A Jewish Ceremony for Newborn Girls

Transcription

1 A Jewish Ceremony for Newborn Girls Sharon R. Siegel Published by Brandeis University Press Siegel, R.. A Jewish Ceremony for Newborn Girls: The Torah s Covenant Affirmed. Waltham: Brandeis University Press, Project MUSE., For additional information about this book No institutional affiliation (17 Nov :12 GMT)

2 u2 A First and Only Naming By exploring the history of how newborn girls received their names in Ashkenazic regions over the centuries, we now understand that the contemporary synagogue naming for girls, which consists of an aliyah and a Mi Shebairach prayer, is the only surviving component of a larger complement of medieval Ashkenazic practices. We have also learned that the vestigial synagogue naming plays different roles in different communities today. While the aliyah and Mi Shebairach are frequently reinterpreted, supplemented, or downplayed in progressive communities today, the status of the synagogue naming has been elevated in many traditional Ashkenazic communities to the point that this ritual is deemed virtually obligatory. Detached from its original historical context, however, the synagogue naming conducted today for newborn girls has devolved into a perfunctory and inconspicuous practice in many traditional Ashkenazic communities. Parents are relieved that they need not organize a festive event, and family and friends know that they are not expected to make any immediate plans. This situation persists overall in these communities, despite the existence of countervailing customs, such as kiddushim and religious- themed ceremonies, which are considered decidedly secondary and optional. Even traditional synagogues that embellish the synagogue naming do so with the clear understanding that the aliyah and Mi Shebairach are the primary rituals. In traditional Ashkenazic communities today, the dominance of the synagogue naming perpetuates a minimization of the religious significance of newborn girls. This approach does not warmly welcome a baby who has been created in the image of God (tzelem Elohim), nor does it optimally satisfy the Jewish concept of respecting others the baby and her parents with the respect due to oneself (Leviticus 19:18; bt Shabbat 31a). Furthermore, by not publicly honoring a newborn, an opportunity is missed for glorifying

3 38 naming and welcoming God and the baby with a beautified ritual ( This is my God and I will praise Him ; Exodus 15:2). As a result, the synagogue naming today is broken. These observations lead us to inquire: How can we revitalize and reshape the contemporary Ashkenazic naming ceremony for newborn girls in light of the rich traditional naming customs of the past? In this chapter, we address this question by considering, first, the notion of consistently incorporating a girl s naming into a larger ceremony that welcomes her into the Jewish community. We then consider the possibility of decoupling this ceremony from the parental aliyah in a way that highlights the special roles of both newborns and parents, respectively. As we will see, these ideas draw inspiration from the medieval Ashkenazic customs for new mothers. We also contextualize these ideas by approaching them from the perspective of halacha, the classic system of Jewish law, and by noting a comparable structure in certain traditional Sephardic and Mizrachic customs for newborn girls. Although our inquiry derives from prevalent practices in traditional Ashkenazic communities, the hope is that the ideas that we develop here are broadly applicable to all Jewish communities. naming at a welcoming ceremony We begin by recalling from the previous chapter that girls have not been consistently named with an aliyah and Mi Shebairach in Ashkenazic lands over the centuries, and that the interaction between this synagogue naming and the Hollekreisch naming has varied according to time and place. More recently, the time for reciting the Mi Shebairach has changed dramatically, from four weeks to a few days after a girl s birth. Since synagogue practices for newborn girls have been continuously evolving over time, it follows that these practices may be susceptible to further change in the future. Said otherwise, the synagogue naming, as practiced today by traditional Ashkenazim, has become accepted as a result of historical happenstance, not from a deliberate rabbinic requirement and certainly not a divinely ordained one. Second, we suggest that when customs lose their purpose and context, it is appropriate to examine the possibility of revitalizing and reframing them, according to the traditional dictum of the prophet Jeremiah to renew our days like that of old (chadesh yameinu k kedem) (Lamentations 5:21). We

4 a first and only naming 39 have a responsibility to connect past with future and to ensure the vitality of tradition.1 This is a particularly important exercise if it enables us to revisit practices that may be currently inconsistent with traditional Jewish values. Applying these two principles, we see that a first step toward remedying the current situation in traditional Ashkenazic communities would be to name a girl for the first and only time at a well- attended ceremony that focuses on her importance to the Jewish people. The idea is to have a unified ritual, one that discloses a girl s name for the first and only time, while also honoring her, in person, as a new member of the Jewish people. One initial outcome of this approach is to restore a girl s naming so that it truly becomes an announcement for a community of family and friends. According to R. Joseph ben Menahem Mendel Steinhardt (eighteenthcentury Germany), one reason that the naming Mi Shebairach following a father s aliyah has been assigned the status of a mitzvah is because this prayer publicize[s] the name of the child in the community. 2 Two centuries later in Israel, R. Moshe Sternbuch likewise emphasizes the importance of publicizing a girl s name.3 This goal is attained simply by announcing a name when family and friends are gathered and listening closely. More importantly, receiving a name is a milestone in that it assigns an identity to a newborn. It follows that a girl s name should be revealed for the first time at a ceremony in her honor because this naming constitutes part of her welcome into the Jewish nation. Futhermore, a girl is welcomed with respect when there is a communal expectation for a full- fledged ritual, which her parents plan as a labor of love, and when family and friends make travel plans to attend this special life- cycle event. A girl then receives her name in person, while she is held tenderly in her parents arms. Today, if a baby girl is ceremonially welcomed in the traditional Ashkenazic community, this welcome often occurs weeks or months after a perfunctory synagogue naming. The baby s name is revealed in the synagogue ritual within days of her birth and, at a subsequent event, the naming Mi Shebairach is repeated and the name s significance is explained. In this configuration, the synagogue naming is deemed mandatory, while the separate ceremony or celebration is considered a secondary addition.4 This model retains the standard synagogue naming and, therefore, also its inherent difficulties despite supplementing it with a meaningful ceremony at a later time. It is also noteworthy that explaining a name immediately after it

5 40 naming and welcoming is announced compounds the interest and excitement of the naming itself. By contrast, reiterating and explaining a name that has already been known for a period of time feels to me somewhat anti- climactic. Combining a girl s welcome and naming into one ceremony is one way to resolve these concerns. There would no longer be a lingering contrast between the invisibility of the synagogue naming and the warm embrace of the welcoming ceremony that follows. A new dynamic is at play when a baby s name is announced for the first time at a welcoming ceremony where she is front and center; the girl is welcomed as she is named, and she is named as she is welcomed. Both indicate her inclusion in the Jewish community, and both take place in her presence. There is a palpable sense of anticipation not only because a name is about to be revealed, but also because a new person is joining the Jewish people. emphasizing the roles of parents and newborns A first and only naming as part of a welcoming ceremony could occur either in the synagogue during services or at a freestanding ceremony (that is, outside the framework of synagogue prayers). Many progressive Ashkenazic synagogues today bestow a girl s Hebrew name in the synagogue, as part of a broader ritual that is integrated into regular Shabbat services and that initiates girls into the Jewish community. The entire congregation listens as the rabbi blesses the baby and speaks publicly about her name and her family. Sephardic and Mizrachic communities that utilize an aliyah and Mi Shebairach to name baby girls in the synagogue often do so with a spirited tone that communicates the significance of the naming event. We see, therefore, that the synagogue can be an effective setting for welcoming and naming newborn girls. Indeed, there are some traditional Ashkenazic communities where the synagogue naming has expanded to publicly welcome a baby girl with speeches, songs, and the like. Nonetheless, Jewish communities including the vast majority of traditional Ashkenazic communities might consider adopting the practice of announcing a girl s name and formally welcoming her in a single freestanding ceremony that is held in the baby s honor and in her presence. At the same time, the father or the parents of a newborn girl (in traditional or egalitarian communities, respectively) could continue to be called up to the Torah and, as before, a Mi Shebairach would be recited to bless the mother.

6 a first and only naming 41 The primary change is that a baby would no longer be named in the synagogue, since she would be named for the first and only time at a separate ceremony. As a result, V yekara sh ma b yisrael May her name be called in Israel would no longer be said in the synagogue Mi Shebairach. This approach highlights the importance of both parents and newborns to the community. Neither overshadows the other, and parents and newborns are each central to their own ritual the aliyah and Mi Shebairach (for parents) and the welcoming ceremony (for the baby). As we will see, this structure also affords other benefits (some of which may likewise apply if a baby s welcome occurs in the synagogue). As independent events, the parents ritual and the baby s ceremony could occur in different venues and at different times. With respect to venue, the aliyah for parents would continue to take place in the synagogue, whereas the baby s ceremony would, preferably, be conducted at home. It is fitting to acknowledge parents in the synagogue, their primary forum of communal engagement, and to initiate a newborn in the home, the locus of her existence and a source of warmth and comfort. In this way, the home functions for a baby as a second womb. The home is an intimate setting for initiating one who is so small and fragile.5 With respect to timing, the aliyah would no longer be tied to a concern about naming the baby by a certain time. It follows that the aliyah could occur when a mother attends the synagogue on Shabbat for the first time after giving birth regardless of how much time has passed since the birth, and regardless of when the baby is named. In this way, both parents are certain to be present for the aliyah, and the baby can be named and welcomed at a time that is appropriate and significant. These adjustments regarding location and timing would also provide an opportunity to recapture the medieval Ashkenazic paradigm where newborns and parents were honored separately. On the one hand, the baby s name could be announced at an intimate home ceremony, as it was at the Hollekreisch. Indeed, the practice of naming girls at the Hollekreisch ceremony apparently preceded that of the synagogue naming. Therefore, naming girls today at a freestanding welcoming ceremony might be construed as a reversion to an older practice. On the other hand, performing the aliyah on the Shabbat that a mother returns to the synagogue for the first time post- partum restores this ritual into a distinctive public occasion for both parents. As in medieval

7 42 naming and welcoming Ashkenaz, fathers would receive this special aliyah (as would mothers, in egalitarian communities today), and parents would be honored with songs and enjoy a festive ambience. Furthermore, parents could formally reconnect with the community after a period of post- partum privacy. Today, there is evidence that birthing mothers are seeking ways to ritualize their reintegration into the community.6 In sum, Jews today have the opportunity to enhance the present by evoking the past and to make parents and newborns feel special and appreciated at a turning point in their lives. Holding this aliyah on a mother s return to the synagogue also restores the ritual s original, important purpose: to fulfill a mother s obligation to give thanks and seek atonement, as she would have done in the Temple by bringing sacrifices. Today the impulse to give thanks for a safe childbirth remains as strong as ever. A mother may wish to thank her Creator for the opportunity to participate in the miracle of birth and for giving her strength throughout this primal physical experience. Seeking atonement also resonates today, since we strive for atonement at other major life- cycle milestones. The Ashkenazic customs of fasting and wearing a kittel, a white shroud- like garment, transform one s wedding day into a Yom Kippur katan, a diminutive Day of Atonement. In addition, a person lying on a deathbed recites the viduy confession prayers in order to seek atonement. The idea that a post- partum aliyah functions as a means of seeking atonement thus fits easily into existing life- cycle practices. It also dovetails with a custom that, when a woman goes on to the birthing stool as labor begins, she promises to perform zealously a specific mitzvah of her choosing,7 in the hope that the merit of this mitzvah will sustain her and give her strength. More broadly, a modern commentator has conceptualized a birthing mother s atonement sacrifice as commemorating the start of a new page for the family, in the manner that atonement sacrifices were brought after the dedication of the Tabernacle, among other examples.8 According to this interpretation, the atonement sacrifice symbolizes the momentous change that a newborn brings, a sentiment experienced just as much today as in Temple times. A mother s presence at the aliyah today is not only personally meaningful, but also has the critical effect of reinstating the aliyah s status as an obligation (chiyuv) and rectifying the halachic anomalies that result when a father receives an aliyah without a chiyuv. Every time that a father has this aliyah without the birthing mother in attendance, she is not fulfilling

8 a first and only naming 43 her halachic obligations to give thanks and to atone. Furthermore, halachic complications arise if a father s aliyah, which does not constitute a chiyuv in his wife s absence, is afforded higher priority than the aliyah of someone who has an actual chiyuv. It follows that halachically observant Jews should make a particular effort to perform this aliyah when a birthing mother comes to the synagogue for the first time after giving birth, and no sooner. This brings us to the role of Birkat HaGomel, the responsive prayer recited for having recovered from an illness.9 While some birthing mothers customarily recite Birkat HaGomel today, this was not the case in medieval Ashkenaz. In the Ashkenazic tradition, birthing mothers did not recite Birkat HaGomel; rather, they were present for their husband s aliyah and responded Amen to the blessings. If birthing mothers did not recite Birkat HaGomel in the Middle Ages when childbirth was quite dangerous, it is arguable that today, when childbirth has become so much safer, birthing mothers should likewise, as a general rule, not recite Birkat HaGomel. More importantly, since childbirth is a natural process experienced by healthy women, birthing mothers arguably should not say a prayer that is recited on account of recovering from an illness. Today, a mother might recite Birkat HaGomel only if she has endured a dangerous pregnancy or birth. In addition, one could pray for a mother experiencing post- partum complications using a Mi Shebairach specific to these circumstances, such as that reported by R. Israel Isserlin in fifteenth- century Austria, which invokes all the foremothers except for Rachel who died in childbirth.10 Today, healthy birthing mothers returning to the synagogue the first time post- partum, and attending the special aliyah and other festivities, could develop different ways of expressing their thanks to God for the miracle of childbirth. halachic considerations for naming newborn girls Although we have now learned about various means of reorienting the synagogue naming, we return to the observation that many traditional Ashkenazic Jews today have become attached to the synagogue naming to the point that some believe it is practically mandatory. A new father once complained to me that he went to the synagogue to receive an aliyah and name his newborn daughter with a Mi Shebairach, although he would have preferred a ritual that is more personally meaningful to him. I asked him why he did so, given his perspective about the synagogue naming ritual. He responded,

9 44 naming and welcoming Because I had to. Similarly, I am aware of a couple who named their daughter with a Mi Shebairach following the father s aliyah. The mother expressed her distaste for this ritual, but nonetheless attended services and invited a few close relatives to attend in an effort to make the occasion more expansive. In response to my cautious questioning about why she and her husband chose this mode of naming, she said, I didn t know there was any other way to name a daughter. Thus, for traditional Ashkenazim, it is critical to examine what the Jewish legal system of halacha prescribes with respect to naming newborn girls. Moreover, this is a significant exercise for all those who are interested in the interplay between law and customs and how the distinction between the two can sometimes become obscured. We begin with the key observation that the synagogue naming at the first Torah reading or the first Shabbat following birth is customary, and not legally mandated.11 Viewed from a broader sociological perspective, naming girls is an interesting example where certain customs have become entrenched although the legalistic halachic system allows for a fairly extensive amount of flexibility. Our first question involves the halachic expectations about when to name a girl. R. Yitzchak Yaakov Weiss ( ; United Kingdom) states that there is no obligatory, proper, or defined time to name a daughter.12 R. Eliezer Waldenberg ( ; Israel) similarly explains that the question of when to name a daughter is not legally determinable (ein mizeh b halacha).13 Even contemporary sources mention a number of halachically acceptable times for naming a girl, such as the day of her birth, the first Torah reading following her birth, her first Shabbat, at the end of her first month of life, or within eighty days of birth (corresponding to the time at which her mother brings a birthing/atonement sacrifice).14 Thus, we see that the frantic rush to name girls in traditional Ashkenazic communities is a recent phenomenon and not a longstanding requirement. Moreover, for centuries, girls in some Ashkenazic regions received their holy names in the synagogue four weeks (or thirty days) following birth. In eighteenth- century Germany, R. Jacob Emden commented that a baby girl is named after four weeks of life, when she is about to emerge from the status of a nefel (an infant susceptible to death).15 My great- uncle Henry Okolica, an Orthodox rabbi for eighty years, emphasized to me that, in his experience in early twentieth- century Germany, a girl s name was never revealed prior to the Hollekreisch ceremony conducted four weeks following

10 a first and only naming 45 birth. Indeed, as late as the eve of the Holocaust, the synagogue naming was not a universal practice among traditional Ashkenazim, nor did every Jewish girl even have a holy name. Today, however, newborn girls are named in the synagogue as soon as possible, when they are no more than a few days old. This contrast demonstrates that, even as a practical matter, there is no mandated time for naming girls. Our second question is the extent to which halacha associates a girl s naming with an aliyah in the synagogue. R. Yitzchak Yaakov Weiss plainly states that it is possible to name a daughter even without having an aliyah. 16 It is also noteworthy that the Koren Siddur, published in 2009 as a joint venture of Chief Rabbi Lord Jonathan Sacks of the United Kingdom and the Orthodox Union of the United States, provides for the option of naming a girl for the first and only time at a freestanding ceremony.17 It is therefore not an overstatement to say that naming a girl without an aliyah has the imprimatur of the Orthodox rabbinate of Great Britain and the premier Orthodox organization in the United States. This rabbinic standpoint is consistent with historical realities. We saw that the father of a girl could receive an aliyah without reciting a naming Mi Shebairach (for example, Yitzchak Baer s 1886 Tikkun), and that this Mi Shebairach could be recited without a father receiving an aliyah (for instance, if a mother dies prior to her first synagogue visit). A girl s naming, therefore, is not a priori linked to either the aliyah or the Mi Shebairach. The reason for this disconnect is that the original purpose of the Mi Shebairach was to bless a mother, not to name her daughter. sephardic and mizrachic home naming ceremonies Additional support for naming girls for the first and only time at ceremonies unrelated to a Torah service derives from the fact that some Sephardic and Mizrachic communities have been doing this for centuries. Home ceremonies and other customs for naming and welcoming newborn girls, which are part of certain Sephardic and Mizrachic traditions, constitute precedents for Ashkenazim seeking to develop a similar model. However, the modern practice of naming a daughter at a freestanding ceremony (beginning in the 1970s) is not, as a historical matter, a product of these much older Sephardic and Mizrachic customs. Not every Sephardic and Mizrachic community recognizes newborn girls

11 46 naming and welcoming with a home ceremony or other practice; indeed, many do not. Furthermore, some of these communities traditionally prize sons and deem daughters to be undesirable (as evidenced, for example, by the Zeved HaBat s prayer that a girl be blessed with male children ). However, some Jewish cultures that traditionally deride daughters also paradoxically value them, particularly for their help in performing housework and caring for their siblings, or even for their beauty and grace. Thus, outlooks regarding the value of sons and daughters have varied substantially according to regions and even towns, and attitudes toward daughters have sometimes been conflicted.18 That said, it is significant that, in some Sephardic and Mizrachic traditions, ceremonies for newborn girls have developed outside the framework of synagogue services and often occur in parents homes. One such ceremony is the Zeved HaBat ( Gift of a Daughter ). The Zeved HaBat liturgy recited in conjunction with a father s aliyah in some Sephardic communities, as we have seen, is incorporated into a home ceremony in other traditions.19 This liturgy consists of selected passages from the Song of Songs, other Biblical verses, a special naming Mi Shebairach, and sometimes songs and lyrical poetry. In the Spanish and Portuguese communities that hold a Zeved HaBat at home, a mother recites Birkat HaGomel, and a prayer leader (chazzan) recites the Zeved HaBat liturgy, concluding with the naming. Some Moroccan families likewise hold this ceremony at home with members of the community in attendance. In the Judeo- Spanish tradition, all the guests sing the Zeved HaBat liturgy, in conjunction with the Las Fadas ceremony described below.20 Jews in India, Yemen, and Bucharia have also welcomed and named newborn girls using the Zeved HaBat ceremony.21 The timing of a Zeved HaBat home ceremony is at the parents discretion.22 The role of an officiant, such as a rabbi, chazzan, or mesader, is prominent in Zeved HaBat rituals, particularly in the home setting. A presiding rabbi may hold the baby in his hands or on his knees when reciting the liturgy. It is customary in some communities that a kohen (priest) takes the baby in his hands and blesses her and all the gathered guests with the priestly blessing (Numbers 6:24 26).23 During the Zeved HaBat ceremony, women in attendance may sing songs of praise to both the mother and daughter and provide them with gifts, such as incense and candles. Women may also bring to the ceremony fertility symbols, such as live chickens and star water, which is water exposed to the

12 a first and only naming 47 sky for seven nights. In the Moroccan tradition, women raise their voices in undulations while the naming of the child is taking place in order to express their great joy at the birth of the lass. 24 Whether the Zeved HaBat occurs in the synagogue or at home, the family typically sponsors a festive meal (seudat mitzvah) and/or a kiddush (sabt) for all those in attendance. Often, fruits of the seven special species of Israel are served at the celebration.25 Las Fadas is another type of welcoming ceremony held at home for baby girls. It is conducted in the Judeo- Spanish and Turkish traditions, among others. At a ceremonial feast approximately two weeks or sometimes thirty days after a girl s birth, the newborn is dressed up in a miniature white bridal gown. A young relative carries her into the room on a pillow, and the guests pass the baby from one to the other, each giving her a blessing. The rabbi then holds the baby on his lap, recites a blessing for her health and happiness, and announces her name. Verses from the Song of Songs are also recited.26 In Turkey, an embroidered silk veil is placed over the heads of a mother and her daughter. The mother wears this veil throughout her life, and the daughter wears it at her wedding. In another version of this custom, the newborn is wrapped in a veil while she is named.27 The word fadas derives from the Spanish hadas, meaning fairies. Jews apparently adapted the Spanish custom of having fairies bless a newborn by infusing this custom with Jewish symbolism.28 Jews from Iraq and, less frequently, Kurdistan hold a Shisha (or Shasha) festival at home on the sixth night of a baby s life. In the Iraqi tradition, a Shisha is identical for boys and girls, except that only girls are named at this festival, since boys are named at a circumcision later that week. A Shisha features singing and feasting and may include the recitation of blessings, verses from the Song of Songs, and other Biblical verses, as well as songs praising the baby s beauty.29 Indian Jews of Iraqi extraction hold a similar festive gathering at home called a Sitti or Leylat-el-sitti. This celebration is held on the sixth night following a birth, but for newborn girls only.30 A baby girl is brought to her family s living room in her cradle, the assembled guests greet her, and the midwife or community chazzan announces her name. The baby wears a silk and lace dress and underdress and a bonnet decorated with gold- thread embroidery. 31 The Sitti has been described as reminiscent of that preceding a boy s circumcision, attended by a quorum of men and friends who read the Zohar or Song of Songs and then bless the baby. The guests feast, accompa-

13 48 naming and welcoming nied by much singing and music. 32 The Sitti is practiced today; for example, I know a couple in the United States who have held this ceremony, along with an elaborate party, for each of their young daughters. Neighborhood children were invited to the home of a newborn on the day preceding a Sitti ceremony. On the way they made as much noise as possible shouting shasha, shasha [a nonsense word], stamping their feet and banging tin cans... in order to ward off evil spirits. Then, [w]hen the children reached the baby s home, the adults there encouraged them to make even more noise; as a reward they were given... treats, such as watermelon and pumpkin seeds, roasted chick peas, and sugar cubes, which were proffered on a table or large tray that sometimes also held coins and amulets. 33 Indian Jews known as the Bene Israel (distinct from Iraqi Indian Jews), traditionally perform the Barsa ceremony at home on the twelfth day following a birth to introduce a newborn to his or her cradle. Despite its Hindu origins, the Barsa is a social custom that enables friends and neighbors primarily women and children to meet a newborn and to bring gifts. A girl receives her name at this time, while a boy has already been named at his circumcision. The baby s aunt or another woman holds the baby in her arms, blesses her, whispers her new name into her ear, then places her in the cradle. Boiled chickpeas, sweets, and other foods are arranged around the baby in the cradle and are later distributed to the children. In addition, [l]adies sing lullabies to the child. The mother sits on the bed rocking the cradle. She also wears new clothes and her hair is decorated with flowers. 34 The baby likewise receives a special new garment, and the cradle is decorated with flowers and colored paper. After the baby is rocked to sleep, the women sing, dance, and play with the children. The women hide five species of fruit in the hem of the mother s sari and give treats to children who act as if they are robbing sweets from the baby s cradle. Each woman also gives the mother a coconut to ensure her continued fertility and other foods to guarantee sufficient breast milk for the baby.35 In sum, certain Sephardic and Mizrachic communities have developed rich customs for naming and recognizing newborn girls at home. These customs are important precedents because they demonstrate the longstanding acceptability of naming a daughter for the first and only time at home or elsewhere, rather than in the synagogue after an aliyah. At the same time,

14 a first and only naming 49 these practices provide only a glimpse into the complex and diverse attitudes regarding newborn daughters in traditional Sephardic and Mizrachic societies. A consistent practice of naming girls for the first and only time at a home ceremony is one means of reshaping the contemporary synagogue naming to show respect to newborn girls and to give them a prominent role in their own rituals. Parents could be separately honored with the aliyah and other synagogue- based practices. While there are today a variety of approaches for naming newborn girls, my hope is that the observations and ideas in this chapter are pertinent across the range of Jewish communities. But what else should a welcoming ceremony for newborn girls contain, aside from a naming? We begin to address this question by exploring the modern rituals for newborn Jewish girls which emerged in the 1970s and have expanded since then into a robust life- cycle genre. These rituals, which contain namings and much more, are the focus of the next chapter.