated in the high Himalayas. It was ruled by women and was known as the kingdom of women. The sove reign sway of Harsha was extended from the Himalayas to Vindhyas including Kamrupa. Harsha was probably the second great emperor of India who was having diplomatic relations with China. 10 During his reign the famous Chinese traveller Huien- 7 Majumdar and Pusalkar. ed.. n. 6, pp 'Radha Kumud Mookerji. The Gupta Empire (Bombay. 1948). 8 R.C. Majumdar and A.D. Pusalkar, cd., The History and the Culture of the Indian People: The Classical Age (Bombay, 1954). pp R.S. Tripathi, History of Kanauf (Banaras, 1937); Majumdar and Pusalkar, cd., n. 9, pp For the geographical knowledge of the area during the period upto sixth century A.D. known to chinese one can see, L. Pctech, Northern India According to the Shui-Chung-Chu (Rome. 1950).

28 14 Lahaul-Spiti Tsiang visited India during A.D. 629 and 645. In A.D. 635 he visited Kulu and noticed Lahaul as a country by the name of La-hua-la. Harsha died in A.D. 647 and the country once again divided into small principalities. On the northern frontier of India several small kingdoms began to take shape. Since Lahaui-Spiti had no independent existence, I have detailed briefly the history of India. It is desirable to take note of the developments in Tibet and in Ladakh for the understanding of the relation between them and the relation of Lahaul-Spiti with Ladakh till it grew into a separate personality in the region. It is also desirable to examine in detail the relation ofguge with Ladakh and Tibet to which Lahaui-Spiti was supposed to be a part in the ancient past. The finds or mention of graves and a probable attack of Mongols from the north also needs to be investigated. In view of the wild territorial claims of the neighbouring country, it is absolutely necessary to examine the nature of the dependency of lahaui-spiti if any by looking to the gradual growth of the history of the region of Tibet and Ladakh. Tibet: Rise and Decline of Tibetan Imperialism Tibetan kings traced their ancestry to the son of a noble family of Magadha in Bihar, India, who is said to have been born with long blue eyebrows, a full set of teeth, and webbed fingers. 11 Therefore the rulers of Tibet are essentially Indians settled in Tibet. According to a legend, the King of Kosala, Prasenjit had expelled his son who became the ruler of Tibet in the name of Gua-Khri-bksan. Another legend says that the first King of Tibet was the son of Krishna. According to a Chinese legend the ruler of Tibet came from the western country and settled at Si-Tchecloui. His name was Honi-ty-pou-Jsoni-Ye. 1 2 Sangtsen Gampo was the great king of Tibet. He came to power in A.D. 618, and he soon set about the consolidation of his kingdom. His successor, Mang-Song-Mang-tseu (A.D ) soon began his imperial 11 Isepou W.O. Shakabpa. Tibet: A Political History (London, 1967), p A.H. Francke. Antiquities of Indian Tibet (Calcutta, 1926), vol. II, pp

29 Historical Perspective 1 5 career. He came into conflict with Turks and Chinese power. After subduing them Mang-Song-Mang-tseu extended his empire beyond Pamir, including the whole of eastern Turkistan. During the time of his successor Du-Song Mang-Po-Je (A.D ), the four garrisons (Kashgar, Khotan, Kucha, Karushaher) were reconquered by the Chinese in A.D His entire career was spent in suppressing rebellions in different parts of the empire. He took the field in person against Nepal, and was killed during the course of campaign in A.D Tri-de-Tsung directed his attention towards China and consequently the border peoples once again became independent of imperial authority. Being free from China, he once again turned towards the west, and recaptured the four garrisons of Sinkiang whence the Tibetans had been driven in A.D. 692 by the Chinese forces of the Emperor Wu. The Tibetan army advanced to westward to the Pamirs and even reached the Oxus river. A few years later, the Arabian Caliph Harun AI Rashid allied himself with Chinese in order to keep the Tibetans in check. Attacked by the allied forces of the Chinese and the Arabs, the Tibetans succeeded in holding their own without substantial loss of territory and in spite of considerable setbacks. The expansionist dreams of the Tibetans were, however, checked. Soon afterwards the Tibetan nobility became rebellious and more powerful during the reign of Tri-de-Songtsen (A.D ). He, therefore, decided to free the monarchy from the power of the nobility, and confiscated their lands. He also divided the country of Tibet from the country of Ragy and defined the frontiers. His definition of the frontier was: "All the grass under Tibetan rule grew with points looking towards Tibet''. 13 Imperial Tibet once again returned to religion and the feudal supremacy was established. "The Tibetan monarchy although it filled two centuries of the history of Asia did not leave any political or ethical traces in Turkistan, it left only scanty and unimportant traces in Tibet itself. which in A.D. 842 found itself nearly in the same conditions as it was in the 6th century bid., p. 87. "Luciano Petech. A Study of the Chronicles of Ladakh (Calcutta. 1939), pp ; Francke, n. 12, pp ; Shakabpa, n. 11, pp

30 16 Lahaul-Spiti Birth and Growth of Lahaul-Spiti It is probable that with decline and disintegration of the empire of Harsha, which gave rise to several small principalities. the principality of Spiti with major portion of the present Lahaul must have come into existence. Spiti in early times was ruled by Sen Kings. One of the earliest known rulers was Samudra Sen. He presented to the temple of Parasuram at Nirmad a copper plate grant and founded that institution. In the course of time in the reign of Rajendra Sen, Kulu became tributary to Spiti for a short period. The fortunes of Spiti declined during the reign of Chet Sen and in the seventh century it was annexed by Ladakh. 15 A small.tagir of three villages was given to the son of Chet Sen who settled there peacefully. Later in the tenth century Spiti was given to one of the three sons of Skyid-Lde-me-ma-Mgon, the King of Ladakh. Subsequent to this the fate of Spiti was determined along with Ladakh. t6 Ladakh The kings of Ladakh traced their origin to the Shakya family of Suddhodana. Some of the rulers of the line were known by the names of lkshavaku, Karnika, Dharmaraja and Rastrananda etc. It is difficult to construct any rational history of Ladakh prior to the ninth century. Up to the period of Harsha (A.D ), the chronicles of Ladakh only mention names of persom. places and gods of worship etc. known to Indians. It is probable that Ladakh was also grown after the decline of imperial power at Centre after the death of Harsha. From the middle of the 7th century Ladakh was colonized by the Tibetans. Faced with combined forces of the Arabs and Chinese in Turkistan, the Tibetans 1 ahistory of the Growth of Ladakh will be taken up later. 11 Captain A.F.P Harcourt, The Himalayan Districts of Kooloo, Lahoul and Spiti: Selections from the Records of the Government of the Punjab and its Dependencies. New Series, No. X (Lahore. 1874). pp ; Punjab District Gazetteers, Vol. XXXA (Lahore, 1918), pp. 2S9-61; Journal of the Punjab Historical Society (Lahore). vol. Vl, pp. S2 and

31 Historical Perspectil e 17 had to withdraw early in the 9th century. In the words of Luciano Petech: "Ladakh did not constitute an integral part of the Tibetan state, but must have been considered as a dependency or even as a kind of colony, since like the whole of western Tibet, it remained outside the territorial organisation of the Tibetan army as described in the Padma-hkai-t' anyio 10, part V, chapter 4. This colonial or semi-colonial status is quite natural, because Ladakh's population was not as yet or was only beginning to become Tibetan-a process that must have required a long time... when Skyid-Ldc Ni-Ma-mgon early in the tenth century founded the western Tibetan Kingdom, he found no trace of Tibetan rule in Ladakh. The lower part of the valley was divided into a large number of very small states, while upper Ladakh constituted a single state a little more important; its dynasty boasted, as did the Gru-gu dynasty, of descending from Kesar. Probably this situation had existed from very ancient times, notwithstanding the invasions the country had suffered. " 17 To this lower part which 'was divided into a large number of very small states' the major portion of Lahaul-Spiti district of today belonged. In A.D. 842 the first Ladakhi dynasty was founded by Skyid Lde. He was also known by the name Ni-ma-mgon. He was followed by his son, Lde-dpal-nkor-btsan. The period from A.D. 842 to 900 was known for its vigorous religious activities. Skyid-Lde Ni-ma-mgon (A.D ), the third in the dynasty was a great king. He consolidated the kingdom of Ladakh and his possessions were far wide. The Kingdom of Ladakh in the time of Skyid Lde Ni-ma-mgon extended from the northern mountain ranges upto Raduk including Demchong, Guge (south-east of Raduk and west of Mansarovar) and the modern district of Lahaul-Spiti. The King had three sons. Before his death he divided his vast kingdom of Ladakh amongst his sons. To the eldest Dpal-gyimgon, he gave Ladakh proper, to the second Purang and Guge were assigned, and the third, Lde-Gtsug-mgon, was made the 11 Petech, n. 14. pp

32 18 Lahaul-Spiti ruler of Zanskar and Spiti. Dpal-gyi-mgon, the owner of Ladakh, was made suzerain over his brothers. 18 After the partition Ladakh enjoyed complete peace and prosperity upto the fourteenth century, except for a minor attack by Kublai Khan in A.D Utpala (A.D ) had subjugated Kulu, Purang, Guge and several localities of Baltistan in the eleventh century. Rgyal-Burin-chen (A.D.I )was a great king of Ladakh. He invaded Kashmir and overthrew the ruler Sahadeva. 9 Soon a Muslim dynasty was founded in Kashmir by Shah Mir in A.D For the next two hundred and fifty years the rulers of Kashmir and Ladakh fought with each other. At times Ladakh paid tribute to Kashmir and when the ruler in Kashmir became weak it stopped the tribute. In this struggle most of the parts of Ladakh became independent. Son-ge-ruam-rgyal came to power in A.D During the forty-five years of his rule he restored the scattered kingdom of Ladakh to its former glory. In the east he subdued Guge, Raduk including Kailash upto the central Tibet. Si-ri and Kyar-Kyar, parts of western Tibet, were made tributaries. Zanskar and Spiti were regained. Bde-Jdan-rnam-rgyal, the son and successor of Scn-ge-rnam-rgyal, had to face themughal ambassador Mohammed Shafi in A.D and had to send him back with tribute of 1,000 asharfis and rupees 2,000 and many gifts. He maintained the kingdom of Ladakh which included Guge, Purang, Raduk, including the Mansarovar and Kailash region.2 Ladakh-Tihet War and Treaty of 1684 During the reign of Deleg Namgyal (A.D ) a dispute arose between Bhutan and Tibet. Ladakh, on behalf of Bhutan, 18 Petech, n. 14, p. 108; Francke, n. 12, p. 94; Zahiruddin Ahmad, "Tibet and Ladakh: A History." St. Antony's Papers. No. 14 (London, 1963), p. 39. ur.c. Majumdar and A.D. Pusalkar, ed., The History and the Culture of the Indian People: Delhi Sultanate (Bombay, 1960), Vol. VI. pp. 376, Petech, n. 14, pp. 1SO-S6. For history of Ladakh see Alexander Cunningham. Ladakh: Physical. Statistical and Historical: With Notes of Surroun ding Countries (London, 18S4): Francke, n. 12; Zahiruddin Ahmad, n. 18.

33 Historical Perspective 19 took arms against Tibet and a battle was fought. In this war Ladakh had to have the assistance of Kashmir. Ibrahim Khan, the Mughal Governor of Kashmir, sent a huge army under his son Fida Khan, in support of his vassal state of Ladakh. The Mongolo-Tibetans were routed at Bas go. They were charged upto Tashigong in Guge territory near the present border. At this stage the Lhasa Government approached Ladakh for peace nego tiations. On the intervention of the Tibetan Lama, Hbrug-papham-dhan-po a peace treaty was concluded in This treaty provided: "As in the beginning King Skyid-Lde-ni-ma-mgon gave a separate kingdom to each of his son<;, the same delimitation to hold good. The Ladakhis were not to allow an army from India to proceed to attack upon Tibet through Ladakh; mn' a-rio-skot-gsum was set apart (from Ladakh) to meet the expenses of sacred lamps and prayers (offered at Lhasa); but the Mensar (near Mount Kailash) the King (of Ladakh) shall be his own master, so that the Kings of Ladakh may have wherewithal to pay for lamps and other sacrifices at the Gang Tso, it shall be his private domain with this exception the boundary shall be fixed at the Lhari stream at Demchog.''lt By this treaty, except for a small village of Mensar, Ladakh lost all her possessions in western Tibet. The Kailash Mansarovar region was also ceded to Tibet. Thus till 1684 Guge was part of Ladakh and was not the dependency of Lhasa as has been noted by A. F. P. Harcourt and M.D. Mamgain and J.B. LyaJJ.ll lt is said that, "Tradition in 11 Francke, n. 12. pp ; Zahiruddin Ahmad, "The Ancient Frontiers of Ladakh", World Today, vol. XVI, 1960, pp ; Ahmad, n. 18, pp ; L. Petech, "The Tibetan-Ladakh Mogul War of ", Indian Historical Quarterly, vol. XXIII, no. 3, p. 178; A.H. Francke, A History of Western Tibet: One of the Unknown Empires (London, 1907), pp : Margret W. Fisher, Leo E. Rose, and Robert Huttenback, Himalayan Battleground: Sino-Indian Rivalry In Ladakh (London, 1963), pp 'Harcourt, n. 16, pp ; M.D. Mamgain, ed., Himachal District Gazetteer, Lahaul &: Spit/ (Simla, 1975). pp. 34 & 40; Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of Kangra District, by J.D. Lyall (Lahore, 1874). p. 164.

34 20 Lohaul-Spiti Lahaul tells of invasion by a race of foreigners from the north, probably Yarkand, who held the country for ten years, old tombs discovered are to be said to belong to that period, and similar traditions exist in Chamba, which was also invaded by the same race about A.D. 800". 23 Is it not possible that the combined army of the Arabs and Chinese which followed the Tibetans in around A.D. 800 may have built these tombs for the soldiers who might have died or killed in the campaign? These tombs may also have been constructed by the soldiers of Kublai Khan who invaded Ladakh in A.D Principality of Lahaul As has been noticed earlier, the feudals in Lahaul must have grown after the death of Harsha and the decline of Central power in India. The four families of landlords of Kolong, Gumrang, Ghondla, and Barbong, may have grown since then. Mr. A.H. Francke notices that around A.D Kolong family was there.2 4 It is not unlikely that three or four hundred years prior to that date they were there.2s But probably they were under the total overlordship of the Raja of Spiti and later became the part of Ladakh. What would have been the population of Lahaul some one thousand plus seven decades ago when it was only 6,265 in Probably a thousand population had a feudal lord or Raja then. Tt is also probable that some portions of the present Lahaul were under the loose control of Chamba Raja. 27 History of about thousand years beginning from the middle of the seventh century to roughly about 1650 is the history of petty local feuds between Chamba, Kulu, Ladakh and Lahaul was successively attacked, subjugated, influenced and seized. At times "Gazetteer of Kangra District, Part III (Lahore, 1917), pp , See also Harcourt, n. 16, pp ; Edwin T. Atkinson, The Himalayan Gazetteer (Allahabad, 1882). vol. 11. p. 512 and reference therein of JASB, V, pp. 347 etc. 14 Francke, n. 12, pp at.s. Negi, Scheduled Tribes of Himachal Pradesh: A Profile (Simla. 1976), p. 68 "... mainly in the 7th and the 8th centuries". "Harcourt, n. 16. p Kangra District, n. 23, p. 188.

35 Historical Perspective 21 Lahaul had to pay to two or all the three local powers for the peace in the region. Jn absence of proper records, one has to depend on traditions and whatever little writings arc available. It is probable that around the middle of the seventh century, the state of Chamba was fairly powerful and had influenced the adjoining areas of Lahaul, particularly the valley of Chandra Bhaga or Pattan, as is popularly known, upto the temple of Triloknath or even upto Tandi. Around that period Spiti was taken over by the Rajas of Ladakh and sons and successors of Raja Chet Sen were given the jagir of three village~ for their maintenance. 28 During the period Chamba forces invaded Kulu and in A.D. 700 proceeded to Chandra valley in La haul by Kugti Pass. It is just possible that Lahaul feudals paid tribute to both Chamba and Ladakh upto the establishment of Ladakhi dynasty by Skyid-Lde in A.D His grandson Skyid-Lde-Ni-ma-mgon (A.D ) was very powerful. He not only established his control over the old territories but had added several territories to Ladakhi kingdom. Definitely at this point the influence of both Chamba and Kulu must have ceased. In the tenth century the Ladakhi kingdom was divided by Skyid-Lde-Ni-ma-mgon among his three sons and Lahaul-Spiti was the part of Ladakh. Upto the middle of fourteenth century Ladakh was ruled by very powerful rulers. King Utpala or Lha-chen (A.D ) had invaded Kulu proper. Despite the help given by the king at Delhi, Kulu was defeated and under a treaty agreed to pay tribute to Ladakh. This treaty remained in force till the time ofson-ge-rnam-rgylal in the seventeenth century. Ladakhi rulers were so powerful that one Rgyal Bu-rin-chen (A.D ) had invaded and overthrown the ruler of Kashmir Shadeva.2 9 Soon after the establishment of a new dynasty in Kulu in the sixteenth century, Kulu tried.to throw (off the Ladakhi rule in Lahaul, but was promptly attacked by the Raja of Ladakh Tsewang-Namgyal (about A.D J. Kulu once again was driven from Lahaul. During the weak rule in Ladakh and other internal and international complications such as Kashmiri attack "'Harcourt, etc.. n Majumdar and Pusalkar, ed.. n. 19, pp. 376, 429.

36 22 Lahau/-Spiti of Ladakh and Ladakh-Tibet war prompted Chamba and Kulu to create influence and occupy the territories of Lahaul. The Jesuit Father, Azendo noticed the rule of Kulu Rajas in Lahaul in Possibly the Kulu Raja Bahadur Singh or Bhadan Singh (A.D ) extended his rule to Lahaul, particularly to Tinan and most other parts of the region. The successor of Bahadur Singh, Pratap Singh (A.D ), Par Singh or Parbhat Singh (A.D ), Prithi Singh {A.D ), Man Singh(A.D ) and Jagat Singh (A.D to 1672) continued the Kulu rule in Lahaul regions.jo Biddhi Singh was the great ruler of Kulu. He ruled from A.D to 1688 and during this period he seized entire upper Lahaul under his control. He had also annexed the whole of the Pattan valley or Chandra Bhaga valley upto the present boundary with Chamba. Biddhi Singh married a Chamba princess and got a portion of Lahaul, probably the area adjacent to Chamba.3 1 At the holy shrine of Triloknath a tradition is prevalent that when Raja Biddhi Singh captured the place, he tried his best to carry the idol of the temple, but it became so heavy that he could not lift it. An infuriated Kulu soldier struck a sword-blow on the idol which made a mark on the right leg of the idol. Thus, by matrimony, diplomacy or conquest Raja Biddhi Singh ofkulu became the master of the whole of Lahaul up to its present boundaries and the Ladakh influence declined thereafter. The successor of Biddhi Singh, Raja Man Singh (A.D ) was equally powerful. Out of four noble families of Lahaul two were deprived of their possessions as they resisted Raja Man Singh and two of Kolong and Tinan submitted to Raja and saved their possessions. Raja Man Singh also fought with Raja of Mandi. He went to Ladakh via Lahaul and established the boundary of Ladakh with Lahaul!at Baralacha Pass. Man Singh also attacked Spiti but came back after having Nazrana and fixed annual tribute with it. He was killed in battle by the soldiers of Raja of Kumarsain. But Lahaul remained under his sway. The successor of Raja Man 80 Handscript written in 'Devnagri' script with mixed language of Hindi and Pahari found in Mayapur palace Acuni; Chandra Shekhar Bebas, Translated: Samvat 1600 Ke Bad Ke Kulu Itihas Ka Hindi Rupantar, Somsi. vol. 4, no. 4, October 1978, pp lbid. p. 10.

37 Historical Perspective 23 Singh. Raj Singh, Jai Singh and Tedi Singh were weak rulers and probably some portions of the Kulu State became free during this period. Raja Pritam Singh, who succeeded Tedi Singh, fought for Mandi and in this the force of Lahaulas arrested him.n He recovered some portions from Mandi. The description of the campaign in Urdu and Pahari was preserved with the Moravian Mission at Keylong. The Moravian Mission was founded in 1853 at Keylong and continued upto The Missionaries have done a lot good to the people of Lahaul. They introduced simple habits of hygiene and smokeless stoves (chulhas) etc. Besides that, the missionaries, particularly Dr. A. H. Francke has done a Jot of historical research on these regions. His monumental works such as Antiquities of Indian Tibet, 2 volumes, History of Western Tibl>f and collection of Tibetan Inscriptions give lot more details about the local feuds and wars among the hill chieftains. In some of these Lahaul was also mentioned. JJ Out of the four land-owners of Lahaul, the three Kolong, Gumrang and Ghondla were soft to Kulu and remained friendly. Thus they were given land-grants (Jagirs) which they still have. The fourth family of Barbog was pro-ladakh and thus was with Spiti. When Lahaul was occupied by Kulu Rajas, the fate of Barbog was sealed and the decline began. Out of these four landlords of Lahaul, Thakurs of Kolong became powerful during the weak rule of Kulu. In Kulu proper Raja Pritam Singh was succeeded by Raja Vikram Singh. He assisted the East India Company in Nepal war and was rewarded after the war. During the last days of Pritam Singh, Kulu power declined and during the weak rule of Jit Singh, Sikh power appeared in Kulu and captured the kingdom. Along with Kulu Lahaul also went into the hands of Sikhs. After the first Anglo-Sikh War in , in the treaty of Lahore of 9 March, 1846, the kingdom of Sikhs was dismembered and the treaty of Amritsar of 16 March, 1846 gave Chamba to Gulab Singh of Jammu and Kashmir and Lahaul passed into the hands of East India Company. East India Company placed the administration of the principality of Lahaul under a Wazir. The head of the Kolong family became "Ibid., p. 14. Francke, n. 12, pp , 125.

38 24 Lahaul-Spiti the first Wazir. He was to get some allowance from the British Government. This allowance was raised tors. 550 or one fourth of the total revenue of Lahaul which was in 1867 Rs. 2,200 only.34 Thus the dominance of Kothi Kolong was established in Lahaul. During the First World War of Wazir Amar Chand not only had helped the British Government in the recruitment of the army, but also took command in person as Jamadar in the 6th Labour Corps with five units of Lahaulas in Mesopotamia. For his valuable services Wazir Amar Chand was given the title of'rai Bahadur' in On hisdeathin 1921 Waziripassed to his son, but since his son Abhai Chand was a minor, the real power was given to Thakur Mangal Chand, the brother of the late Wazir. This arrangement continued even after the attainment of majority by Abhai Chand in Abhai Chand's son Khushal Chand has been a Colonel in the Indian Army. Khushal Chand and his brother Prithi Chand have won Mahavir Chakra in the Kashmir campaign. Power corrupts and hence absolute power to Wazirs in remote valleys of Lahaul increased the atrocities towards the people. In 1941 the Waziri was abolished and a Naib-Tehsildar was posted for the first time in Lahaul with headquarters at Keylong which became one of the tehsils of Lahaul-Spiti when district was formed. Spiti As has been noticed earlier, the birth of Spiti may also have taken place on the decline of Central power in India. Early kings with Sen title were there until the rise of Tibetan imperialism and the birth of Ladakh. The first Ladakh dynasty was founded in A.D King Skyid-Ldc was followed by his son Lde-dpalnkor-btsan and he was followed by his son Skyid-Lde-Ni-mamgon (A.D ). He was the third in dynasty and was a great king who had consolidated, annexed and conquered the neighbouring regions which were let loose earlier during the period of his father and grandfather. Posssibly Skyid-Lde-Ni-ma-mgon had "Foreign Political A, January 1867, K.W. to File No. 125/27. All the documents mentioned are from the National Archives of India, New Delhi.

39 Historical Perspective 25 pensioned off the sons and successors of Sen Kings of Ladakh with the grant of three villages in Spiti. The Nonos of Spiti were the rulers of Spiti during the Ladakhi rule. It is said that the title of Nono is derived from the Greek.3S It is very difficult to decide whether the Nonos were the descendents from a native family of Spiti or they were the offshoots of certain governors of Spiti posted there by the kings of Ladakh. Spiti manuscripts collected by Moravian missionary Howell's two Pandits in 1908, have never been properly examined. It is certain that rulers of Spiti were the Nonos from the very beginning.36 It is certain that in the tenth century Spiti was given to one of the three sons of Skyid-Lde-mi-ma-mgon, the King of Ladakh. Since then the fate of Spiti was also determined along with that of Ladakh. It seems that during the strong rule of Ladakh Spiti was an integral part of Ladakh and during the weak rule it was an autonomous until nominally attached to Ladakh. The Spitians were wise enough to send tribute or price of peace to Ladakh, Kulu and Chamba periodicalfy. After the Tibetan-Ladakhi-Mogul war of , Spiti was practically free but was only nominally under Ladakh. Raja Man Singh (A.D ) of Kulu invaded Spiti and extracted tribute and established a loose authority over Spiti. 37 The ruins of the two forts, which still can be seen at Sundu and Rupin near Pin river may possibly have been built by Raja Man Singh, as they are locally known as 'Lyungti Khar' (Kulu Forts). It appears that the things have not changed since then. Early in the nineteenth century when Trebeck visited Spiti in 1821 he noticed that an official.. Edwin T. Atkinson. The Himalayan Gazetteer (Allahabad, 1882). vol. 2. Part J.p About the title of the Nonos of Sp,ti-This may have derived from the Greek Title King of Kings rendered by lndo-skythic and equivalent "Rao Nono, Rio" or Ra in Gilgit, Nono in Spiti and Nana in Maharashtra. The text is as follows: "We have traced the latter still in the old Indo-Skythic Provinces of Gujrat in the title of Ra of Junagarh, in Gilgit where the old rulers had the title 'RA' and the old name of which is 'SARGIN' throughout Rajputana and the Dakhin in the title 'Rao'. In most Rajputana clans in the titles of 'Rao' and 'Rawat' whilst the headman of Spiti is called "Nono' and the honorific title of 'NANA' is common amongst the Marathas". 11Francke, n. 12, p Klllu Jtihas Ka Hindi Rupantur. n. 30, p. 10.

40 26 Lahaul-Spiti from Leh as Governor was sent but he generally went away after harvest time leaving the administration in the hands of Wazir or Nono and other hereditary officers. These officers in turn were controlled by headman (Galpo) of groups of villages.3b It is interesting to note the description of Spiti as has been seen by Trebeck. He says: "The districts contain number of small villages or 30 in Piti, so called, and 13 in adjacent district of Pin, averaging rather less than 10 houses in each. The male population was stated to be one thousand and seventy eight, including children, and if the same proportion is prevailed as at Trankar, where it was to a house men, one seventh, women, one ninth, and children, one third, or nearly five altogether, the total population of the district would be about 2000". 39 Nearly fifty years later Harcourt reports that it was 2, After a century in I 971 census reports that it was 7,076 only. Spiti always remained at the mercy of its strong neighbours such as Ladakh, Kulu and Bushahr. To escape plunder by its powerful neighours, Spiti readily paid small tribute to all as and when necessary. If the blackmail of tribute failed to work and the attack was imminent in that eventuality, they had a very elaborate warning system to the people. They built huge fires on certain mountain tops visible throughout the valley. This signal was a message for a meeting in the sanctuary of rocks unreachable by others. These places were and are still called 'Dhankars'. There is also place called Dankhar where a fort existed and was thus a meeting place convenient to all. This meeting was to take decisions regarding the methods to face the aggressors. Generally the course adopted was to search the fields, desert the villages and monastries and escape to the higher uninhabited plateaus, moving all men, women, children with their worth carrying valuables. They used to remain in the mountains till the withdrawal of 18 W. Moorcroft and G. Trebeck, Travels in the Himalayan Provinces of Hindustan and the Punjab, 2 Vols. (H.H. Wilson, ed., London, 1841), pp "Ibid., p. 67. 'OJiarcourt. n. 16, p. 42.

41 Historical Perspective 27 invaders. Three such instances are reported to us in the seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the closing years of the seventeenth century Spiti was attacked by Ladakh. The usual course was followed at the outset, but the Ladakhis settled down in the valley for the winter. The Spitians then decided to overcome the invaders by treachery. They professed friendship with the invaders and invited them to a feast. In the feast a strong liquor chhang was served. and they were made to drink beyond their capacity. When they became helpless, they were attacked and killed. A few fled to Dankhar fort where they were pursued, caught and thrown down the cliffs. Those who escaped to the mountains perished in the desolate wilderness due to cold and hunger. In A.D Gerard states that the fort of Dankhar was held by the Bushahris for two years. 41 Trebeck gives an account of the attack made by Kulu Rajas in 1819 over Kunzam pass. 42 With the rise of Ranjit Singh in Punjab the political complexion changed dramatically. His generals subdued almost all the regions of Kashmir, Ladakh, Baltistan, and even tried to capture Mansarovar and Kailash from Tibet:U Zorawar Singh, the ablest General of Gulab Singh marched for Ladakh in March 1834 and after some time he captured Ladakh. But as soon as Zorawar Singh returned Ladakh is rose in revolt against Dogras. The next six years were the years of great strife and hardship. Spiti along with other areas rose in revolt but Dogra general Rahim Khan suppressed this quickly in His son-in-law Ghulam Khan had plundered most of the monasteries and destroyed idols in Spiti. Thus the Dogra supremacy was established in Spiti. In May 1841, Zorawar Singh with a force of 6,000 men largely Ladakhis, Battis and Kistwaris around a Dogra nucleus advanced into Tibet. Zorawar Singh had some initial victories and was able to capture Tibetan headquarters in western Tibet, but he could not stand the powerful attack of the Tibetans and was killed on 14 December, On the death of Zorawar Singh Spiti once 61Alexander Gerard, An Account of Koonawar ;, the Himalayas (London, 1841). "Moorcroft, n. 38, p. 64. "S.C. Bajpai, The Northern Frontier of India (Bombay, 1970), pp "Ibid., p. 44.

42 28 Lahaul-Spiti again became practically free. In 1842 Tibetan army invaded Ladakh and the forces of Gulab Singh defeated them decisively on 27 September, Tibetan General Surkhang was taken prisoner. On 24 September a treaty was signed between Gulab Singh and the Tibetans, by which ancient boundaries were restored to Ladakh. 4 ' Spiti till the defeat of Sikhs in 1846 remained under Dogras. In 1846 by treaty of Amritsar between Gulab Singh and the British East India Company, Spiti was taken by the British. The British Government on the recommendation of H. Lawrence, Agent to Governor-General in N.W.F., gave Spiti to Raja of Bushahr for three years. 46 Raja of Bushahr was asked to pay Rs. 700 as revenue for The revenue of Rs. 850 paid to the Dogras by Spiti was recovered from Maharaja Gulab Singh of Jammu and Kashmir. 48 The first revenue settlement of Spiti was made by Vans Agnews on 27 September, But this revenue settlement was considered temporary. 4 9 The boundaries between Ladakh and Spiti were demarcated by Vans Agnew. In the autumn of 1849 Major Hay, Assistant Commissioner of Kulu, went to Spiti and took over the charge. He later prepared a report on Spiti which was published in the Journal of Asiatic Society of Bengal and was commanded by Lord Dalhousie, the Governor-General of India. 50 Nono, the hereditary Wazir of Spiti, was entrusted with administration of area and he was granted a jagir. On the death of Nono on 22 July, 1864 his son Tam-zin-nam-Gyal became Wazir. On his taking over of waziri, C.U. Aitchison, Under Secretary, reported to the Secretary of the Punjab Government to draw a few simple rules for the guidance of Nono, on the basis of Penal Code and the Code of Criminal Procedure. Jt was thought necessary to limit the powers ofnono. 51 But the allowance ofnono was raised tors. 282 "Ibid., p. 45. "Foreign Political, 26 December 1846, No (All documents referred are from National Archives of India, New Delhi.). 47Foreign Political, 31 December 1847, No '"Ibid., Foreign Political. 4 October 1850, No Foreign Political, 29 November 1850, No Minute by G.G. Dal housie, 24 August Foreign Political A, Febtuary 1864, No

43 Historical Perspective 29 yearly on the basis of six annas per rupee of revenue. The revenue of Spiti at that time was Rs. 753 only.52 In 1873 a set of rules were prepared for the guidance of the Nono and were notified from the Fort William on 20 February, 1873 to be effective from I April, Nono was formally vested with honorary magisterial powers and a reader was provided by the Government to assist him in his judicial work.s3 In 1941, a sub-tehsil of Lahaul and Spiti was created with headquarters at Keylong. After independence in a proper attention was paid to the development of Spiti for bringing it at par with Punjab of which Lahaui-Spiti was a part. A Development Council directly under the Chief Minister of Composite Punjab was constituted. With a view to developing the area more rapidly the Government of Punjab in 1960 converted Lahaul and Spiti area into a district with headquarters at Keylong. Spiti area was constituted in a sub-division with headquarters at Kaza. The area was termed as 'excluded' and the Government of fndia subsequently declared as 'Scheduled Area'. On I November, 1966 the hill regions of Punjab were merged with Himachal Pradesh and thus Lahaul-Spiti district is now the part of Himachal Pradesh. 11 Foreign Political A, February 1867, No. 23-2S. ''Foreign Political A, March 1873, No

44 Chapter Three People: Social Setting IT IS difficult to hazard a guess whether it was the adventurous zeal or force of circumstances which led people to establish themselves in these remote and inhospitable valjeys of Pattan (Chandra-Bhaga), Gara (Bhaga), Rangoli (Chandra), Pin and Spiti. Swanglas, Thakurs, Kanets, Bhots along with several scheduled caste communities of Chahans, Dombas, Hessis, Lohars, etc. are the inhabitants of the district of Lahaui-Spiti. Who are the first settlers in the valleys? Are they the descendants of the mythological Jamadagni and Renuka, the father and the mother of Parashuram, whose rule extended to near Beas river; or the descendants of Shakya clan, the original rulers of Ladakh, or the remnants of the Khasa tribe who were driven out of Central Asia by the Hunas, and settled in the Himalayan valleys between Kumaun and Ladakh. Whosoever they may be, they are fine people and have earned acclaim of the British rulers of the past. Alexander Gerard who visited the region in the early nineteenth century observed thus: ""They are of a mild and benevolent disposition, very far removed from the ferocity commonly attached to a character of a Tartar". J.B. Lyall in his Land Revenue Report of the year says, "The character of the people is solid and conservative; their power of united action is considerable;... they seem to me not quickwitted, but eminently shrewd and sensible". 1 A.F.P. Harcourt, the Commissioner of Kulu between observed that, "The Lahoulees are shrewd and 1 J.B. Lyall, Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Ka118ra Dis trict (Lahore, 1874). p

45 People: Social Setting 31 sharp traders, with far more intelligence and desire for knowledge than have the people of Kooloo"... "The Spiti peasant is good natured, cheerful, and sociable, always ready to oblige and industrious both as an agriculturist and an artisan". 2 These qualities of the people of the region have improved with the passage of time and are praised even today. "Of all the tribals in Himachal Pradesh those in many of the villages of the main Lahaul valley and some villages of the side valleys are, today, the shrewdest businessmen and the wisest in certain worldly matters. Financially too they are ahead of most of the others. The basic tribal traits of decency, daring and stamina are, as a general rule, with usual exceptions, inherent in the tribal people of Lahaui Spiti district too". 3 In physical appearance these people are of medium height between 5 feet and 5 feet 5 inches and medium weight. The people in Pattan valley are mostly Hindus akin to the adjoining region of Kulu. Both men and women in Pattan are fairly handsome, but the people of the other valleys are different and this difference is more marked toward east bordering Tibet. There is marked admixture of Mongoloid and Indian features in both men and women in the valleys of Gara and Rangoli (Bhaga and Chandra). They have oblique eyes, flat face and large mouth, far from the beautiful people of Sangla valley of Kinnaur or adjoining area of Kulu. People of Spiti and Pin valleys are having completely Mongoloid features, but are stout and well-built. Women are also very strong and mostly of not good looks. Castes Caste rigidities, social restrictions and untouchability, as prevalent in other parts of the country are also found in this Himalayan region, but they are not very acute, rigorous and prohibitive here. Certain permissiveness is evident in all aspects of the society. Village set-up is by and large similar as in other parts of the country. The people such as the Brahmins, Thakurs (Rajputs). Kanets 1 A.F.P. Harcourt. The Himalayan District of Kooloo. Lahou/ and Spiti (Reprint 1972), pp 'T.S. Negi, Scheduled Tribes of Himachal Pradesh: A Profile (Meerut, 1976). p. 113.

46 32 Lahaul-Spiti or Bhots, Lohars (iron-smiths), Dagis (carpenters), Hessis (landless labourers or musicians) etc. are found in almost all the villages of the agrarian set-up. The only exception is that the Brahmins are found only in Chandra Bhaga Valley (Pattan), whereas in Kinnaur region Brahmins are totally absent. The bulk of the population is composed of Thakurs, Kanets or Bhots. Thakurs generally trace their lineage to some illustrious clan such as Chandra or Surya. Kanets are divided in several clans. Kanets or Bhots in general are of three grades. In the first grade Kanets there are as many as fifty sub-castes, in the second grade there are seventeen sub-castes and the third grade has three subcastes.4 Lahaui-Spiti Kanets or Bhots are divided in eight to fourteen clans (gotras). 5 Except the Brahmins who inhabit in Pattan (Chandra Bhaga) valley of the region the gentry in other valleys are mostly Bhots or Kanets. There are four landlord families in Lahaul region called Wazirs and one in Spiti known as Nono. 6 Most of the land used to belong to these landlords. The land owning population is served by several types of people, such as lohars, carpenters, musicians. drummers etc. known as scheduled castes. The scheduled castes include Dagis, Lohars, Bararas, Sunyars, and Hessis. Dagis or Shipis are considered the menial caste. They serve as porters, provide firewood, assist Rajputs, Kanets and Swanglas in marriages and funerals, and act as musicians in monasteries and temples. Lohars or blacksmiths are equal in social standings to Dagis or Shipis. They provide the services as blacksmiths to the cultivators. In various valleys they are called by different names. In Pattan valley they are known as Lohars. In Keylong and Khoksar village they are called Garas. In Chandra and Bhaga valleys they are called as Dombas. As elsewhere in India, here also these two communities are having some land for cultivation and food is given by the agriculturist for the work done as smiths or assistance rendered at marriages and funerals. Lohars 'A Glossary ofthe Tribes and Castes (Lahore, 1911), vol. 11, pp For Kanets in general seep lbid., p. 110; Negi, n. 3, p. 71. 'A.N. Franke, Antiquity of Indian Tibet, Part II (Calcutta, 1914, 1926), pp , 275.

47 People: Social Setting 33 are also given grain at harvest according to the size of the holdings of the farmer. This grain given at harvest to Lohars, Carpenters and other classes who serve or assist cultivators is called Zewra in Uttar Pradesh. Bararas are blanket weavers, Balras are basket makers in Pattan Valley, Hessis are professional musicians but now have taken over to muleteering. Captain A.F.P. Harcourt who was incharge of Kulu Division between 1869 and 1871 informs that the wives and the daughters of Bararas and Hesis were working as dancing girls. 7 Restrictions in lnterdining and Intermarrying As elsewhere in India so here also, inter-community relations are based on caste hierarchy and several restrictions in marriages and eating together are observed. Scheduled castes, such as Chahans or Dagis or Shippis, Dombas or Lohars. Bararas, Sunyars, Hessis, etc. have no inter-marital or inter-dining relations with Swanglas, Thakurs and Bodhs. Among scheduled castes themselves there are several types of restrictions on eating together and marrying with each other, for instance Lahars do not intermarry or eat together with Bedas, Barasas. Similar restrictions are observed among other scheduled caste people as well. In the caste hierarchy the Thakurs of Lahaul and Nonos of Spiti are at the top, except for the fact that Swanglas in Lahaul are considered above Thakurs. Sometime ago Swanglas used to observe a social distinction by refraining from taking cooked food from Thakurs. Nonos and others, but now this is dwindling. But in case of scheduled castes this distance is still maintained and Swanglas particularly have no social contacts with them. The scheduled castes never discriminated against high caste people in the matter of entering into the temples and monasteries. There is no restriction either on drawing water from the same sources from which high castes take it. Upper caste people such as Swanglas, Thakurs. K.anets or Bhots marry their daughters in their own caste generally, but the patrician (gotra) should differ in each case. Tn matter of inter-dining 'A.F.P. Harcourt, The Himalayan Districts of Koo/oo, Lahoul and Spiti (Reprint. 1972), p. 40.

48 34 Lahaui-Spiti they do not observe any rigid restrictions. Sometimes marriages between Swanglas and Bhots (Kanets) do take place and are looked down by the society. The offsprings of the intercaste marriages are called Garu and found in small numbers in lower Lahaul only and in social status they are thought to be below their maternal community. Different types of ceremonies are observed by this class of people. For instance, if a male born out ofthc Swangla-Bhot wedlock dies, his death-rites are performed according to those prevailing among the Swanglas. In case of a lady belonging to the Bhot community and married to a Swangla, her death-rites will be performed according to the customs of the Bhots. If a Garu girl is married to a Bhot boy, then, on her demise, the deathrites will be performed according to Bhot customs. Lahaul society is flexible and in case of the Garus the custom is that if a Garu boy marries a Swangla girl and this goes on for two or three generations, his family will become pure Swangla. Similarly, if a Garu boy is married with a Bhot girl for two to three generations, his family will become pure Bhot. Besides Garu there are two more groups of people called Mundror and Sutian. Mundrors are the issues of Garu father and Swangla mother, and Sutians the offspring of Garu father and Chahan mother. They are very few and are to be found in Middle Pattan Valley. In Spiti the caste system is more or -less non-existent. There is only class distinction between the agriculturists and artisans, musicians and others who live by wages. This class distinction prevents marriages between these classes. The caste and class rigidity as is observed in Lahaul or Kulu is not found in Spiti. Languages In India there are about two hundred languages and derived from them are approximately five hundred and fifty dialects. It is proverbially said that in India there is a change of water and dialect at every five and seven kosas, i.e., (10 and 15 kilometres respectively. This same situation is obtained in Lahaul-Spiti also. There are about half a dozen dialects which are in use in this area. They are Bhoti or Tibetan, Punan, Manchad, Tinan and Chinali or Dombaili. The Bhoti or Tibetan language has its own script and other

49 People: Social Setting 35 dialects are only spoken in several regions. Bhoti or Tibetan is spoken in Spiti and upper regions of Chandra and Bhaga valleys of Lahaul. Punan is the spoken dialect of the people of Kothis of Zardang, Gumrang and Barbog in the lower Gara Valley. The Tinan dialect is spoken by the people of lower Chandra Valley of Lahaul sub-division. Manchad is spoken in the Chandra Bhaga Valley or Pattan Valley. The Chinali or Dombaili dialect is spoken by very few people ofthe Chahan and the Domba communities, which are regarded socially inferior in this district. Tibetan or Bhot is a pure Tibetan language. Tinan dialect is a sub-group of the Kinnara dialect with many words of the Tibetan dialect. Manchad is a sub-dialect of the Kinnara/Kirata dialect group influenced by Tibetan and Pahari dialects. Chinali and Dombaili dialect has a mixture of old Hindi with sprinkling of Sanskrit words. The people who speak this dialect are supposed to have come from the plains or at least from Kulu. 8 Housing Pattern In Lahaul th~ settlements are on the both banks of the rivers and in Spiti they are on big flat alluvial tracts along the rivers. Unlike cottages, mansions and skyscrapers of the plains, the houses in this district are essentially utilitarian. Climatic conditions and availability of construction materials are the two basic considerations for the construction. Generally speaking, most houses in Lahaul-Spiti are built on the plinth area of 40 x 35 feet and consist of three storeys with flat roofs. In Lahaul the houses are smaller than that of Spiti. The lower storey is occupied by the cattle, horses, and sheep and goats. The upper storey contains living rooms consisting of an interior or winter room, an outer or summer room and a verandah 'Negi, n. 3, p. 79; Balram, Lahaul Ki Bolian, Somsi, vol. 15, July 1978, pp ; K. Angrup Lahauli; Lahaul Kl Kirati Kanari Bolian-Ak Adhyayan", Somsi, October 1975, pp Indian Express, 7 September, 1986: Sanskrit Spoken in H.P. Tribal District. 'Experts who have studied the survival of spoken Sanskrit in some areas of. the district believe that the "chinals" might have come to the isolated valleys of Lahaul and Spiti. sometimes during the 6th century when Sanskrit is believed to have been a spoken language in north India.'

50 36 Lahau/-Spiti room open on the fourth side. In upper valleys the rooms are smaller and ill-ventilated but in the villages in the lower valleys the rooms are larger and better ventilated. For maintaining the communication during the long winter and snowy season houses are built together in one block with connecting passages. This particularly is true for the Gara valley of Bhaga river. But in some villages of Rango/i valley of the river Chandra a)) houses are massed together in a circle for security reasons, particularly when during long winters the valley is deep in snow for about ten or twelve feet. In Lahaul houses are built with rubble masonary and wooden structure in the walls topped by flat roofs. In Spiti the houses are more comfortable. As in Lahaul, the ground floor is reserved for cattle of all varieties, fuel and fodder. The first floor contains three big size rooms surrounded by open court or balcony. The first one, an outer room, is usually occupied by the family. On the left side of this room is family dining room. The room on the right side of the main room is meant for family worship-place or chapel. There used to be at least one flag-staff in every house and a black yak's tale is generally tied at the top of it. The building material in Spiti is sun-dried bricks for wajis, and timber. The staircases are wooden or made of rubbles. In some rare cases they put a tree-trunk and use it as a staircase. This type of staircase is called chapna. In Spiti each house is attached with another small house. In the main house known as Kang Chimpa, the head of the family resides. The small house attached to the main house is known as Kang C/wngpa and it is occupied generally by the father of the head of the family. There is a custom in Spiti that when a son attains the full age and gets married, his father retires from the headship of the family and starts living in the small house separately, which is generally attached with a piece of land for the sustenance of the occupant. The family responsibilities thus shift from the father to the son. Now a days the touch of modernity is clearly visible in both the regions of Lahaul and Spiti in the housing pattern. Now the first floor of the house contains four or five rooms, such as kitchen, drawing, bed, store and also guest room or room for miscellaneous purposes.

51 Furniture, Utensils and Decorations People: Social Setting 31 The use of cots is restricted to a few well to do and modernised people of the region. People sleep on woollen carpets and on mats filled with straws, locally known as Tim/tan, on the ground. Woollen carpets are mostly of the Tibetan origin and well designed with beautiful colours. Before the stoppage of Tibetan trade these were exchanged with Indian goods at fairs in Lahaul-Spiti and particularly at Jalzivee Fair in Kumaun where these arc called Dans. Thu/tan or locally made cushioned seats are found in every hou10e. In front of these Thu/tans, people in this district place a small low wooden table called So/chong. Ordinary sitting seats are made of goat-hair and wool. Other seating article used is called Chokra which is made of twisted' straws. Woollen blankets, chadders, and coarse textile of goat-hair called Thobies arc commonly used for beds. Quilts as in plains are not used here. Sometimes sheep-skin in big pieces is also used as beds. Utensils originally used in this region were made of stone and wood. Kunpad or Patila was made of stone which is rarely found in houses these days. It is replaced by Degchi or Bhagona made of brass, copper or aluminium now-a-days. Wooden churner for making saltish and buttered tea called Dongmo is replaced by a brass churner. The big spoon for pouring liquids is called Thomu. Saucepan for frying is known as Bati. Bronze plates and silver cups are fairly common in use. Chinese porcelain are found in most houses. Other utensils of daily use are wooden cups, jugs, big!eddies (plates) and chi lise (prats or big plates) are also found. Small spoons are not used. People take their meals by hands as the majority of Indians do. Modernisation in the area is very rapid. Besides tea and dinner-sets used by a few well to do people have started keeping things like radio, transistor, tables, chairs, cots (made of nil'ar ), electric iron, stove, pressure-cooker and sewing machine. 9 These and other articles are multiplying every day. Decoratives are used only in the room of worship locally known An Evaluation Study of Lalraui-Spiti, Directorate of Economics and Statistics, Himachal Pradesh, Simla, The study conducted more than a decade ago, gives the figures as follows: Radio-Transistors 49, Tables 1 I. chairs 9, cots 71. electric irons S, stoves 29, pressure cookers 6S, sewing machines 43.

52 38 Lahaul-Spiti as Chokltangs. Mythological paintings relating to the Buddha are generally found on the walls of this room. No other rooms are decorated except in some cases. Now some cheap printed calendars with pictures of film actresses and actors and some Hindu deities are found. Houses are whitewashed and are properly ventilated. It is generally believed that the use of proper ventilation was introduced by the Moravian mis~ionaries in this district. Dresses and Ornaments As in most other regions of the Himalayas, people mostly use woollen clothes round the year because of the cold climate of the region. The main dress of the people of Lahaul region consists of loose trousers made of dark thick cloth and a woollen coat more or less like a gown of the same cloth. This coat is tied at the waist with a sash. Sometimes a jacket is also used over the coat. The head cap is similar to the one used by the Kinnauras. ln olden days, people used to wear a Gilgit type cap. Those caps were like woollen bags rolled up and brimmed up to fit one's head. These are still used by old people and the priests of the temples. Pula or straw shoes with locally made socks with charming designs were commonly used. Now Pula is replaced by boots, leather shoes and hunter shoes. The common colours preferred by men are white, light cream, grey or dark blue. Now with the advance of communication system a marked change is visible in men's dresses. They now use imported clothes from the plains with most modem shoes. Women's dress in Lahaul consists of the tight-fitting Pyzama and a Dugpo or ladies gown. A shirt like the Punjabi Kurt a is worn as an undercloth beneath the Dugpo. A sash is worn round the waist over the Dugpo. For the summer, sometimes Dugpo is made out of cotton cloth but for the winter season, it is made of local woollen cloth. During the winter a green or yellow jacket is used. The Dugpo hangs well below the knees and it has a lining and this lining is sometimes embroidered along the margins. Woollen socks and Pula or shoes are their footwear. Bhoti women do not use cap but Swangla, Shipi and Lohar women wear round caps. Unmarried girls do not use any head dress at all. The favourite colours are black, red and blue. In winters sometimes ladies wear thick shawl like woollen chudders.

53 People: Social Setting 39 The dress of the people of Spiti differs from the dress of the people of Lahaul and Kinnaur in all respects. Men, women, Lamas and astrologers all have their different attires. Though the modernisation is very rapid, changes in dresses are very slow. The dress description given by Mr. J.B. Lyall some twelve decades ago in his Report is still in existence with very little variations. He writes: "In Spiti the ordinary dress of the men consists of a small cap, a long loose frock or coat of thick woollen cloth, girt in at the waist by a long and broad sash, and a pair of boots, with leather soles and cloth lops reaching to and gathered below the knee. Some who can afford it wear also a silk or cotton undercoat; the coat is generally the natural colour of the wool; the other articles are red and red and black. Every man wears a loose necklace of rough lumps of turquoise, amber,and other stones mixed with coral beads. A bright iron pipe and a knife in sheath arc stuck in his belt, from which hangs also by steel chains his "Chakmak" or flint and steel and tinder-box, a metal spoon, and a bunch of the most fantastically shaped keys. In the fold of his coat next the skin he carries a wooden or metal drinking cup, a tobacco pouch. some parched barley meal, and other odds and ends. Many wear their hair plaited into a tail like China-men. If of a serious tone (a professing Buddhist to adopt a phrase used among some Christians), he will never go out without a prayer-wheel in one hand, and a religious book or two slung on his back, and repeat the 'Om mani' at every pause in the conversation. The monks, when not engaged in religious functions, go bareheaded, and wear a rosary of beads instead of a necklace; the cut of their coat and boots is the same, but the cloth is dyed ~ither red or yellow. Astrologers' dress is red from bead to foot, the women wear a coat, sash, and boots like the men, but the coat is, I think, always of a dark colour; they also wear loose red trousers, the ends of which are tucked into the boots, and a shawl over their shoulders, they go bare-headed, and wear their hair in a number of small plaits which hang down the back, on the top of their heads the married women wear a 'pirak' or silver ornament, from which hang strings of beads on both sides of their faces, and long tails of leather studded with coarse turquoises. The girls wear only a single turquoise threaded on their hair near the parting:

54 40 Lahaul-Spiti this, like the snood in Scotland, is a sign of their being unmarried".to Ornaments and jewellery are the most prized possession of women the world over. Here also most of the women wear ornaments. They are made of gold and silver and are used at ceremonial occasions such as marriages and various festivals. Men generally wear gold rings, ear-rings called Murki and Kyanti or neck ring. But the younger people generally do not wear Murki and K_vanti. These days, women of Lahaul wear various types of ornaments. Kirkisti is an ornament made of gold and silver and is worn on the head. It is a saucer like thing tied on the back of the head with many small pigtails. Poshal is an ornament meant for the forehead such as Bendi or Teeka is used in the plains. (A pair of round ambers is fixed in the middle of the forehead with small gold buttons of stars. It is tied with a thread on both sides of the forehead). Dung Kitsi is used round the waist. It can be compared with waist ornaments used by ladies all over India, mostly in U.P., Rajasthan, Bihar, and Maharashtra. (Jt is about 5 inches square silver or mother-of-pearl plate having a hole in the middle to which a turquoise or a coral is fixed and it is worn at the back above the waist tied with collections of numerous pigtails called Benu). Along (ear-ring) is worn in ears. Necklaces are of various types made of turquoise, coral and pearl. Phuli is nose ornament and is made of gold. N yagthang is a chained silver ornament which is placed on the breast. In some cases, the Nyagthangs are studded with precious and semi-precious stones. Among the young ladies, as in plains, chains with pendulets of gold or pearl-beads are most common now. Silver bangles are also used. In Spiti region, the women wear Yubzur or Beran, a cobrashaped cloth piece studded with numerous pieces of turquoise, and in some cases coral and golden charm boxes. Normally the Beran is used by the married ladies, but the unmarried girls tie a shining turquoise on their foreheads at the parting of the hairs. Ladies also wear fur caps and necklaces made of turquoise and coral. Just to keep the evil spirits away the Spitians wear Srungwa (Jantras) usually kept in clothes or in a silver container. As all over the country so here also there are marks of identi- 10 J.B. Lyall. n. 1, pp

55 People: Social Setting 41 fications in dresses or ornaments between married ladies and unmarried girls. Food Habits and Drinks People of Lahaul-Spiti have three meals a day-ken or Tshema in the morning, Shod or Chhiken in the noon and Yangskin or Gongal at night. Their staple food is Kalhu, buckwheat, barley and wheat. Amongst the vegetables potato has become the main vegetable. People relish meat and therefore they kill few goats and rams before the beginning of winter and get dried the meat to keep it for the winter. It is said that the taste of the meat increases with the passage of time. Potatoes and turnips are used in summer, i.e., from May to September and meat soup is used in winter, i.e., from October to April. Besides they consume a lot of Lugri or Tsagti, Chhang (beer) and salted tea mixed with butter. The morning meal, i.e. Ken or Tshema consists of Thungpa-a thick stew of roasted barley flour (Ts ampa) mixed with vegetables in summer and meat in winter, Kalhu or buckwheat bread and Tsampadongh, mid-day meal or Slwd or Chhiken consists of boiled potatoes, Tsampa (roasted barley flour), baked thick chapaties (Sumekesiroti) and butter milk. Dinner or Yang.~kin or Gongsa/ consists of vegetable stew, boiled potatoes, buckwheat (Kalhu) bread and Tsampa (roasted barley flour). Sweet dishes are not common but milk and curd are sweetened and consumed by people, though it is considered as a delicacy. Dishes such as Mog-mog, made of flour like balls with mince meat inside and boiled and Kyri, balls of dour cooked with meat and rice are considered as high class dishes. Several varieties of dishes are cooked by housewives and the cooking place is called Chhagthob. Now the pressure cooker has reached the area. Cooked food can be kept for long time as the climate of the area is both dry and cool. People take Chhang, Lugri or saltish tea whenever they like. Arak (local distilled liquor) is also drunk occasionally. Smoking of tobacco is very common among the men-folk, but is forbidden for the ladies.

56 42 Lahaul-Spiti Recreation The extreme climate, mountain-locked isolation and poor economy had prevented the rapid entry of modern means of amusements into the area. As such, people have devised their own methods of amusements. They have strong sense of humour. Besides their participation in fairs and festivals, singing and dancing together is an important mode of their entertainment. During the long winter months the older people narrate traditional stories and legends of adventures of the inaccessible hills of these areas. Stories of God and evil spirits are commonly told. Various games, both outdoor and indoor, in summer and winter are played by children and young people, while elderly people engage themselves in sipping and gossiping among their age circles. Horse-race and archery with long bow, which were common to both regions of Lahaul and Spiti, are now losing their popularity and are being replaced by volleyball which is very popular among educated and uneducated alike. In some remote villages archery is still played during the winter. Langtang is a game of tug of war played in the planes with this difference that here the rope is tied around the necks of the participants and the two teams pull the rope with full force, each towards its own side. It continues till either of the teams surrenders. This is a very risky game and any number of players from four to twelve play it. Tsogbe is yet another team game. Each team places some stones as King, Queen, Minister, General, Public Blacksmith and Orderly. Each member of one team hits with a small stone the stones of the other team. Hitting is done by turns and the team which hits all the stones of the other first is declared the winner. The young boys and girls separately go out in summer for a weeklong excursion in the interior and this is known as Chhurdui. Ngara is game played by girls only with five pebbles and the one who completes 30 points first is the victor. The player running up a score is required to give a ride on the back upto a certain distance to all the winners turn by turn. The victorious shouts '"Ngara Ngara". Hukkar-Dukkar is a winter game. Boys sit in a circle round the fire, and a stick of willow-tree is burnt and passed on to every player. Where this stick ceases to burn, the player's eyes are shut and any one of the remaining players strikes his

57 People: Social Setting 43 forehead with fingers. Jf the latter is named he replaces the former. The game continues as long as it is desired. Like Toshiming (sit together) played by young unmarried girls of Kinnaur, here in Lahaul-Spiti also unmarried girls of the village organise general week-long merry-making in the winter. Betas and Bhuzkno also entertain people of Spiti. The teenagers have their various games such as Khoti-pebbles, Gu/li-Danda, Doomadoo or Byabya (hide and seek), Kahaddi, Boga, see-saw, kay-game of pebbles, Chhot-tay game of guessing, Thank Khuls--played with striking fingers. Chowa is just like Khoti with a difference that in this game one has to strike a particular piece and pass it beyond a certain distance. Taregmatareg is a game played by two groups of small children. Each group divides certain area among themselves. Each party goes to its own area and marks short lines with a white stone on a number of places. When the members of one party mark sufficient short lines they shout Taregmatareg to inform the other party about their arrival in the area belonging to the other group. The other party at once stops marking more lines and responds Taregrnatareg. Each party finds out and cancells the short lines marked out by the opposite party. The group retaining uncancelled short lines wins and becomes entitled to a ride on the shoulders of the defeated members. Chholo is the only indoor game which is played by males of all the ages. It is a game of dice and is very popular in plains also. Religions, Faiths and Superstitions Hinduism, a mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism, and a pure Buddhism is practised by the people of different valleys of Lahaul Spiti. In Pattan Valley pure Hinduism exists, in lower part of Chandra and Bhaga (Rangoli and Gara) valleys the mixture of Hinduism and Buddhism is practised and in Spiti and upper reaches of Chandra and Bhaga pure Buddhism is practised. Both male and female gods, i.e. Shiva and Durga are worship ped by the people all over the region. Besides these, there are many animistic deities in the shape of boulders, caves, trees and bushes known as Sabdag, Brogmo and Phala or Yulsad. Besides these, there are several travelling deities with fixed dates at different villages. These travelling deities are represented by simple

58 44 Lahaul-Spiti tree-trunks covered with multi-coloured pieces of cloth with an indication of the heads and the legs of the deities. Yatra (religious procession) of a deity is followed by a considerable number of people with musicians and Garas and at times this stretches for the whole month. The tribal deities Gyepang and Dab/a are most popular. Besides these, there are Tanggur, Srowag, Zangdulma, Mipusha and Kyuling Sal/, but there is only one devta with Kulu type Rath (body) who lives in Rwaling village of Lahaul. In Yatra, the deity crowned with silver umbrella is carried by two or three men on their shoulders followed by men. These deities covered with silver umbrellas are called Sad or Sadmas. Apart from these almost every home possesses its own family-deity represented by a stone slab or pillar. and on each slab or pillar boughs of juniper are placed. They arc worshipped with smoke of juniper leaves every day. Some of these or similar practices are observed in almost every part of rural India with varying emphasis and styles. Four Buddhist sects represented in this region are well known. Nyingmapa, supposed to be introduced by the sage Padmasambhava in the eighth century in Tibet. is followed by the Lamas of Kungri, Damphug. Kharchod and Sakeling. Kagyudpa sect is followed by the Lamas of Gemur, Tyul, Bokar Shashur, Kardang, Peukar, Gurughantal and Labrang Gonpas. Shakya sect is followed by the Lamas of only one group of Spiti, i.e., Tangyud. Gelugpa or the Reformed sect is followed by the Lamas of Kye, Dhankar. Tabo and Othang. The followers of this sect wear yellow caps and are known as yellow sects also. There is yet another sect of the Lamas mostly in Pin Valley of Spiti who are known as Buzhens. Buzhens are the Lamas who entertain people by acting plays and chanting Jegends. The Lamas of this sect are allowed to marry. They themselves live in Gompas but their families and children live in villages. Unlike the monks of other orders they do not shave their heads. These Lamas wander about the country in small groups earning their livelihood by singing, dancing and acting plays. Some of them used to trade in a small way by bartering grain for salt. iron or honey. Before the advent of the Buddhism there existed a religion known as the religion of the valley or "Lung pe Chhoi". Csoma-

59 People: Social Setting 45 de-koros says that, ''when it was flourishing many bloody, and even human sacrifices seem to have been regularly offered up to certain 'iha' that is gods of evil spirits residing in or near old pencil-cedar trees, rocks, caves etc.'' 11 "Thus the god of the Pass is /a-tse, Zhing-lha is the field god and lu and tsan are the river and mountain gods. The lu is said to be a nag or snake deity and is worshipped with milk and water. His shrine is usually a spring and it is kept clean. Women do not worship him. The pile of horns (ibex) often seen on the top of a house in Lahul is the tho-tho or gods' boundary signifying the limit point for the demons. A demon commonly believed in is Kangreta (lit one-ear) who is in man's shape with one arm. one leg, etc. He is not to be worshipped now at al1"' 2 In several parts of India even now human (child) sacrifice is made to perpetuate or please the god secretly, though it is a penal offence. Similarly snake-worship is done in several parts oflndia. We in Uttar Pradesh have a regular festival known as 'Nagapanchami' in which milk and other eatables are kept outside the house for snakes and a regular worship is done. People generally believe in witches and evil spirits, and they often sacrifice animals for propitiating them. In case of illness they often consult Lamas, Bhatas or Gurus. as most of the people in India consult astrologers and pandits. Similarly as elsewhere in India or the world over here also people believe in several superstitions. For instance, the sight of an empty vessel, a dog. or a cat is considered inauspicious at the time of departing on some important journey whereas the sight of a person carrying water in a vessel is regarded as auspicious and lucky. It is believed that a person overpowered by Uara-Nag and Ge/phan speaks the Kulu dialect, that by Brajeswari Devi the Bhot dialect and that by Shiva the Gaddi dialect. Dreams have always exerted a great influence on man's imagination all over the country or perhaps the world over. In this region, too, people attach great importance to dreams and they, 11 Lyall, n. 1, p A Glossary of the Tribes and the Castes (Lahore, 1911), vol. II, p. 15.

60 46 Lahaul-Spiti too, interpret them in their own way. For instance, eating food or killing a tiger in one's dream means success in work. During summer if one sees water, a river or a nullah in the dream, it is believed that it would rain the next day or it would be cloudy. In winter if a sheep and goats ascend a hill, there would be no rain but when they appear to descend, snowfall can be expected the next day. Slaughtering of rams and goats, musicians playing musical instruments, a crow on the verandah of a house or a falling of teeth in a dream indicate death. Besides these, putting on new clothes and going out on a horse also points to some death somewhere. Eating green vegetables and fruits is an indication of happiness. Weeping in a dream is a lucky omen. Falling from a wall or a tree, laughing or ploughing in a dream are unlucky omens. If a person is seen wearing ornaments or purchasing silver or gold ornaments it is indicative of his death. Eating meat also constitutes a bad dream. If one sees a dog following, one should be aware of ghosts and evil spirits. It is believed that if a person has seen a dreadful dream, the next morning he should go to a temple or a tree and speak it aloud there by which its effects will vanish. Social Status of Women A woman in Lahaui-Spiti or for that matter in most of the hill-districts of the Himalayas enjoys a unique position. Besides keeping the hearth she contributes equally, if not more, to the outside work. They do all the laborious work, such as carrying lqads, weeding an(fliarvesfing the crops, carrying water etc. In agricultural operations they do all the work except ploughing. Due to hard work and from constant exposure to the strain of p}jysicaf waif and weather, women here soon look much older in appearance than the men. She takes leading part in folk-songs and is an equal partner in dances with men. In the matter of inheritance of property Lahauli woman has been enjoying more rights than her sisters of the other regions of the Himalayas. Lahauli woman has better social status and economic security. If she has no brothers, she alone inherits the whole property of the family, and no other male nephews or kinsmen are given any share in the property. Property thus inherited by Labauli woman is retained by her all through her life. If she is married, she comes to stay in tiie inherited house and looks~ after the property. ]n

61 People: Social Setting 47 case she is unmarried, she can take a husband who will come and stay with her and look after the property. Similarly the widow of a man who has no brothers inherits the estate. In both the regions of Lahaul and Spiti a daughter who chooses not to go into matrimony has the right to claim a maintenance on equal status with her brothers. In practice the status of Lahauli women is much higher as they are responsible for both household and fields. Family, Inheritance and Morals Joint family system is predominant among the residents of this district with little variation in different valleys. In Chandra Bhaga (Pattan) Valley elementary family system is more in common. Similarly in Spiti region when the eldest son gets married he becomes the master and the family breaks; father leaves for a small house and other younger brothers and sisters go to monastery. In Chandra and Bhaga valleys the joint family system is very rigid. Under one roof not only father, sons and brothers. but also uncles and nephews of the same descent live and sometimes even own property in common. Strong joint family bond is a consequence of polyandry which still persists in this area. But due to advent of modern civilization in the area, the system is under serious strain. A number of separation cases year after year indicate that a tendency is developing among the people to live separately in nuclear families and own property. lnherltance The rule of inheritance differs in two regions of this district. While in Lahaul sub-division male line of descent with equality among all brothers is followed, in Spiti the rule of primogeniture is followed. In the Lahaul sub-division, the property after the death of the father is equally divided among the sons and if any of them dies without any issue, his property is again divided amongst the living brothers. In the absence of sons daughters inherit the property ofthe father. In case the girl is unmarried, she can marry but her has band has to live with her and look after the property of his wife. But in case the daughter is married she has to come to...!..,.-".' ~. A~r/. ~ r:r... i'))t

62 48 Lahaul-Spiti father's place and live there along with her husband. In case a person dies without issue his widow is the only legal heir and title endures for life, unless she forfeits it by remarriage. Lahaul society is generally polyandrous. In the polyandrous unions, the brothers live as co-husbands sharing one wife and seldom resort to partition. They live with common interests in land, house, livestock and other properties. The eldest husband has a more responsible position and greater respect. The common wife also commands a responsible and respectable status in the family as she has control over the entire household affairs. Tn Spiti sub-division the system of primogeniture prevails universally. In this system the entire property is inherited by the eldest son. In Spiti when the eldest son becomes of marriageable age arid gets married, the parents start living separately from him in a small house known as 'Khangchhung' and leave all their propertres;-movable and immovable. to. him except a small portion which remains with them for their old age maintenance. Sometimes unmarried sisters and younger brothers of the eldest son also live with the parents. No legal right to any share of the father's property ~ccrues to younge-r-brothers, though tbey can live with the eldest brother as members of the new family. In the event of the death of the childless eldest brother, the next eldest brother J>ecomes the legal_ heir to his property as well as his wife. Some you:~g~_~r()thers go to the monasteries a~ _monks after the separ '!!!~.!1.. of the parents from the eldest son. After the death of the parents, the property owned by them reverts to the main household, i.e., the family of the eldest son. This system in Spiti Valley is called as 'Khangch~en' and 'Khangchhung'. MORALS The majority of the population is the follower of Buddhism and hence they all aim at achieving Nirvana (Moksha). For attaining Nirvana the religious and ritual acts generally followed are reading of religious books, distribution of clothes and money to monasteries, payment to Lamas for prayers, construction of Mani walls, making of clay idols, praying, repetition of Om Mane Padma Hum, visiting holy places, feeding the hungry ones and good behaviour with all. There are several acts which are considered as

63 I. Spiti Valley. Courtesy Indian Mountaineering Foundation. New Delhi. Photo: N.K. Sharma.

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66

67

68 6. A porti n of piti.valley. 7. me members of village community enjoying.

69 8. Preparing for a ritual. 9. A devotee reciting from Holy scripnlres.

70

71 People: Social Setting 49 sins, such as killings; abuse-particularly the parents; cruelty towards animals; burning of a jungle; sexual intercourse with another's spouse or with a chome (Nun); indulging in back-biting; quarrelling; destroying.mani-walls; and adultery by a married woman. Morality relating to sexual life is, and has been, a subject of great controversy. People of Lahaul sub-division a1e polyandrous. In this system several brothers share one wife. In case a joint-wife proves to be a barren her sister is brought in as a second wife. Sometimes the youngest brother would prefer to bring another wife for himself on the plea that the common wife is very old. In such cases the consent of the new wife is obtained for becoming the wife of all.the brothers. In Spiti sub-division the sexual life has nothing to do with morality. It bas been said that: "The whole sphere of sexual behaviour according to Spitian ideology is only partly subject to ethical sanctions. Basic to the Spit ian's attitude to sex is the view that sexual relations between those bound neither by marriage ties nor monastic vows are morally neutral. They have a healthy outlook on life as neither a sense of sin nor a sense of shame attaches to pre-marital sexual relations, and even extra-marital relations do not provoke severe condemnation on the part of the society. The boys and girls freely mix, but a girl of the land owning class may not mix with zows, zillas or Betas without causing social disapproval. The younger brothers are also allowed to share the bed of their sister-inlaw, now and then, if she does not object; the elder brother usually does not mind, but his right to have the exclusive company ofthe woman is recognised. S;>itians are not in.,, dignant about adultery... "13 Polyandry... ' '.;. Polyandry is a system in which a lady is treated as the wife of all the brothers of a family. Only the eldest brother is ceremoniously married with the woman and there is an understanding between the other brothers and the common wife. The senior bus- 11 Himachal Pradesh District Gazetteers: Lahaul-Spiti (1975), pp

72 50 Lahaul-Spiti band or the eldest brother is the most responsible person in a polyandrous family and the younger brothers hold a subordinate position. The common wife commands a respectable position in the family as she controls all the household affairs. She does not allow any of her hu~bands to marry any other woman. Sexual rights in a polyandrous alliance are exercised through a tacit understanding among the brother and the common wife. If one of the husbands occupies the wife's room for the night, the others will not enter that room that night but take their turns the following nights. The wife tactfully regulates the affairs of sex. She does not refuse her favours to any brother, being a common wife. In practice it is seldom that all the brothers are at home at one time, as they have to pool the resources from agriculture. animal husbandry, trade and commerce. In a polyandrous family the relationship between son and fathers is not difficult to establish. Normally the practice is that all the husbands are recognised as the father of each child. For day-to-day use the eldest among the living brothers is spoken of as the father of all the children born to a polyandrous wife. In the case of the division of the joint family the wife names the fathers of her different children. Now the massive road-building projects and district administra tion offices and their several agencies provide people with employment at their doorsteps. This has created a major problem for the institution of polyandry. In former times several brothers in a family were never at home together at any particular time, but now they can all be there, as they get work near their home. This has become the constant source of quarrel among themselves making the life of the lady of the house miserable. Thus the institution of polyandry is gradually on its way out. The institution of polyandry is most 'repulsive' to an outsider. They have often said that the people have very lax morals. The British observers have gone to such an extent that they have remarked that, "The abhorrent custom of polyandry of husbands, the debased state of the sex, all speak the moral depravity of the people to certain extent".' 4 "Captain C. F. Kennedy, Assistant Drputy Superintendent. Sikh and Hill States to Lt. W. Murry, Deputy Superintendent, Sikh and Hill States, 6 July, 1842, Punjab Government Records. Delhi Residency and Agency /807- /857 (Lahore, 1911), vol. 1, pp , para 25.

73 People: Social Setting 51 In defence of the institution of polyandry people say that small landholdings and other properties are saved from division. In the event of the death of the husband the lady does not become widow as she has more than one husband. It provides pooling of the manpower resources of the family. It provides a high status to the lady in the family. The institution serves as an effective population-control and finally they say that it is impossible for two sisters-in-law, with separate husbands and families, to live together, whereas two or more brothers with a common wife can agree. The people resent to uncharitable remarks of the British writers and defend the institution of polyandry most vehemently. One such resentment is as follows: "Some superficial and hasty or ignorant or perverted observers of polyandry, as a form of marriage, have, at times, sought to read laxity of sexual morals into polyandry. Unquestionably offensive and undesirable as polyandry is by all standards of modern matrimonial sensibilities, it would be illogical, unscientific and thoughtless to mix up a customarily accepted form of marriage with absolute ideas of indiv;dual sexual morality. A polyandrous wife has sexual relations with, and emotional attachments to, more men than one because all these men are her husbands by the sanction of custom and it is not merely ethically legitimate but actually a social duty for her to fulfil that attitude towards them all. Such a wife is true and faithful to say, five husbands (Drupadi had five) is morally superior to a monogamous wife who carries on with even a solitary paramour, to say of nothing of five lovers, because this later has played false and faithless to her only husband... "15 Rituals Anatomy of female is the same all over the world and hence the signs of the conception and process of the child-birth is similar. The 11 Negi, n. 3. pp On Polyandry see Dr. Y.S. Parmar, Pofvandry in Himalayas (Delhi. 1975) and Dr. D.N. Majumdar, Himalayan Polyandry (Bombay, 1962); R.N. Saxena. Social Economy of a Polyandrous People (Bombay, 1954).

74 52 Lahaul-Spiti difference enters only after the birth in the method of ceremonies and observances on the occasion of child-birth and thereafter. During the period of pregnancy, a lady leads a normal life and takes normal food except for the last one or two months before the birth of the child. She attends to her routine duties except that she is not permitted to do hard labour, or cover long distances, or to go to the houses of relatives other than her parents and that too only if they happen to reside nearby. A few superstitions are in vogue which every expectant mother observes. She is not allowed to gaze at a lunar or solar eclipse. It is believed here as elsewhere in India that if she were to do so the child in her womb is likely to develop certain physical or mental defects. She may not also go to the cremation ground or visit such places which are considered to be haunted. She may not see a dead body. Delivery usually takes place in a separate room other than the main livingcum-kitchen of the family. An experienced elderly woman from the neighbourhood helps in the delivery. Immediately after delivery hot ghee is given to the mother to eat. Hot water bath is also given to mother and her child. A daily oil-massage is given to the mother and the child followed by a hot water bath for the first fortnight after the delivery. Special care is taken to keep the feet of the mother warm. This is to keep the body supple and strong and nourish the tender skin in the dry and cold climate of the area. Recently rural primary health centres, maternity homes and a hospital have been provided and people have started taking advantage of these facilities. Immediately after the child-birth a week or at least three or four days are considered as unclean. During this period all male members of the house either take food at the neighbour's house or cook their food outside the house. After this period a Lama is called from the nearest monastery for the purpose of purification rites. He chants the mantras and makes the house pure for the whole family and only after that men start taking meals in the house. As in most parts of the country so here also the birth of a male child is preferred. The first male child causes rejoicing and a festival called Gotsi is celebrated after some time. In the case of the birth of a female child there is no festival or any celebration. After few days of the birth of the child, maternal uncles bring clothes for the baby and the mother. The ladies of the village bring

75 People: Social Setting 53 Chhang (Beer), Tsampa (Food) and Ghee (Animal fat). These ladies bless the newly born child and pray for the infant's long life and prosperity of the house. HAIR-CUTTING CEREMONY (MUNUAN) KARCHOGMIG (KTNNAURI) When the child attains the age of one or two years, his or her Mundan (shaving of the head) ceremony takes place on an auspicious day in consultation with the Lama. The relatives and other friends are invited to this occasion and they are served Chhang and food. On the appointed day the maternal uncle or in his absence some other person, whose mother and father are alive, cuts the hair of the child with a pair of scissors. The invitees bless the child and present clothes and cash to the parents. All the invitees bring with them a pot full of Chha11g. J n the plains the head of the child is shaved by the barber. In Lahaul-Spiti hairs of the child are buried but in the plains they arc collected and thrown into some holy river. In case the child happens to cut the upper tooth first then this is considered a bad omen for the mother's parents and brothers. To ward off the evil effect, the mother or her husband would send a message regarding this to the maternal uncle. Thereafter, the child's maternal uncle would bring a few clothes for the child and before entering the house drop these clothes through the outlet for smoke and the mother would collect them and put them on the child immediately. The maternal uncle would then enter the house through the main door. This is believed to ward off the evil effect attendant on the cutting of the upper tooth first. In the plains the maternal uncle gives some money and a metal cup to the child. Most of the ceremonies performed in Lahaul-Spiti are also performed in the plains and possibly all over the country. The superstition relating to the cutting of the upper tooth first is also believed in all parts of the country. Marriages Marriage rituals in the regions of Lahaul and Spiti differ with

76 54 Lahau/-Spiti each other, but there are certain common factors which are observed by the people of both areas. Generally speaking the marriageable age for boys is above fifteen years and for girls it is above fourteen, but most of the marriages are performed between fifteen and twenty five years of age. Though child-marriage is not practised here but some very rare cases are found. Similarly the marriage after the age of twenty five is seldom done. Certain restrictions are observed in contracting the marriage proposal. In the Brahmin community of Pattan Valley in Lahaul region, marriage with father's sister's daughter, mother's sister's daughter and mother's brother's daughter is prohibited by custom, but in all other communities such marriages arc not prohibited. Gotra-exogamy is practised here and hence no one can marry within the same gotra, but they all marry in their own castes and subcastes. Only one degree on the side of would-be wife and husband is left and they can marry in second degree. Marriage with maternal uncle is prohibited but is permissible with his son or daughter. Parallel cousins' marriages are not permissible. Widowremarriages are allowed. As far as possible, marriages take place in the same village or in nearby villages. In Spiti where Buddhism is the only religion followed by people, there are no caste 'rigidities. In fact, the Spitian society is divided into two main classes such as high castes and low castes. High castes include Khangchen (Big House). Khangchang (Small House) and Nonos (traditional Rajas or Wazirs). In lower castes are included Betas (Hesi) and Zows (Blacksmiths) who claim superiority over each other. According to customary law of primogeniture which is prevalent here, the parental and maternal property is inherited by the eldest son or in his absence by the daughter. Generally Khangchen marriage alliances are made within Khangchen community. Nono community prefer marriages within Nonos, but sadly there are only five families left. This is a vanishing nobility in Spiti, and therefore they give their daughters in marriages to good Khangchang families but do not accept their daughters in their families. But there are few exceptional instances where Nono boys have accepted Khangchang girls, and marriages both ways between Khangchen and Khangchang communities are performed. Among the low castes of Betas (Hesi) and Zows (Blacksmiths) marriages take place within their respective classes. There is a general res-

77 People: Social Setting 55 triction of marriage alliance among the descendants of common ancestors upto second degree. As in Lahaul, here also marriages with maternal uncles' sons are permitted but marriag~s with maternal uncles are strictly prohibited. Exceptions apart, all the communities are endogamous. With the advance of modern western civilization, there is a positive increase in the inter-caste marriages which was otherwise a very rare phenomenon. In Lahaul there are three different methods of marriages prevalent. The Tehag.~ton, (Ta-Bhagston) or Mothehiah or Moubiah is the form where parents settle the marriage and perform it with great pomp and show. The Kowanchi Biah is a marriage which is performed very briefly lasting just a day or two. The Kunmaibaghston or Kunchi Biah is the marriage by elopement. Ta-Bhagston, Mou or Mot he Biah is the arranged form of marriage. The negotiations are initiated by the father or the maternal uncle of the boy. Father or maternal uncle or a wise man along with two or three elderly persons go to the parents of the girl with a pot of Chhang, or a bottle of Arak (liquor). The bottle is tied with flowers, generally of marigold. A small quantity of butter is also put in the bottle as an auspicious sign. On reaching the girl's house, the proposal is disclosed formally to the girl's parents, though they are informally already aware. The girl is also consulted. The negative or affirmative reply, as the case may be, is given to the party headed by a Dhamu (middle man). In the event of an affirmative reply, the Arak (liquor) is sprinkled with a flower or a juniper twig accompanied by the chanting of mantras as ritual performance. But this ceremony is not performed if the parents do not agree to the alliance. After the ritual, the Arak is distributed among all the members of the family. This indicates that the betrothal is confirmed. After some time this ceremony is repeated twice or thrice and at last the programme for solemnizing the marriage is fixed. In the upper Lahaul and Spiti valleys, the programme is finalized by a Lama, whereas in the Pattan Valley of Lahaul sub-division, the date and the time of the marriage are fixed by the respective parents. On the fixed day, both sides give a marriage feast to their respective relatives and friends. The marriage party of fifteen to thirty persons starts from the bridegroom's house for the bride's house. Here it is not necessary for the bridegroom to accompany the marriage party. On

78 56 Lahaui-Spiti reaching the bride's house, a member from the party gives some money, outside the door, to a person from the bride's side as entry fee. The marriage party takes with them Chhang, Tsampa, butter and dried meat to the girl's house. These things are consumed by the members of the bride's house. The bride's parents and other relatives give them a warm reception and provide them good food and Chhang. Though the dowry system does not exist here, yet few clothes, ornaments, utensils and some cash is given to' the bride On the same evening, the bride is taken to the groom's house, either on the back of someone in the party or she walks the distance. At the time of the departure of the bride from her parental house the entire atmosphere becomes tense. Every single thing in the surroundings with which her familiarity has been so intense since childhood remains a silent spectator when she takes leave of the parents, brothers, sisters and friends of childhood with tears in her eyes. The entire situation becomes all the more pathetic when ladies start singing some folk ~ongs, suggestive and consoling. As soon as the marriage party starts, the friends of the bride stop the party on the path and leave it only when they are promised by the groom of good care of the bride and are paid some money by him. At the entry of the village. the groom with the marriage party is welcomed by a group of people headed by a Pandit (Priest) or a Purohit and at the door of the house the mother of the groom heads the well-dressed ladies to welcome the bride. After this marry-making with Chhang and Arak continues for a few days after which every one departs to his or her respective home and the bride with the groom goes to her parent's house. This is known as Feronee or return visit. In Spiti the return marriage party is accompanied with bride on horse-back. When the marriage party and the bride reach the bridegroom's house, the Lamas perform the ceremony of chhagsum just outside the house. This signifies that the evil spirits accompanying the marriage party are scared away. In Pattan Valley of Lahaul, people used to throw a live sheep down the roof of the house to the accompaniment of mantras and whistling. The members of the party used to sei1e the sheep, tear its heart and liver and eat its raw meat. This custom has almost died out. Still they sacrifice a goat and a sheep outside the house. This is done

79 People: Social Setting 57 by the Bhat. After this ceremony the marriage party and the bride enter the house and make merry. The marriage feast lasts for two to three days. Kowanchi Biah: This form of marriage is not as elaborate as that of Ta-Bhagston type. In this marriage only three or four persons go to take the bride. It is so brief that even groom does not go to the bride's place. He is represented by his younger sister generally. The small party reaches late in the evening and leaves early in the morning from the house of the bride. The whole celebration concludes just in a day or two. This is most economical form of marriage but from the viewpoint of social celebrations in society it is not very popular in Lahaul-Spiti. Kunmaibasston or Kunch Biah: This is a marriage by elopement. This form of marriage is common in Gara and Rangoli valleys of upper Lahaul. Here boys and girls are at liberty to choose their life-partners. The selection is made by free and frequent meetings of boys and girls. Parents do not interfere even if they come to know of the meetings, but mostly they remain quite ignorant. After a period of courtship. the boy gives some money or an ornament to the girl, which is called Nya or Niys as a token of formal proposal and acceptance. If the girl accepts this Nya the matter is favourably settled, but, if she refuses it, the implication is that she is not willing. After the girl's acceptance of Nya, the boy fixes the date and time of elopement with the girl and requests her to meet him at a fixed place. The boy and some of his friends reach the spot and the girl elopes with them to the boy's house, but she makes a show of hue and cry and of her efforts to get rid of their hold. After some such struggle, the girl walks the distance with the boy's party willingly. On reaching the boy's house, a Chhang party is held. On the next day, the boy's parents send some elderly persons to the girl's house with a bottle of Arak (liquor) to apologise for the misbehaviour of the boy and they beg for approval of the marriage. After a little protest and show of resentment approval is granted and the news of the marriage spreads in the locality. Then Arak is first sprinkled and thereafter served at the bride's house to those assembled there. The girl's parents give some money and other things as dowry to their daughter. In some cases the parents of the girl go to the bridegroom's house and enquire from the girl if she was indeed willing for the

80 58 Lahau/-Spiti marriage, and if she is found not to be inclined, the parents take the girl away with them. If the girl expresses her consent, the bride and the bridegroom are invited by the girl's parents. Such a way of acquiring a male is common among those people who prefer a less expensive marriage. 16 In Spiti there are generally two types of marriages-arranged and Khadum. In arranged marriage, the parents of a marriageable boy spot a particular girl and consult a Jhoya (astrologer) about the suitability of the union of the boy and the girl. If the consent of the astrologer is obtained, the father of the boy visits the parents of the girl with a proposal along with Chhang and Khataks. This process of visits continues for several times till it is finally accepted. When proposal is accepted the engagement ceremony takes place which is known as Migeor Chhang. This means that after this no one will back out of the marriage proposal. On this occasion gallons of Chlzang and Arak is consumed by the relatives of the boy and the girl along with the villagers. A complete marriage in Spiti involves a lot of expenditure in several complicated rituals and. therefore, the landless classes generally avoid it. But sometimes other classes also postpone it to be celebrated at the convenience of the parents of the boys. rn the intervening period the girl is taken after the M igeor Chhang to the house of the boy and lives there as a wedded wife. The marriage party, which is neither accompanied by the boy nor by his father is led by an important person ofthc village(nyervon) selected for his qualities of wit and humour, songs and repertoire. It is never necessary that only a relative of the boy or the family should be selected. The well-dressed marriage party which starts eating and drinking in the evening leaves the boy's house early in the morning for the house of the girl. It carries two arrows along and one of these is given to the mother of the girl as a souvenir when the girl is formally taken over. The historical tradition with respect to the arrows is deep rooted in Tibetan mythology. Khadum Marriage: Sometimes boys marry the girls of their choice against the wishes of their parents. This system, which is contrary to the system of arranged marriages, is known as 'khadum' Balram, Lahaul Mein Vivah Pratha, Somsi, vol. 2, no. 2, April1976. pp.

81 People: Social Setting 59 marriage. Under the khadum marriage, the boy or the girl loses all the rights to the property of the father. However in some cases the parents decide to bless the marriage and rehabilitate their son or daughter, and restore their right to the property. Divorce In Lahaul-Spiti divorce is not difficult as is the case in the plains. Here a simple woollen thread which is tied to the little fingers of both the companions is pulled apart in the presence of some elderly persons, and this decides the issue. This ritual is called Kupachacha or Tshud-Thwagsti. ln this ritual sometimes a light is also used to separate the woollen thread from the middle. Occasionally husband and wife after holding the ends of woollen thread repeat the following sentence, "Our father and mother gave, another father and mother took away; as it was not our fate to agree, we separate with mutual goodwill." 17 After separation each one becomes free to marry again. Divorce is allowed on several conditions or on any of these such as barrenness, adultery, illness, incompatibility, negligence, habit of gambling and opium-eating etc. The seeker of the divorce has to pay the other party compensation ranging from rupees five hundred to rupees fifteen hundred. If it is the husband who initiates the divorce proceedings, the dowry or presents given to the bride by her parents is required to be returned to her. lf both husband and wife agree to separate, a meeting of the prominent and respectable villagers is called and the facts of separation declared; a husband can obtain a divorce by providing proof of unfaithfulness of his wife before such a meeting. Similarly a wife may also obtain a divorce if the meeting holds that the husband has grossly neglected her and has developed the habit of gambling and opium-eating etc., which are bound to affect the interests of smooth household. ln the latter case the wife is entitled to a suitable maintenance and a separate shelter. In a polyandrous society the separation is very rare. yet it is not impossible. Previously people used to decide the issue among themselves, but now they have started going to the Court of Law. 11 Lyall, n. I. p. 204.

82 60 Lahaui-Spiti Death Rites Different types of funeral customs are prevalent among Swunglas, Bodhs, Shipis and Lohars. At the death of a Swangla, his dead body is bathed and clot_hcd and laid in a corner covered with a Kafan behind a curtain. A Bhat is called up and he comes along with a conch-shell which is kept beside the head of the departed soul and a lamp is lighted. The Bhat draws the shape of the dead on the ground by a barley flour and a line is drawn from the head of the dead to the door. The dead body is then dragged along the line and is placed on the arthi (bier). After this is done a cow is brought before the dead body and on the hoofs of the cow some money is placed. The Bhat then ties the little fingers of the dead and keeps in his hand and worships the cow. After this worship the cow is taken round the dead body three times clockwise and three times anti-clockwise and then arthi (bier) is lifted with the sounding of conch-shell. The Shipis then beat the drum. They arc paid money. At cremation ground the Ship is prepare the pyre and the dead body is placed on it. The son of the deceased lights the pyre. Next morning the relatives and the Bhat go to the cremation ground, collect the ashes and consign these to the river. A havan is performed after thirteen days of the death, and for the first seven days relatives are fed by the family of the deceased. At the death of a Bodh Buddhist, his corpse is covered with some piece of cloth and let to lie till the Lama arrives. The Head Lama whispers some words in the ears of the deceased, which according to belief communicates the course of transmigration to the departed soul. This performance is called Phowa (migration). After Phowa the corpse is wrapped with a cloth carefully and put either on a chair or any wooden piece in the corner of the room behind a curtain. A butter lamp is lit before the corpse. The dead body is not cremated on the day of death. The cremation takes place on tht: second day. All the relatives and the villagers assemble and pay their last homage to the departed soul and they also pray for peace. The members of the bereaved family and other near relatives of the deceased weep aloud in mourning. The time and direction of the cremation is fixed by the Lamas. The funeral procession is led by the Lamas and the Garas.

83 People: Social Setting 61 The dead body is carried by the villagers upto the cremation ground. The Lamas play, the conch-shell and the Gar as playing the drums accompany the funeral procession. On reaching the cremation ground the corpse is disrobed and then put on the pyre. The pyre is lit with the fire of birch bark brought from the deceased's house by the Goras. Normally it is lit by a member of the family. Then the Lamas perform the Mechod (fire-worship). Butter, grains and incense are offered to the fire by the Lamas, and the Garos play drums producing mournful tunes as they walk around the pyre in the clockwise direction. Only the persons who carry the bier take a bath then and there. The corpse is generally cremated in the family field. After burning the corpse, the persons who attend the funeral ceremony gather in the deceased's house and take their food and disperse. The Lamas continue their puja next day also. In the morning a Lama with some persons goes to the cremation ground to collect the ashes and at that time too the Garas play the drums. The ashes are then thrown at the confluence of rivers Chandra and Bhaga at Tandi. Few people of the area also take the ashes to Hardwar for immersion there. The Puja from the day of death performed by the Lamas continues for three to nine days depending upon the financial condition of the family 'for the peace to the departed soul. This Puja is called Chhoga. After forty nine days, another ceremonial worship is performed and the villager~ are invited to a meal. In some cases death anniversaries are also held. The dead infants, however, are either thrown in the river or buried. To commemorate the dead, a 'chortan' or stupa is sometimes constructed by the well-to-do ones and the people pay reverence by going round it clockwise. Sometimes in Spiti a dead body is cut into pieces and is thrown into the river or placed on the hills to feed the wild birds and beasts. But this is done only on the advice of the Lamas. Community Life-Fairs and Festivals In absence of modern means of amusements like cinema and theatre, people mostly depend on fairs, festivals and community dances. Mostly the festival days are observed with dancing, singing and drinking. During the festival days people cast away their

84 62 Lahau/-Spiti worries of life aside for some time by singing, dancing and drinking. In some of the fe5tivals, they dress themselves in queer cos tumes like masks with horns and fancy dress and amuse themselves; but no magico-religious importance is attached to these masks. Among the fairs, the most important fair is an annual fair Ladarch held near the village of Kibber. Traders from Ladakh, Lahaul, Bushahr and Spiti meet in the month of July for barter ing their respective products. Due to the closure of trade with Tibet this fair has lost most of the trade value. Villagers arrange community melas which are gradually becoming popular. After independence, the Government has started arranging fairs and exhibitions on important occasions like the Republic Day, the Independence Day and the Gandhi Jayanti etc. Sissu Fair is a common fair celebrated all over the Buddhist Himalayas. This fair is celebrated on different dates at different places. At Sussur Gompa (Monastery) it is held in June, at Gemur Gompa in July and at Mani Gompa of Jondhla in the month of August. Pha~li or Kunh is a fair of Pattan Valley which is held on the last day of the dark fortnight (Amal'asya), of the month of February. Pori fair is also held in Pattan Valley at Triloknath temple. This is held generally in the month of August. At Triloknath temple a lamp is always burning in pure Ghee. This lamp has its circumference about two feet and depth about six inches. A similar practice of pure Ghee is observed at Nathdwara temple of Rajasthan also. It is said that Lord Triloknath rides a horse which takes him round the temple but is not seen, as the horse perspires in cold. This very horse is taken to Rana's house who in turn rides this horse and comes to the fair and sits at such a place wherefrom he can see the entire fair and all the participants in the fair can see him. There are more than a dozen forms of dances prevalent in Lahaul and Spiti. These dances are always accompanied by singing and drinking. Singers and Dancers mostly favour incessant repetition rather than variety. Musicians give accompaniment to the dancing crowd. The myths, legends, folk-tales, ballads and riddles which mirror musings, beliefs and traditions of the tribal

85 People: Social Setting 63 people come to light, irrespective of the occasion of harvest or festival that the myths and legends are recited. These myths and legends are learnt by the people during winter season when they sit around the warming fire and the old men and women tell folk-tales and riddles etc. Any occasion, may be incidental, is an opportunity for rejoicing by singing, dancing and drinking. Even if nothing happens the occasion for such rejoicings is arranged for whiling away the idleness of long winter days. Men and women dance together. Men may dance alone but women never dance alone. The dancers generally are accompanied by flutes, the Nagaras, Dho/s and a Thali made of bronze. The dance formation can be circle, semi-circle or concentric circle. The steps are simple but the older people know some complicated steps also. The tempo in the beginning is slow but works its way upto an exciting climax. Those who get exhausted retire to let others join. As drinking and dancing go together somewhat slow but uniform tempo has to be maintained so that the dance lasts the night over. Broadly speaking there are three traditional dance-forms-she/mi, Ghure and Garphi. Shehni: In this form men and women both take part in dancing together. Either men and women are alternately arranged or the men are on one side and the women on the other. They may either link their hands together or put their hands on the shoulders of each other. Forming a circle or semi-circle they go round dancing, swinging the body this way and that with simple foot-work. Drummers start with slow and simple beats to which the dancers respond by taking slow and simple steps and with the gradual increase of tempo, the dancers also show more vigour. The stepwork in most cases is simple but it is elaborate where elders with long experience come in. The movements are marked by advancing and returning, facing inwards, kneeling down and going round in circle. When the dance gets momentum, step-work becomes quick but never uneven. There is marked rapidity of pace and exactness and regularity of movements. Shehni dance is without songs. Music is played on the drums, Nagara.'{ and the flute. Ghure: In this dance there is no arm-linking by the dancers. While forming a group, they move in circle and semi-circle. No musical instruments are played in this dance. An elderly man

86 64 Lahaul-SpW gives the lead, the foot-work comes into operation and the dancers repeat the lines sung by the leader. This dance is meant for all festive occasions which generally fall in the winter. Ghure is danced inside the room of a house which is kept warm with the stove burning in the centre. Glwre, in fact, is a denomination both for the dance and songs merging into one. The mythological stories from the epics of Ramayana, Mahabharata and the Puranas form the main forte of these songs and dances. Marriage of Shiva also figures in this type of songs. It also dwells on some folktales, such as Gyapu Gyasar. Garphi: This is the oldest form of dance in Lahaul-Spiti. In this dance the movements are neither regular nor regulated. What the dancer exhibits is spontaneity of a wild and carefree life, expression of joy and relaxation. The movements, wild as they are, are often accompanied by yells of Ho Bailey, Shabley etc. This is the most simple dance and dancers can make their own formations, foot-work and hand gestures. Any songs may be picked up to accompany it. While a song is played upon, the people get up to move in for a free expression of ecstasy. The carol is invariably accompanied by shouting and yelling. Though naive and simple it is never devoid of vitality. Garphi generally takes place when people get intoxicated after taking quite a good quantity of home distilled liquor and are hardly left to follow any specific patterns. Betas are the community of professional dancers. They are very few in number and with precarious economic conditions. Seven different forms of dances are performed by them. They are Gar, Jabru, Muknar, Bukum, Shan, Bhuchan and Devil dance. Gar: This dance is performed by males or females separately with slow pacing. The dance is accompanied by music which is given by Hcssis. Jabru: This is a group dance by males and females without music or musicians. In this dance the hands are crossed over the backs and thus linked to form a long chain. First half of this chain consists of men and the other half of ladies. The gents sing a line of the song which is answered by the ladies, just like Punjabi Boliyan. Munkar: This dance is performed by ladies and gents separately accompanied by music. The Hessis give one line of the song, which then is sung by the party.

87 People: Social Setting 65 Bukurn: This dance is performed by the Lamas alone. The music and songs are given by the Hessis. This dance is almost like the Gar dance with very little variations. Shon: This dance is similar to Jahru dance with slight resemblance to Kinnauri dance. Bhuchan: This dance is performed exclusively by a community known as the Bhuzhens of Pin Valley. The main feature of this dance is the display of swordsmanship and a set of jugglery. Devil Dance: This is a religious dance done by the holy Lamas on the occasions of Gruthor fairs only. The dancers wear the masks resembling some devil spirits and dance with Khukharis. It is not a devil dance as the name indicates. Prahhat: In this dance a typical tune is played upon a flute and a pair of Nagaras. It is played in early morning on both the happy and unhappy occasions. The notes remain the same on both the occasions as it is invocation of the God. The particular hour of its playing upon is when "Namzankar"-the morning star-appears alone in the vastness of the sky. The word Narn means night, Zang means the passing away and Kar means the star. On death ceremony Prabhat is played upon in the cremation ground. Ritual or Devil Dance Chharn: A sacred masked dance is done by the Lamas in the monasteries before a large concourse of spectators on some festive occasion. Since masks are more or less those of the devils, it is also called the devil dance. The Lamas put on embroidered and brocaded robes of gorgeous colours and the heads are covered with masks made of wood and papier-mache with a thin coat of plasters. These masks are prepared by the Lamas themselves and like the Tibetan paintings and sculptures know no deviation from the rules and norms precisely laid down for them. These precious robes and masks are the property of the monastery and these are kept carefully stored in a room under the charge of a Kendan (keeper). According to one belief the object of putting on masks of grotesque appearance is to give an idea to the spectators of the types of dreadful monsters who are met by the soul after it quits the earthly plane. These masks are made after many imaginative figures of monsters, dragons, beasts, devils, spirits and skeletons. The departed soul is frightened and perplexed by these terrifying figures and then the Lama or some saint appears to protect it and guide

88 66 Lahaul-Spiti it to a safe end. The theory obviously is an attempt to establish the supremacy of priesthood over temporal power and command allegiance from simple god fearing common men. Another belief is that the Lamas put on these mash to combat malignant spirits. The figures with demonic appearances are the terrifying defenders of religion or righteousness and also stand for the horrifying aspects of Rodhisattvas. Apart from the popular belief, there is some meaning in these plays which the performers and the audience understand well. Killing of the evil king is only an allegory, the real meaning is 'killing of one's own self'. The dancers appear in eight different masks or there may be more but then they will be grouped in eights. These Krodha or horrifying manifestations of the eight great Bodhisattvas help the monks to acquire the highest insight. A clover leaf blade often topped by the head of a Khyung (hawk) bird is a very typical ritual attribute called Phurbu. It is one of the most important weapons of tantric deities used by the Lamas for exorcising evil spirits or pinning down evil demons. This magic dagger is either made of wood, preferably Khadira, or steel, or even cast in bronze. Phurbus come invariably in use during the ritual masked dance. During the tantric ceremony the devil is summoned up and a spell is cast on him. It is with Phurhu that he is held fast. A mask dance is displayed on the murder of evil king Langdar-rna. Similarly a mystery play is staged by red hats to mark the birthday of Padmasamhhm a, the apostle of Tantric Buddhism. Yellow-hat Lamas perform a dance in the courtyard of a monastery on the eve of the new year. The villagers are allowed to witness the show and they take it, not as an entertainment, but, with all religious fervour. This sect was founded by Tsong-Kha-Pa, who is held by the Glugpas (yellow-hats) as an incarnation of Manjushri, and Vajra Bhairava, called Dorje Jikche in Tibetan. A dance of pre-buddhist origin, i.e., of the time of the Bompas which has continued to this day, is Red Tiger dance. It is ceremonised at the end of the old year. The Bon religious practices included cannibalism and human sacrifice which were carried on with a view to propitiating the deities and exorcising the evil spirits. In his attempt to replace Bon cult by Buddhism the great Lama Padmasambhava cleverly adopted some of the Bon rituals

89 People: Social Setting 67 but only on their face. These devil dances were allowed to continue but the ghastly practices of human sacrifices and cannibalism were virtually put to an end. Mask dances are also performed in almost all the fairs such as Sissu Phagli etc., butthey are always staged inside the monastery on the attached courtyard, as they are considered as monastic rituals. Mask dances are also arranged in different monasteries of Spiti, such as Thang-Yund, Kee, Tabo, Dhankar and Pin, on festive occasions. The purpose of these dances is to protect people from diseases and epidemics and ensure health, happiness and all-round prosperity. Different valleys of Pattan, Rangoli. Gara, Spiti and Pin have their different festivals, but some of them are celebrated all over the district. Important festivals oflahaul are Halda Phagli (Kunh), Gotsi (Gochi) etc. and that of Spiti are Gutor, Chakhar Khangchan etc. A description of some festivals is given here to give an idea of the gaiety of the people of this region. Bumkhor It is the religious festival related to agriculture. People believe that if the religious books are taken around the fields there will be a bumper crop. Accordingly, they carry the religious books on their backs and accompanied by the Lamas they walk through the fields with standing crops in a procession. The party is served with Chhang by the owners of the fields on the spot. After finishing their rounds in all the fields, all of them assemble in some house of the village where Puja is performed by the Lamas and thereafter they are served with Chhang and food by the villagers concerned. Holda or Losar: Halda is a new year festival of Lahaul. But it is only the people of Chandra and Bhaga valleys who celebrate it sometime in the month of January. The exact date is fixed every year by the Lamas. To the tribals of this district Holda has the same significance as Deepawali has to the people of the rest of India. The festivities centre around 'Shiskar Apa' who is the goddess of wealth in Lamaistic pantheon as to the people of this region. Apa in fact means grandmother and as such the divinity is looked upon both with regard and affection. Though a festival of lights, no lamps or candles are lighted on the occasion. Instead two or three persons from every house come out holding burning sticks of pencil cedar in their hands. They all

90 68 Lahaul-Spiti collect at a place which is west oriented at a time already fixed by the Lamas. The burning sticks arc first piled together to make a bonfire and later thrown in the direction where the villages of Goshal and Kardung are situated. At the time of throwing sticks they utter "Huspa Rana Sheshala" and "Kardung Rana Beba Ia", meaning that their offerings and greetings be kept by the Rana of Gosha] in his heart and by the Rana of Kardung in the goitre. This is similar to the custom of the plains. On Deepawali male members of the house come out with a burning bunch of sticks (Jute wads) and collect at a place outside the village and then put all the burning sticks at one point saying "A/laya Ballaya Mawaygake key Dansey Jaya", i.e., evil spirit if any, should go to the nearby boundary of the next village. After that they return to their respective homes and worship 'Shiskar Apa'. This is followed by meals and drinks. The next morning the youngsters greet their elders. Though the festivities continue for two or three days, but the people keep to their own doors and there is no mixing up of any sort. During these days drinking and dancing keep the people busy, but the guest is never welcome. After the festival, people meet and wish each other a happy new year. Kuhn or Phagli: In Pattan Valley, the influence of Hindu religion is great as against the rest of Lahaul where Lamaistic Buddhism prevails. As such the deities and divinities that come in for worship here also belong to the Hindu pantheon, though the rites and rituals connected with them have specially a local tinge. Phagli is the biggest festival of Pattan Valley. It has more or less the same importance in Pattan Valley what "Shivaratri" has elsewhere in India, though their dates of celebrations do not coincide. Phagli generally falls in the end of January or early February. The festival starts in the midnight. The snow is collected in a basket called 'Kelt a' and upturned on the flat roof of the house. The snow thus collected is given a shape of 'Shivling' which be comes the image of worship for all the members of the family. Another feature of the Phagli festival is the worship of the elders by the younger generation. First of the eldest men of the village is revered ceremoniously. In fact he is the nucleus of the entire show. He is offered flowers as a token of greetings by all the villagers one by one and after him other elders of the village also

91 People: Social Setting 69 get similar regard. The elders in return give their blessings to their juniors. After this exchange of greetings the people return to their respective homes where they enjoy eating and drinking of Chhang and Lugari. On this occasion Manda, a kind of Dosa. is the common dish of all the people in the Pattan Valley. Besides Shiva the other main deities who are the object of worship on the occasion are Naga and goddess Hidimba, who was a Rakshasi married to Bhim, one of the Pandava brothers. People believe that Hidimba was a goddess who belonged to their tribe. There is also a famous temple of Hidimba at Manali, the gateway to Lahaul. Gotsi (Gochi): This is a festival of Chandra and Bhaga valleys particularly. This is celebrated in the month of February at a house where a son is born during the preceding year. In the morning all the villagers gather there and take Chhang. A dough of Sattu is made and kept in a big wooden plate. This dough is then lifted by four men and carried to the place of the village God which is generally an idol of stone, an old tree or a bush. A young girl dressed in her best clothes and decorated with all kinds of ornaments accompanies this dough. This girl carries a pot of Chhang. She is followed by two men, one carrying a burning stick of pencil cedar and the other bearing pencil cedar leaves tied in a lamb's skin. The woman giving birth to the first son in the year, dressed in her best, accompanies them to pay homage to the village god. The other woman to whom a son was born subsequently in the year follows. Labdagpa (the village priest) worships the god with a bow and arrow. The dough is then broken and thrown away to appease the gods. The lamb's skin is placed on a tree or a bush near the idol of the village god and is hit by arrows. In some villages the arrows are aimed at birch leaves on which the figure of a yak is drawn. Chhang is then taken. Lohars beat the drums during the ceremony. When the ceremony is over people disperse snow-balling one another on the way in jest and fun. The villagers then go from house to house where sons have been born, drinking Chhang and spending the whole night in the revelry. During the night men and women dance. There are several small festivals also which are celebrated by the people almost all over the year. Notable among them is the festival of Puna in which people gather at a place and then pro-

92 10 Lahaui-Spiti ceed in a procession to nearby field accompanied with musical instruments and there they worship different gods and goddesses. After the worship the imitation of a goat is sacrificed and then they return complimenting each other. 18 Gyalto festival is held towards the end of December when people bid farewell to the old year. This is celebrated before Halda or Lossar. Chhishu or Shisho, symbolic of good times in the region, is celebrated on the loth of every month. Nyainay is a birthday celebration of Lama Chan Rizi and it takes place on the 14th of the first Bhoti month. This is celebrated by feasting but few orthodox people observe fast and silence for 36 hours prior to the celebrations. Dachang is the festival of arrows. In this a young healthy boy shoots one arrow from a roof-top towards the river to symbolise the victory over all the evils and diseases. This is celebrated by the men only in the month of February in every village and continues for six days. Thon Thon is celebrated in the month of April which marks the end of the winter and the beginning of the sowing season. Yane is a festival in which god Triloknath is worshipped by old men and women of the villages after fasting for a day. This is celebrated in the second week of June every year. All old men and women of the village assemble together and ask for forgiveness of the sins committed by them during the preceding year from the god Triloknath. Namgan is celebrated in the month of September on the occasion of the harvest. In this festival horserace is organised. In Chlzu Thong a Lama is called from Gompa and he reads TanjiJ cs consisting of 108 scriptures. On the birth of a son or the first daughter Bhingri is celebrated. In Spiti region at Thang-Jyal monastery a religious festival called Jig-Jed takes place in the month of October, and a month later a similar festival called Gutor is held at the monasteries at Kee, Tabo,.Dhankar and Pin. The purpose of these festivals is to protect people from diseases and epidemics and ensure health, happiness and all round prosperity. Gutor is held in the 9th, loth or 1 lth month ofspiti calendar, generally in the month of November. Two or three days are spent in joint worship or prayer. On the fourth day the lamas perform the famous devil dance. The 10 Balram, Lahaul Ke Tewahar Tatha Mete, Somsi. vol, 2. no. 2, October 1976, pp

93 People: Social Setting 71 abbot and the superior monk!\, dressed in full canonicals, sit round the courtyard of the monastery, clanking huge cymbals to a slow time or measure. Bands of other monks dressed in brilliant silk robes, with hideous masks or extraordinary head dresses, and with strange weapons in their hands dance in tune with the instruments, advancing and retreating, turning and whirling with the demons. The latter had become too powerful and so tyrannical over the mankind that the gods descended from heaven, took the shapes of strange beasts and in that guise fought with and destroyed them. Tn Tabo monastery a festival Chakhr is celebrated. instead of Gutor, after every four years. This festival is attended by all the people of the valley. Sonchoti (post-death ceremony), a peculiar festival of Pin Valley is celebrated by each Khangchan once in every six or seven years. In this festival the Lamas pray and festivities last for four or five days. Meat and Chhang are liberally served to all. Dancing, singing and drinking are must in every festival of Spiti. Festivals are held during long winter months when people are confined indoors. Each celebration or ritual is a kind of Mela in which lot of Chhang is consumed. Sometimes, hours of slow and monotonous group-dancing to the accompaniment of a song relating to story from either Spitian History or folk-lore or the glories of Lamaistic worship are passed in blissful ignorance. Drinks are sipped slowly, the cup is filled after every sip or two; its getting empty is supposed, superstitiously, to disturb the continuity of the celebration. The celebrations are conducted with all the leisure in the world. In Lahaul-Spiti or elsewhere in the Himalayas the composition of the village population is almost similar to the villages in the plains where all the people along with craftsmen most often needed in agriculture and household live together. These classes of craftsmen required in agriculture do not get any money for the work they do, but they are provided with a small share of the produce ofthe fields commonly known as Jewra.

94 Chapter Four Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions TRADITIONS, legends and myths are current all over the world. People believe and have faith in them. This belief and faith varies from place to place and from country to country. Scientifically advanced and most modernised countries have less number of traditions, legends and myths whereas developing and underdeveloped countries have more of them. Accordingly the people's faith and belief in them varies. Most modern westernised people have less faith and less modernised and traditional people have more faith in these. Lahaul-Spiti, which is one of the most remote and backward regions of our country, has not yet developed fully. Therefore the people of this region have more faith in them as compared to those of the other adjoining areas. Here every pass, mountain, river, valley, temple, monastery and village has some tradition, legend or myth attached to it in some form or the other. The quest of rationality and logic in them is neither desirable nor applicable to them. To have an idea of them I have collected a few of them and they are given here for the benefit of the readers who themselves can form an idea and derive their own conclusions about their worth. Rohtang Pass Rohtang Pass is the gate of Lahaul-Spiti from Manali side and is closest to the plains of India. It has several legends attached to it. Kulu people have a legend based on the Hindu God Shiva and Lahauli people have it based on a Buddhist ruler of Tibet. 72

95 Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions 73 Kulu legend says that once upon a time, when, there was neither dearth of good crops nor of the good means, the two land& of Kulu and Lahaul were separated by a very high mountain. "This Barrier was high and cold and ice bound, and no man knew a way across it. Some tried to find a way, but these either died from the cold and airlessness or else they gave up and returned to their homes. "The people who Jived to the north of this barrier, in what is now called Lahaul, were exceedingly sad at this barrier for the winds and certain birds had told them of another world on the other side, where good things could be traded for. But what could they do? They had tried to discover a way, and there was none. Perhaps they thought, the lord of creation does not wish to the venture beyond the mountains. "But then they remembered what the winds and the birds had told them, of how there were many good things to be traded for in the south, so they said among themselves: Jet us ask our Lord Shiva if indeed. He does not wish us to go out of our valley beyond the barriers. "So they sacrificed a young virgin as it was the only way to get in direct touch with Lord Shiva. Then the priest left his body, and went in his soul to speak to Lord Shiva. And he asked if the people of Lahaul might be allowed to cross the harrier. But in spite of the sacrifice Lord Shiva was angry, for had not the people tried to find the way first, and only after they had failed turned to him? So he said nothing. "The priest was greatly disturbed, and lamented, for it was not good that Lord Shiva should be angry, and men in these were pious. A young boy and another virgin were sacrificed, and the priest asked again, begging for an answer. For if no answer was given to second time then the priest would be discredited and disgraced, for such was the custom. "Lord Shiva put aside his anger when He saw these good men so entreating His help, and He said, 'Yes, you and your people may go beyond the barrier if you wish.' "And the priest said, '0 Lord, there is no way. For we have been wrong and we have searched and found none. How shall we go'?' "Lord Shiva answered, 'Indeed you have been wicked to look

96 74 Lahaui-Spiti for a way. But nevertheless I will give you a way, a path to the plains.' "But beware", 'Lord Shiva said of the winds which my whip will make when I strike down the barrier. These winds will be sudden and great, and will last for all time. Beware lest you get caught up in these winds.' ''The priest thanked Lord Shiva, and his spirit returned to the mortal body, and he told the people all that had been told to him. And Lord Shiva sent messengers to warn the people to the south, and every one, both in Kulu and Lahaul, lest they should sec the awful might and majesty of Lord Shiva and be withered as they stood. "Lord Shiva took his whip, and smote the mountains, again and again. There was a rushing and a terrible crushing, and storms, and winds so strong that mountains swayed before them, and many rocks fell from the mountains. Then there was a great silence over the land, and with it a great darkness. For everything, even the nullahs and the sun and the birds stopped and stood still before the majesty of Lord Shiva. "When life became normal again, and the people had sufficiently recovered their courage, they came out and behold; there was the Rohtang La. The people of Lahaul rushed to the top to look over but when they got there they were afraid to go down, for there was no path and they did not know where or how to go. So Lord Shiva, to show them the way stood on the Rohtang La and gave a mighty leap, telling them to watch where he went. For He was disguised as a mortal man, lest people should be blinded by his magnificence. And as he went through the air a path sprang up below him on the ground, and this path led to Manali. "Many people hurried over the new pass, in both directions. But some were foolish in their haste, and forgot Shiva warning about the winds made by the whip. For the pass seemed so safe and easy. And many died being frozen and burst by the winds." 1 Lahauli version of the legend regarding the creation ofrohtang Pass relates to a powerful King of western Tibet Gyapo Gyaser. "Once he came to Lahaul on his horse-back which was named Thwru Kyangms. This horse was also well known, and could fly 1 Peter Holmes, Mountains and Monasteries (London, 1958), pp

97 Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions 15 like Pegasus. The king was accompanied by a goddess named Ane Gurnam Gyano. The King travelled through Lahaul, conquering as he went. At last he came to the great mountain barrier near Khoksar. At that time there was no Rohtang Pass, and the high mountains extended in a continuous chain between Kulu and Lahaul. Thus the people of Lahaul were completely cut off from the south, and had no contact with Kulu. The King was very keen to go across this mountain barrier, and see the new lands on the other side. He, therefore, gave a powerful blow with his magic hunting crop, and created a great dent in the mountain chain above Khoksar. He wa<> about to give another hlow but the Devi restrained him saying- Ifyou make the pass too low and easy, the Buddhist people of Lahaul will mingle with the people ofkulu and plains. This will not be good.' The King then passed over to the other side. "Travelling down he came to Rahla where he met a very beautiful and bewitching Rakshasani. He fell in love with her and stopped there. Forgetting his own kingdom, he began to spend all his time in pleasant alliance with the Rakshasuni. Meanwhile his own kingdom in Tibet was attacked by a neighbouring king. His armies were defeated, cities ravaged, and his queen carried away by the victor. The people were in great distress, and they constantly prayed for the return of their king. The Prime Minister, who was a very wise old man, decided to send a message to the king. He wrote a letter which he tied to the wing of a thung tlumg (crane) and asked the bird to carry it to the king across the mountains. For many days the thung thung flew looking for the king, until it came to Rahla, and saw him playing chess with a beautiful lady. The king on seeing the bird was reminded of his country, and of the long interval he had hen away from it. He thought to himself, if the bird sits on my right, the news will be good. but if it comes to my left it will be bad. The thung thung alighted on his left. The king saw the message tied to the wing and took it. He was greatly distressed by the ravages suffered by his kingdom and the loss of his queen. He decided to go back immediately. "When he broke the news to the Rakshasani she began to cry, and said that she must go with him. Perplexed the king consulted the goddess who declared it impossible to carry the Raksha-

98 76 Lahaul-Spiti sani to their country, for their own gods would be displeased. She said it would be best to kill her by a stratagem. He should suggest to the Rakshasani since the horse could not carry two, she should hold on to the tail when the horse flew off. The king gave this suggestion to the Rakshasani and she agreed. Everything was got ready and the king mounted the ho'rse. But as the Rakshasani caught it by the tail, the horse, Thwru Kyangms, gave her a mighty kick. The Rakshasani was hurled with great force against a nearby cliff and killed. So great was the force that the outline of a woman was impressed into the rock, and can be seen to this day. The king flew to his own country accompanied by the goddess. "The dent made by the king with his magic hunting crop ultimately came to be known as the Rohtang Pass. and became the main route between Lahaul and Kulu."2 A similar story was narrated to me by my interpreter at Kalpa in Kinnaur, where he showed me a point and told me that when a Tibetan king was not able to cross into Kinnaur he hit this by an arrow from his bow, and therefore this is an impression of that arrow. Likewise two versions, one of a shepherd boy of Rupshu and another of king Gyapo Gyasar of Tibet are also connected with Baralacha pass opening in Ladakh. It seems that sheep and shepherd, Rakshasas and Rakshasis, and Gyapo Gyasar are the three fundamentals around which most of the stories, traditions, legends and myths are interwoven. It may be true, but if not, it certainly speaks of the great capacity of the people to invent the stories and in that the climatic condition of the area also helps them to sit idle and think of them. Tandi The village of Tandi which is situated at the confluence of the two rivers of Lahaul, Chandra and Bhaga, has many interesting legends and myths attached to both the village and the confluence. 1 M.S. Gill, Himolayan Wonderland: Travels in Lahau/-Spiti (New Delhi, 1972), pp

99 Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions 77 According to a legend current in the village, some people believe that the name of the village Tandi in original was Tan-dehi, i.e., a place where physical frame of the body was given up. A mythological personage Draupadi, the wife of the five Pandavas of the Bharata war fame gave her body here or died here and hence name of the village is Tandi. According to another legend, it is said that when great saint Vashisht while meditating ncar the hot spring at a place called Vashisht located at a distance of about three to four kilometres from Manali, died, his body was cremated at the confluence of the two rivers Chandra and Bhaga, where the present village of Tandi is situated. Hence this is a place where the physical body of Rishi Vashisht was given Tan-dehi, or Tandi as is known today. The confluence of the rivers Chandra and Bhaga upon which the village Tandi is situated has yet another legend. It is said that Chandra, the daughter of moon, was in love with Bhaga, the son of God sun. In order to have the eternal marriage they decided to climb the Baralacha Pass and from there run in opposite directions to meet at Tandi after encircling a vast area of the land of Lahaul. Chandra was more smart and active and hence she easily meandered her. way down the pass and reached Tandi. But when she could not see Bhaga, she felt concerned for her beloved. In order to trace her beloved she climbed up towards the village of Keylong. Soon Bhaga was found coming with great struggle through the narrow rocks. After seeing him coming Chandra came back to Tandi where the both met and the celestial marriage was performed. From the starting points on the Baralacha Pass the water followed both of them which gradually took the form of the two rivers that are known today after their names. From this point of confluence Tandi, the joint river.. has the joint name of Chandra-Bhaga. There is yet another story connected with the confluence of the two rivers Chandra and Bhaga at Tandi. The Sadhus who come in a large number to visit Triloknath temple and take a bath at the confluence at Tandi tell the story about the confluence. According to them, once upon a time Lahaul was the abode of Rishis. These Rislzis used to come to Lahaul in a large number for meditation. They had their Ashrams on the bank of the river, which was flowing through the pleasant grassy meadows. In place of

100 78 Lahaul-Spiti water, the milk was flowing in the river. These Rishis used to drink a little milk from the river every morning, before they opened their eyes. In the meantime somehow Rakshasas came to know of this wonderful land of Lahaul and upon the river-bank the Ashram of the Rishis. Immediately they decided to disturb th~ Rishis in their meditation and they went up the stream at Baralacha Pass. At Baralacha Pass these Rakshasas killed few men and animals and threw them in the two rivers bleeding. As usual the Rishis in the morning took a drink from the river without opening their eyes. ")lut when after meditation they opened their eyes they saw that the blood was running in the rivers in place of water. Since they had drunk from the polluted waters it was defiled and they had to leave these valleys. Giving the curse these Rishis said that henceforth no man will drink from these or use their waters for water mills and that they would flow deep in narrow channels. Gyephang Gyephang peak is the most popular peak in Lahaul and people attach great deal of religious faith to it. It is said that the peak can be seen from all the directions. It is visible from Rohtang Pass, from Kunzam Pass. from Pangi and from Lingti plains across the Baralacha pass. Gyephang Devta is believed to dwell on the peak which is propitiated throughout the district. It is believed that the spirit of Gyephang protects the people from natural calamities. At times of war Lahaulis fight under the banner of Gyephang. A wooden pole, with gold-plated parasol atop it, is the symbol of the Devta which is kept below the Gyephang peak under a lonely cedar tree. It is said that the holy tree belongs to the pre-buddhist era. It is also believed that the image of the Devta is enshrined in the Sissu temple but is not shown to the people. The symbol of the Devta is taken out on a village to village tour after two or three years. It is believed by the people that the Devta is the younger brother of Jamlu, the most powerful deity of Malana village in Kulu district, who, it is believed, still rules over the Malana tribe there. GYEPHANG DEYTA It is believed by the people of Lahaul that the Devta came to

101 Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions 19 Lahaul from Ladakh via the pass named after him Gyephang La. He was accompanied by some lesser Devtas and his mother. It is said that at that time some Rakshasas were living near the Baralacha Pass and they never wanted to be disturbed in their domain. Hence they obstructed the onward march of Gyephang Devta by raising snowstorms. It snowed continuously for many days and the pass was deep in snow. In spite of the resistance of the Rakshasas and the soft snow at the pass Gycphang devta crossed the pass with his followers, but his mother was left buried in the avalanche. Devta and his party pushed on till it reached Zing Bar in Lahaul. Here Devta after staying for six days went back to the top of the pass and dug out his mother from the snow and brought her back safely. The Devta passed through Lahaul and settled at Sissu. He is believed to live on the top of the Gyephang peak. FoonGRAINS GIFT of GYEPHANG Dr:vTA It is believed by the people of Lahaul that the nomadic pastoral economy of the people was changed by the Devta who brought the foodgrains with him. Prior to the coming of Devta the valley was ruled by the Rakshasas who ate only meat. People believe that Devta and his followers for the first time brought seeds of various grains to the valley. In order to hide from the Rakshasas Dcvta and his followers filled their mouth with a little of each variety of the seeds. During the fight at the Lingti plains beyond the Baralacha, one of the Rakshasas, smote Gyephang on the cheek with his fist. The Devta lost most of the seeds, along with a few teeth. Only a little of barley, wheat and buckwheat seeds remained in his mouth. Thus the main crops grown in Lahaul are barley, a little ofwheat and buckwheat. It is said that from the bulk of the seeds which Devta lost at Lingti, even today there are little mounds on the plains. Hidimba Hidimba goddess, who is also worshipped during the festival of Kuan or Phagli is believed to be one of the Rakshasis. It is believed that she was married to Bhim, one of the five Pandava brothers. People also believe that she belonged to their tribe. There is a temple of goddess Hidimba at Manali.

102 80 Lahau/-Spiti Many stories current in the region regarding Rakshasis give rise to the suspicion whether the area was ever inhabited by Rakshasas and Rakshasis? Was there any tribe known as Rakshasa? Ancient literature of India has mention of Rakshasas at various places. Rajtarangini mentions several gods and tribes of pre-historic period in which Rakshasa.l' are mentioned. 3 Amarkosha mentions Vidyadhara, Apsara, Rakshasa, Gandharva, Kinner, Pishacha, Guhyaka, Siddha and Bhuta who have the same origin as the Devas. 4 D.P. Mishra in his 'Studies of the Proto-History of India' has also mentioned. Rakshasas. 5 Excepting Rakshasa, Pishacha and Bhut, all the remaining races are supposed to be well disposed towards the good. 6 Rakshasas are also mentione damong the descendants of Kashyap Rishi and his thirteen wives. 7 Another tradition says that out of the eight Rishis progenitors, the last three, i.e., Pulastya, Pulaha and Kratu, produced no true Brahmins. It is said that the offspring of Pulastya were Rakshasas, Vanaras, Kinnaras, and Yakshas, and the offspring of Pulahas were Kimpurushas and Pishachas. 8 Rakshasas are mentioned again among the grandsons of Raja Priyavrata and sons of Agridhara in Vishnu Purana. 9 Shiva Parana mentions that Yakshas, Rakshasas, Gandharvas, Charanas, Siddhas, Daityas, Danavas, Shesha and other serpents, Garuda and other birds, all the Manu Prajapati, Kinnaras, men etc. have worshipped the wish-yielding phallic image with great devotion and have achieved their desire surging in their heart of hearts. 10 Manu, the great law-giver mentions that the sons of Atri are said to be the fathers of Daityas, Danavas, Yakshas, Gandharvas, Uragas, Rakshasas, Suparnas and Kinnaras. 11 Almost all ancient texts mention Rakshasas. Therefore it is most likely that there were Rakshasas in pre-historic period in India. "Kalhana, Rajtarangini. ed., Raghunath Singh (Varanasi, 1969), p 'Hindi Vishvakosh. ed.. Bhagwat Saran Upadhyaya (Varanasi, 1963). vol. 3, p. 6. 'D.P. Mishra, Studies in the Proto-History of India (Delhi, 1971). p. 20. 'R.K. Mukherji, 71re Original Inhabitants of India, p 'Matsya Purana. VI F.E. Pargiller, Ancient Historical Traditions (Delhi, 1962). p 'Vishtw Purana. 2: (Gorakhpur, 1953), pp Shiva Purana (Delhi. 1970), vol. I, p S.N. Vyas, India in the Ramayana Age (Delhi, 1967), p. 25.

103 Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions 81 It is just possible that the beautiful Sutlej and Bapsa valleys were inhabited by more poetic people of Kinnaras and inhospitable valleys of Chandra-Bhaga, Bhaga, Chandra, Spiti and Pin were occupied by the Rakshasas in the remote past. Several stories current through traditional and perpetuated by people bear ample testimony of the existence of Rakshasas in these valleys. Some of these stories such as Mulkila Rakshasin, Rakshasini's Guest, Rangcha Rakshasini etc. are collected by M.S. Giii.12 Dzeetha Dambargya (Puja) Dzeetha Dambargya is a form of worship in Lahaul. This is performed once or twice after the death of a person. It is not absolutely necessary for every one to perform this Puja. It is done by the fairly rich people. In this, the holy books are brought from the monastery and the Lamas chant the mantras and read these holy books. An elaborate arrangement with a lot of Chhang and eatables is made. These eatables are distributed to the people and Chhang is consumed by the Lamas and other householders. An instrument of sound is sounded after every chapter is read. In the Puja a lot of Chhang is consumed and the Lamas enjoy the ideal winter. In the plains the shraddha ceremony after the death of an individual is performed by average middle or rich class people. It is not absolutely necessary for all and we see that bulk of the poor people do not perform it. It is a solemn occasion in the plains, but it is not so in Lahaul. People in the plains perform Satyanarayan Ki Katha in which after every chapter a sound from an instrument:is made. Whether we have borrowed this practice from the hills or hill people have adopted it after they saw it in the plains is difficult to say. Superstitions People believe in various ghosts, fairies, joginis and spirits. They perform all kinds of curious functions to exorcize them. The phenomenon of evil spirit is not peculiar to this region alone. This 11 Manohar Singh Gill. Folk Tales of Lahaul (Delhi. 1977).

104 82 Lahaul-Spiti kind of belief is prevalent all over India, perhaps the world over. The degree of faith varies from place to place. Scientific advancement, rationality and affluence reduce the faith and ignorance, irrationality and poverty increase it. The most peculiar feature of the region is the faith in the rising of the dead or Rolance. Rolance: People believe that if a dead body is kept without a proper vigil, an evil spirit enters into it. But the only condition is that the dead person must not be a lame or have a cut over the body. Tt is believed that in the defective body evil spirit does not enter. and therefore. people cut some portion of the dead body as soon as it is confirmed that the person is definitely dead. When an evil spirit enters the dead body, then it gives some signs of life in it, such as passing of the wind or the sound in the stomach. Such a body starts doing all kind of odd things and at times starts dancing. This spirit in the dead body affects other living being around by making them look like itself. Sometimes it harms the people by beating and kicking them. This kind of the rising of the dead body and its peculiar actions are known as Rolance. Mr. M.S. Gill. former Deputy Commissioner of Lahaul-Spiti in early sixtees, has collected many such peculiar things and described them in great detail is his works. 13 TANA MANA Deeply influenced by Buddhist Tantrism. people believe in various kinds of Tana Manas or Tona Totka or exorcism. When a person falls sick, it is believed that an evil spirit has struck the person. The Lamas are called who in turn make small human and animal figures from the baked barley flour (sattu) and circle over the head of the patient and then throw them on the cross-roads or bury or sometimes burn. The whole ceremony is accompanied by readings from the holy hooks. Here in the plains, do we not come across at crossings of the roads sometimes a lemon bisected and placed along with flowers, few grains of rice and water? We very often come across the figures of Saturn on saturdays at places, upon which people put oil, money and flowers. Such peculiar things are extensively practised 18 M.S. Gill, n. 2, pp and M.S. Oill, n. 12, pp

105 Traditions, Legends,.Myths and Superstitions 83 all over India, and it seems people have faith in them. Had it not been so, no one would have bothered about them, and no money or flower or oil be kept at them, or else no one would have taken care of such other peculiar things at the crossings of the roads. In Lahaui-Spiti sometimes this Tana Mana or warding off the evil spirits become the favourite business of the Lamas, where they are treated with huge quantity of Chhang and good foods. The Lamas pronounce the influence of evil spirit on some person and then ask for a Tana Mana. It is promptly performed but after a year if some animal or sheep dies, people approach the Lamas again. This time the Lamas will say that the evil spirit is very powerful and has come back. They suggest for another Tana Mana. Despite hardships people will go for getting rid of the evil spirit. Similar practices go on and on. and the family is not rid of the Lama beneficiaries from the Tana Mana for years. Mrr-SHALP. Mit-Shale is the ceremony performed to deceive the angel of death. When Tana Mana and medicines fail to recover the ailing person then this ceremony is arranged. In this a sham funeral is arranged in order to deceive the death. A full life-size effigy of a small youth is made on a wooden frame, plastered round with dough of barley meal. This is painted and dressed up with the clothes and ornaments of the sick person. so as to present a close resemblance. A Lama starts reading from the holy books. After reading, the guns begin to boom and fireworks are displayed and funeral procession is formed. It, headed by the Lama and Gara, proceeds to the burning ground. There the effigy is cut into pieces and burnt solemnly. The clothes and ornaments go to the Lamas. Meanwhile a man engaged for the purpose bewails the death of the person who is lying sick and crying out the name, shouts again and again that he or she has been dead now for nine years. For this he is given the straw shoes of the effigy. Sometimes, it is said that, this trick works and sometimes not. When it docs not work, the two funerals, a real and a sham, are performed. Both are very expensive.t4 ~<Gazetteers of Kangra District, Part 1//, Lahaul, pp

106 84 Lahaul-Spiti Joginis It is said that the Joginis are the evil spirits favoured by ladies. They are supposed to live on high hills. Women obtain the power of these evil spirits easily by performing a Puja or a Havan on the kitchen-fire just in a single night. A special mantra is chanted and offerings of food etc. are given to the Jogini at the time of Puja or Ha1 an. Between February and March these Joginis hold their annual get together at the Karga maidan above Tandi village. This is known as LC'dtsag Kuns, and lasts for 3 days. The exact dates are made known to the people by the Lama of Joling. It is believed that this Lama was settled by the Thakurs of Barbog to protect their houses some fifteen generations ago. This Lama goes into isolation in a room and meditates for nine days. During this period he receives very few visitors and answers their questions. It is also believed that he has the power to answer questions without even the presence of the person, but such questions must accompany some belongings of the questioner. During this period of meditation the Lama mentions the name of women from the nearby villages who are Joginis or who have become Joginis. During the three days, when Joginis meet at Karga maidan, people of Lahaul remain very careful and take all kinds of precautions against them. They generally spread sharp wooden pegs on the roofs and it is believed that any Jogini coming down on these will cut her feet. It is believed that Joginis are very fond of roof beams and hence nobody sleeps under the beams. A little mustard-the sacred grain-is put into the hair of sleeping children. No Jogini can carry them away. Every evening a fire is lighted before the house, and the village children collect and abuse the Ioginis daring them to enter. Sometimes at the entrance of the house wooden pegs and some iron nails are hammered in to prevent any Jogini's entry. During the nights nobody ventures out alone. They go out only in batches of two or more with a wooden torch in hand. During these three days children go house to house abusing the Joginis and enjoy this fun. Fire and iron are the two basic preventives of Joginis or evil spirits. It is believed that if an evil spirit enters the house it spreads sickness and other kinds of misfortunes to the inmates of the house.

107 Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions 85 Jogini-Bhutini-Witches are the three different names of the women evil spirits prevalent all over the world. In other parts of India Bhutinis or Churails or Dayar1s etc;. arc the names of the evil spirits which generally affect ladies. They come to ladies of any part, generally backward classes and then the affected person begins to behave abnormally. Sometimes they bring misery in the shape of sickness or any other misfortune like death, fire, fall or insanity. The exorcizers arc always there with their peculiar and at times cruel methods for warding them off. Witches are believed the world over by the people uncivilized, civilizing and civilized. There is only a variation in the degree of belief. Maybe there are few people who just don't believe in these. Witch ball was used to keep off the evil spirits of the witches. It was a coloured glass ball which was kept hanging at the doors of the house. Here in India we have very often seen an iron hoe (Nal) fixed on the main door of the house or a vehicle. We have also seen an iron bangle used by many. Children particularly are given an iron bangle, excepting the Sikhs, who have religious attachment to it. Very often an iron knife or some such thing is kept on the bed of the sleeping infants. Many a times fire is continuously burnt by the side of ladies who had given birth to child recently. Iron, fire and glass are the three main things used to ward off the evil spirits all over the world. In Lahaul, the Joginis are evil spirits and in the plains Jogin is a saintly lady such as Meera Bai Jogin. In Andhra Pradesh Jogini is a lady who is condemned to the inhuman life and the system is similar of that of Devdasi system. s 11ln Andhra Pradesh young girls of six or seven are initiated into the centuries old ritualistic marriage ceremony of "Jogin". The child in her innocence did not know that she was being condemned to a life of exploitation, slavery, bonded prostitution and poverty. Such girls are used by village landlords as and when they attain the age. Like the Devdasi system, the Jogins are also an equally exploited lot condemned to lead a life of shame and insecurity in their infancy as an extension of religious dogma. As a part of fatalism the poor untouchables are made to believe that any distress or mishap can be remedied if a young girl is dedicated to be a 'Joain'.

108 86 Lahau/-Spiti Lhas "... there are a great many spirits or demons known as '!has' who are supposed to dwell in trees, rocks, or on the hill-tops, and before whom the Buddhists (contrary to their religion) sacrifice sheep and goats".l6 Joginis live on hill-tops. in contrast /has live in deep gorges and nul/ahs that flow in these gorges. An lha can take a form of a donkey, a midget or perhaps a giant. They may be seen at times in the shape of a luminous ball. Sometimes they can be seen gliding down effortlessly in the form of a man. All the /has have one function; to harm or frighten people living in their vicinity or passers-by. People believe that these /has are moving about in almost all places, some known and many unknown. Amongst the known Shaks nul/ah and Ziming Sringpo are well known. In the Shaks nu/lah beyond Key long, the district headquarters, lives a demon of the name of Shaks nullah demon. It is sai.d that one day a man was coming after the shopping at Keylong. He was tipsy after having a good quantity of Chhang. Suddenly he saw a donkey coming from the other side. He decided to ride the donkey. After having gone a few steps on the donkey he was thrown off. At first he thought that he had fallen due to Chhang, but when he looked around for donkey, it was nowhere in sight. The next day he narrated his experience to others and realised that it was only the demon of Shaks nullah. Zimug Sringpo is believed to be a most powerful demon at Darcha, a village beyond Keylong and on the way to Ladakh via Baralacha Pass. He is believed to be a dcrgot demon. Dcrgot is he who has acquired the power of one thousand other spirits. It is believed that once upon a time God came in the form of a poor Lama to the village of Darcha at a time when most of the people were busy in having Chhang and were tipsy. The Lama went house to house begging for food, but none gave him anything and turned him with indecent remarks. Only one householder offered the food and drinks to the Lama. He gave him the 18 Revd. Mr. Heyde, Religion of Lahoul, quoted in J.B. Lyall's Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Kangra District, (Lahore, 1874). p. 207.

109 Traditions, Legends, Myths and Superstitions 87 shelter for the night. During the night an avalanche came and destroyed everything except the house in which Lama was staying. This house came to a safe site across the Bhaga river. Even today the family exists and is known as Lunf?pa Chanpa, meaning, the family of the house that flew. All the people who died in that storm became spirits and one amongst them destroyed all the demons and acquired the power of the one thousand demons. This demon is known as Zimug SrinRpo. This demon used to trouble people around the area except the one Lama who was very powerful physically, but mentally and spiritually poor. He used to challenge the demon and pass the river on horse-back every midday for twenty-five years regularly. When he became old. the demon ZimuR Sringpo killed him and threw on the Darcha maidan. People believe that about a century ago the abbot of Hemis monastery of Ladakh came to visit the monastery of Glimure in Lahaul. People requested him to help in getting rid of this demon. After several performances and various prayers the demon was chained by the Lama. People believe that they are now relieved of the demon. It is widely believed in the plains that all those who die an unnatural death become demons or spirits. It is also believed that an evil spirit is never destroyed. If all the unnatural deaths due to flood, stonns, cyclones, wars and volcanos arc put together, how many evil spirits there must have been by now on the surface of this earth?

110 Chapter Five Economic Resources IN AN area, which is covered with snow for more than six months of the year, where per square kilometre population is only two, and the terrain is extremely rocky and difficult what kind of economy one can expect or visualize. Economic resources of such a region can only be few, depending upon the mercy of nature. The ecology must have played a most dominant part in the evolution of professions of the people. In absence of adequate rains, the region remained deficient in foodgrains, devoid of forest resources and deprived of mineral wealth. People remained extremely poor, almost on subsistence level. Was economy pastoral or agrarian; it is very difficult to say. Perhaps the combination of the two was in existence from the very remote period. Such an economy can be termed. as closed economy. Since there was hardly anything to sell or purchase, the circulation of money must have been practically non-existent, which must have given rise to barter economy. Gradually with the passage of time some people must have come in contact with people of neighbouring regions ofkulu and Ladakh, and may have introduced the money economy in the most limited sense. These conditions continued till very recently. In absence of proper records or accounts one can surmise only. Early in the nineteenth century several British travellers went to Lahaul-Spiti. One of them says: "... the most interesting thing about the Lahula population is its economic system. This merits full description as it is a good example of a small, self-contained, ancient polity. "The allotment of fields, supposed to have been made 88

111 Economic Resources 89 authoritatively at a remote period, and to have been originally all equal, subject to the same rent or tax and each liable to furnish one man for service or forced labour to the lord, appear to have been indivisible... "1 The same source observes about Spiti that, "The great mass of the arable land consists of the holdings of the ta/fas or revenue payers, which are each separate estates of the nature of household allotments. " 2 Agriculture It seems that the primary source of economy was agriculture. But from almost September to early April, Lahaul remains under snow and the rainfall usually is very small and of very short duration. Generally there are few heavy showers in the months of July and August. The soil is sandy and has stones and boulders at places. Only about twenty five per cent of the total landmass is under cultivation. Both irrigated and unirrigatcd types of land is available. In irrigated land crops are grown and in unirrigated land grass is grown and it is called Dang in local language. The cultivation is done in the narrow strips of land. Generally speaking agricultural operation begins in April and ends in September every year. Ploughing of the fields is done by Yaks which are kept by few wealthy farmers and made readily available to small farmers. Only ploughing is done by men alone and the rest of agricultural work including the thrashing of the crops is done by women. U nlikc other areas of Himachal Pradesh, here ploughing is done only once as there is hardly any time for several ploughing operations. Night soil and animal dungs are generally used as manure. Soon after the summer crops are harvested in September fields are ploughed and this operation has to be completed before the snowfall begins. The fields are thus left during the snow period and as soon as the snow melts in April or May, the surface of the fields is stirred up with a rake or hoe and the seed is sown. If 1Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Provinces, based on Census Report of 1883 by Sir Denzil lbbeston, Vol. III, L-Z (Lahore. 1911), p lbid., p. 469.

112 90 Lahaul-Spit i the moisture in the field is sufficient the seed will germinate otherwise water becomes necessary. In Lahaul the water to the fields is given after every fortnight but in case it is readily available it is given once a week. ln Spiti, after the weeding of the field, in about a forty days after sowing, the first water is given and is continued weekly till about a week before the harvesting operations begin. Tt is a single crop agriculture over most of the area in Lahaui Spiti. Pattan or Chanura Bhaga Valley has most of the population and villages spn:au upwards on either side in the valley. As the villages dwindle on the upper regions of Chandra and Bhaga steadily the cultivation and a limit is reached just above Khoksar in Rangoli or Chandra Valley and Darcha in Gara, the valley of Bhaga. Only in Pattan Valley two crops are raised. one of harley and the other of buckwheat in one season. Barley is sown in the end of March or early April and reaped in July. Soon after buckwheat is sown and is reaped in September. Jn some cases snow has to be melted by throwing earth over it, if it does not melt by the time agricultural operation begins. Similarly for some time both barley and buckwheat arc pulled out by the roots. Besides the saving of the time, pulling of crops has another advantage. Jt makes the soil porous and aerated. Kuth is sown in November before the snowfall and also during April. The November sowing is preferred as the seeds get more time for stratification, which is considered essential for better germination. Harvesting begins with the moving of the hay in the middle of August and buckwheat, barley and wheat are reaped in succession. Irrigation to the fields is done by an elaborate khul system which is also prevalent in neighbouring Kinnaur district. The khul system is peculiar but essential to these regions as there is almost always scarcity of rain. The peculiar topography had compelled people to devise this method. In this, water from natural resources like spring (Dhara), snow or glacier-fed nullahs is carried through channels to the desired place. These channels sometimes are made of wood. Now tin or pipes are also used. Almost all cultivated lands are irrigated through this system now. There are about 326 small and big khuls in the district now.

113 Economic Resources 91 Crops Over a hundred years ago A.F.P. Harcourt had noted only two crops of barley and buckwheat and a little wheat in Lahaul, and in Spiti a very fine hexagonal wheat, peas, mustard and two kinds of barley. There was no cultivation of vegetables. Few people were using some leaves and stems as vegetables. 3 But today people of Lahaui-Spiti cultivate buckwheat, barley, wheat, cauliflower, cabbages, and cash crops likt: kuth. potato and hops. Potato and other vegetables were first introduced by Moravian missionaries at Keylong in Now peas, mustard, radish. turnip, carrot, french bean. beat root, tomatoes, soyabean etc. are grown. There arc three different varieties of barley grown in the district. They are locally known as Senno, Dzad and Thangdzad. Barley is the staple food of the people of this region. Buckwheat is only next to barley and is grown at I ower levels and used in place of wheat for a variety. Wheat is grown in most limited area and therefore its use is also rare. But sometimes it is used in form of chapati with pea Dal. Cheena is an inferior foodgrain and sometimes it is used in place of barley. A little tobacco is also cultivated here. Mustard or Sarson and Bhang are also grown a little. CASH CROPS Kuth, potato and hops are the main cash crops of the area. Kuth plant, botanically known as Sausserea Lappa, is unique because the extract from its roots can be used as a fixing agent for perfumes. It has medicinal value as well. Lo~.:ally it is used in the treatment of ulcer, in car pain, in boils. in rheumatic pain, frost bite and in cough and cold. Kuth cultivation was introduced in 1925 and gradually it was popularised. By 1970 its produce was about 400 tonnes. But later the production was dropped to 100 tonnes only. Now the cultivation is going to be taken up purely on commercial lines. It has an open market in France. Germany, Switzerland, U.K., U.S.A., Japan, Hong Kong and Singapore. Potato: Cultivation of potato was first introduced by Moravian Missionaries in the middle of the last century. Its production "A.F.P. Harcourt, The Himalayan Districts of Koo/oo. Lahaul and Spiti (Lahore. 1874). pp

114 92 Lahaul-Spiti picked up after 1972, when people took it as a cash crop. Potatoes grown here are of very high quality and are used as seed in about every part of the country. Lahaul-Spiti has earned the distinction of achieving the highest per hectare production of potato, relegating the Netherlands to second position. According to research paper published in 'Agricultural Situation in India', a gross yield of 46,979 kg per hectare was recorded in the Lahaul Valley where about I,200 hectares was under the potato crop. The Lahaul Valley may well figure in records in another way too with potato fields located at elevations ranging from 8,000 to 11,000 feet above the sea level. Hops: Cultivation of hops is gradually picking up in Lahaul region. Hops is used in the manufacture of beer, and chicory, which is an ingredient of chocolates and coffee. Since the production of hops in the country was nominal considering its demand, it was being imported. But now the cultivators have come to realise the economic value and have taken up the cultivation. Horticulture Unlike in neighbouring district of Kinnaur, horticulture is not a success here. Moravian Missionaries had introduced apples, apricots and pears. but without any positive success. Almond could not survive due to extreme climate. Apricot grows mostly wild. Small size of apple and pear are found here but they are of inferior quality. But nature is not unkind to these people. Their requirement of fruits are met by wild strawberry, small cherry and sour apple and wild gooseberry. 4 Animal Husbandry Animal Husbandary is not a pillar of tribal economy here as it is in Kinnaur. In absence of forest based fodder and big pastures, the grass is grown here in fields known as Dang. More than half of the year is under snow, when cattle are fed at stud and kept in door. Therefore animal husbandry is more of a liabi lity to tribal economy than an asset. Only rich farmers can keep the cattles and the number of cattles determined the status and 'A.F.P. Harcourt, The Himalayan Districts of Kooloo, LahauJ and Spiti (Lahore, 1874), p. SS.

115 Economic Resources 93 degree of affluence of the person. Despite harsh climatic conditions and lack of fodder and facilities, there is no escape from the cattle. The cattle serve the multipurpose needs of the people of Lahaul-Spiti. The cattle dung is used for manure purposes. It is also used for warming of cold hearths after making it uplao or chapaties. The milk of the cattle has perfectly good use for the people here or for that reason anywhere else. Meat of sheep and goats is very much relished here and when dried becomes delicacy in winter. At times cattle used to serve as pack animals. When dead, their hides are used for making shoes and the skins are used as clothes, coats and sleeping mattersses. The common livestock are yak, cow, equine mule, donkey, sheep and goat and a little poultry. Besides these Zo and Zomo (male and female respectively) is progeny of a cross between cow and yak. The Zo is let loose, in Lahaul, for months together, in the pastures after sowing is over, but in Spiti these animals are engaged for carriage purposes besides ploughing. Previously sheep and goats used to serve widely as pack animals, but at present they are very rarely used as such. The cross-breed animals are very useful for this high mountainous and cold snowy area and are more fit to tolerate the harsh climate. It is believed that, after six generations of the crossing of the cow with yak, the progeny is back again as pure yak. Zomo milk has a very high fat content. Every village keeps one or two stud yaks jointly for mating with their cows. The villagers engage one or two persons as the common herdsmen for grazing the livestock of the whole village during summer. This practice of keeping common herdsmen is also found in the plains. During winter the livestock is confined to the pens and sheds and lives on hay and willow bask in Lahaul-Spiti. Among the non-domestic or wild animals, in Lahaul the brown and black bear, the ibex, wolf, and marmot, and in Spiti the wild goat, the nabboo or burral and occasionally a stray leopard or wolf, are found. Measures to Improve Agriculture and Animal Husbandry Community Development Department had introduced several

116 94 Lahaui-Spiti improved varieties of ploughs in the region. But due to peculiar conditions. they could not be used in a large scale by the farmers, despite subsidy of 75 per cent on each item. Seeds are mostly preserved by farmers themselves but wheat variety C-285 introduced by Block Development Department found favour with the farmers. It is hoped that in due course the barley may be replaced by wheat by the farmers. Similarly vegetable seeds supplied at 50 per cent subsidy have also found favour. Generally due to.intensity of the cold, crops are immune from various crop diseases. still some farmers have shown interest in foot sprayers supplied by Development Department to the village level workers. Agriculture Sub-Inspector and two Beldars also visit the district for supervising spraying and popularising the use of insecticides and pesticides. Locally available manure such as farmyard manure or night soil is generally used as fertilizers. In fertilizers such as Ammonium Sulphate. Super Phosphate, urea etc. were introduced and were given on subsidy to the farmers. But its use is very very little here as the agriculture is not a surplus cash business. To improve animal husbandry, the Government has made available Yaks free to various Panchayats. Bulls are maintained by the people on the Government subsidy. For improving horses, mules and donkeys, the Government has provided one horse stallion, two mules and donkeys stallation at Gue and Cheecham after procuring them from Hissar in Haryana. For Poultry Government has distributed large number of birds at subsidized rates. In order to popularizing the Poultry Farming, Animal Husbandry Department had started one experimental poultry farm at Kaza with fifty birds for Spiti region and for Lahaul region an electric incubator had been installed at Key long. For the control of animal diseases a seasonal Veterinary Assistant from Kangra used to visit the area from the beginning of fourth decade of this century. From 1946 a seasonal veterinary dispensary was opened at Keylong. This Keylong dispensary was upgraded into a full-fledged veterinary hospital in Now there are four veterinary hospitals at Keylong, Kirting, Ghondla and Kaza and sik dispensaries at Hansa, Sangna, Genur, Gustal. Sissu and Poli. Besides these village level workers also provide first-aid and help to people during winter and at odd times.

117 Economic Resources 95 Despite all efforts of government and people the region remains deficit one in all aspects, particularly in foodgrains. People have to bring additional supplies from outside the district for meeting their requirements. Rice and pulses are not grown here. Thus they procure rice, pulses, salt, oils, ghee, sugar, gur, tobacco and some spices from markets outside the district. Handicrafts, Cottage Industry and Natural Resources There arc no forests and therefore no forest-based economy exists here. Natural resources. though reported by Ney Elias in 1882, exist here, particularly sapphire, but this has not been worked so far.' Therefore there is no industry or indigenous craft here. It is reported that large number of minerals like copper, gypsum, sulphur, limestone and antimony exist in the district but only at Bara-Shigri area. No detailed work has been done for assessing the economic potential of thesc. 6 Perhaps it is not possible with existing technology to work at an altitude of more than 4,000 metres which is mostly covered with snow for most part of the year. In absence of such resources, the economy of district remains dependent on agriculture and animal husbandry. In fact people here produce all the necessities of life without which the existence is not possible. Woollens are the common craft which keep people engaged during the long winters. Many people have their own handlooms. Some improved handlooms have also been introduced. People twist yarn with a twisting rod worked with hand or by a twisting wheel. They make very fine cloth for their own use. Harcourt reports that: "The Spiti cloth is particularly good and is of several descriptions. The strongest and thickest is made in long narrow lengths. furred or plucked on one side, and is very durable and wonderfully cheap; another sort is rather finer than the above and more expensive; and a third variety 1 Ney Elias, British Joint Commissioner Ladak Diary January, 1882, Foreign Political A, March 1882, No 'Himachal District Gazetteers: Lah11l and Spit/ (Simla, 197S), p. 128.

118 96 Lahaul-Spiti woven from goat's hair, is equally good... The products of Spiti in this particular are certainly superior to those either of Lahaul or Kooloo. " 7 Some people sell the cloth which is surplus from their own use. They also weave good coarse cloth from goat hair for use as mats and outer bed-cloth. Women knit high quality socks, gloves and pullovers. Moravian Missionaries first taught knitting, which is now encouraged by the State Government. Carpenters and blacksmiths, mostly prepare the tools for use in agriculture. Sometimes carpenters work in monasteries and carve wood or stone and produce good specimens of emblems of dragons and ;lotus flowers. They also prepare small Tibetan guesttables. Blacksmiths at times work on inferior quality of silver, copper and gold. They prepare silver amulets set with turquoises, silver rings and other crude ornaments. They prepare steel bits, buckles stirrups, straight fluted steel pipes, the engraved steel cases for pens and the brass and copper ink bottles. Both craftsmen are found in the Spiti region of the district. Kiltas or baskets used on the back are also prepared in Spiti. Spiti prepares a special type of shoe which is made of grass with sheep or goat skin sole, locally called Poo/ahs. Poo/ahs are useful during winter because they are warm and have better grip on snow-covered slippery path. Now the Government has purchased ban making, straw softening and crushing machines for the use of the shoe manufacturers. Harcourt reports that (Bhoj-patra) or a kind of paper was made by Lahaulis from the soft bark of the birch. They also used to prepare good quality of ropes. Spiti people used to produce paper from the grass which was available in Pin Valley. They also use several dyes, some from the plains and some locally prepared, particularly yellow dye.s Before the establishment of the British rule in India, several dyes were prepared, particularly blue and yellow. Some of the abandoned manufacturing units I have seen are located in the central part of Uttar Pradesh. Oil is an important item both for the lighting and eating. For the purpose of lighting it was, even today, brought to the area from the plains, but for eating in Lahaul it is extracted from cumin and apricot 'Harcourt, n. 3, p. 17. 'Ibid., p. 78.

119 Economic Resources 91 seeds and in Spiti it is extracted from mustard or sarson seed. Himachal Pradesh Government have now taken several steps to improve the handicrafts of the area. Old wooden spindles, though still in use on a large scale, now have a substitute of better and modern spinning wheels. They are now in use at some places. Kcercha or indigenous throw shuttle loom which produces only narrow width inferior cloth is being gradually replaced by the improved type of big shuttle looms. Manual carding of wool is now provided with a substitute of water driven carding mills. Similarly old oil extracting mill which was destroyed by heavy snow in 1966 is now replaced by water mills which are installed in nullahs in nearby habitation. Due to generation of hydro-electric power, several small industrial units may be established by the Government in the area. Weights and Measures, Finance and Money In a region where barter system was practised. measures and weights had little usc. Similarly circulation of money and financing to the needs of people by it hardly existed. Yet the people here had very peculiar weighing and measuring system. Lyall in 1862 reports that, "The local measure of land in Lahaul is the lakh, which is, like the Bhar of K ulu, primarily a seed measure. A lakh contains 20 path, and a path is about equal to a seer ( pacca)". 9 Things have not changed much. Harcourt reported in 1871: In Lahaul the measure prevalent was path and bhar. One path was equal to ninety five square yards and sixteeiy paths were equal to one bhar or one thousand five hundred and twenty square yards. Three paths and thtee bhars were equal to one standard acre or four thousand eight hundred forty square yards. In Spiti also path and bhar were in use with the addition of lakh for agrarian purposes, but for the purpose of length measuring hath was used. hath was and to some extent even today is used in rural India all over. The problem is that hath or hand always varies according to the size of the person. A standard hath or hand is about one foot eight inches J.B. Lyall, Report of the Land Revenue Settlement of the Kangra DiJ trict (Lahore, 1874), p Harcourt, n. 3, p. 76.

120 98 Lahaul-Spiti Until about the beginning of the present century path was used. It was equivalent to a seer. Path in Chandra and Bhaga valleys was known by the word Bre and in Bhoti it was Dre. The linear measure was hath. But where there was Chamba influence dominating, people used the Chamba weights. The Chamba maund was equal to sixteen ordinary seers, and therefore a standard pucca seer was equivalent to 5/2 or two and a half Chamba seers. Before the arrival of the standard two pan balance, people had their own balance called Charha in Pattan or Chandra Bhaga Valley and Nyaga in Chandra and Bhaga or Rangoli and Gara valleys. The balance was a wooden rod of about two feet long with a cloth bag hung at one end as a pan. The fulcrum of the balance is not in the centre but at end where the cloth bag is hung. A weight of twelve to/as is placed in the bag and a stone hung from the rod is slid along the rod and wherever the lever balances the rod is graduated and thus the entire rod is graduated with the mark of twelve to/as each. This is something like the old scale balances available at the railway stations or transport agencies. The following weighing_ table was in practice in the area: One Pool equal to 6-i to/as or 76 grains; 10 Pools equal to one Mare or 64 tolas or 768 grains; 25 Pools or 2{ Mare equal to one Butior 160 to/as or I kg and 920 grams. 11 In Spiti the foodgrain measure was tey made of wood in the shape of a pot, the capacity of which was 500 to 600 grams. 20 tey were equal to a klza/. Linear measure was Tho- Thoo and Domha.l 2 Gradually the standard maund, seer and chhatanks as were used in India, prior to the introduction of decimal weights and measures, reached the area and after independence when metric system of weights and measures was introduced, the old system was replaced here also. Trade and commerce, whatever little it was, was carried on barter basis. Hence there was no money circulation in the region. Credit and financing was not practised. It was only on the basis of mutual help that necessity of each other was met. In course of time perhaps the zamindar, sahukar or money-lender may have appeared. Monasteries under a priest may have also lent grains 11 Himachal District Gazetteer, n. 6, p bid.

121 Economic Resources 99 and other credit to the people. Thus one may say that zamindar, sahukar, monasteries with priests must have served as financial institutions or banks to the people of the region. Sometimes zamindars, sahukars must have started lending purely on the basis of honest word or promise or sometimes they might have taken security of land. People were honest and self-respecting, hence whatever transactions there might have been, it must have been only a private affair between the priest and people or between zamindar or sahukar and people. Poor people with no capacity or a very limited capacity to pay interest may have been the sole considerations of lower rate of interest. Only 12 per cent interest or only one fourth of the grains over and above the advance was made. In comparison in the plains the interest rate goes upto 12 per cent per month and in matter of grains, it is normally Dehri, i.e., one and half times of the grain one has to return to sahukar. With the passage of time the needs of the people increased and so also the credit facilities. Now there are cooperative credit societies and cooperative credit banks, besides the government subsidies. There was perhaps never very significant trade in Lahaul-Spiti. Whatever little was left over from the domestic consumption was sold at the Lavey fair at Ram pur or Pat reo fair on the Bhaga river or exchanged across the border with Tibet. Harcourt reports that: "The chief exports from Lahoul are borax, Pushmeena, wool, spices and dried fruits; but all these are procured in other countries, and cannot be deemed special home products. "The imports are brass and copper vessels, sugar, wheat, rice and tobacco from Kooloo, apricots in the shape of dried fruit from Baltce, anj, in addition, pepper, ginger, turmeric, garlic and onions, that all come from the Kooloo side. "The Exports from Spiti are cereals, manufactured cloth, half-bred yaks, and yaks' tales; and the imports into Spiti consist of salt, madder, tobacco, tea from Lhassa, sheep's wool, turquoise, amber, waterpails and other wooden vessels from Kunawur, coarse cloth, dyeing drugs, soda and yeast from Ladakh, and iron from Mundee & Kunawur." 13 From this it appears that there was more of imports and very 11 Harcourt, n. 3. pp

122 100 Lahaul-Spiti little to export. But somehow people of Lahaul have earned the fame of great traders. Perhaps they were the great carriers of trade between Kulu. Ladakh and Tibet. D.F. Mcleod, Financial Commissioner for the Punjab observed in I 863 that, "The Lahollees are a nation of traders, the great commercial route runs through their country. which is much more accessible. It is common saying of the Sultan pore people that 'we used to cheat the Lahollees but now they cheat us'." 14 But this character of the trade carriers has been partly destroyed due to stoppage of Tibetan trade in the wake of Chinese occupation of Tibet in There is not much to export from Lahaul-Spiti. A little wool and some spices such as coriander, cuminseed, shingo and husu are sent outside the region. Kuth, potatoes and hops are now the major items of trade for the people of Lahaul. Kwh, which is one of the major trade items, was first grown in Some enterprising Lahaulis went to Kashmir and brought the seed and grew on experimental basis first. Gradually the cultivation was increased. Its cultivation rapidly increased after I 935 and has become very important source of cash income of Lahaulis whose lot it has steadily improved. It is also exported to countries like the United Kingdom. Canada, France, Switzerland. Japan and Malaysia. Kuth also earns some foreign exchange for the Government of India. Indigenously it is used as disinfectant and in medical preparations. Potato was first introduced by Moravian Missionaries in the middle of the last century. Now it has become one of the major trade items for the people of Lahaul. Now potatoes are grown extensively in the region. It is now much sought after commodity, as it is larger in size and better in taste. Outside Lahaul, besides consumption as vegetable, it is used as seed for the better quality potato in the plains. Hop is used in the manufacture of beer, and chicory which is an ingredient of chocolate and coffee. It is also used to add a dash of bitterness to beer. So far it used to be imported but now a limited area in Lahaul-Spiti is under its cultivation. In the beginning it was purchased only by Solan based brewery 1 D.F. Mcleod, Financial Commissioner for Punjab to R.H. Davies. Secretary, Government of Punjab, 20 November, Foreign Political A. February 1867, No. 24.

123 Economic Resources 101 but now it has market outside Himachal Pradesh. It is a good source of income to the people and the area under its cultivation will grow gradually. Kuth and potato are now purchased at important trading centres in Lahaul by big merchants or government agencies and transported to Manali by Rohtang Pass wherefrom it is distributed to various centres in the plains. Kuth and Potato Growers Cooperative and Marketing Society Limited with its headquarters at Manali is the main agency in the trade of Lahaul. It is now hoped that with increasing encouragement in finances and fertilizers by the government the people of Lahaul and Spiti district will increase their income and improve their living conditions rapidly.