1978 The Economic Aspects of California Missions, Robert Archibald

Transcription

1 California State University, Monterey Bay Digital CSUMB Franciscan Publications Spanish Viceroyalty [AD 1542/ ] The Economic Aspects of California Missions, Robert Archibald Follow this and additional works at: Part of the Arts and Humanities Commons, Education Commons, and the Social and Behavioral Sciences Commons Recommended Citation "1978 The Economic Aspects of California Missions, Robert Archibald" (2017). Franciscan Publications This Book is brought to you for free and open access by the Spanish Viceroyalty [AD 1542/ ] at Digital CSUMB. It has been accepted for inclusion in Franciscan Publications by an authorized administrator of Digital CSUMB. For more information, please contact digitalcommons@csumb.edu.

2 THE ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSIONS ROBERT ARCHIBALD ACADEMY OF AMERICAN FRANCISCAN HISTORY WASHINGTON, D.C.

3 CUM PERM!SSU SUPERIORUM COPYRIGHT, 1978, BY ACADEMY OF AMERICAN FRANCISCAN HISTORY PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY THE WILLIAM BYRD PRESS, INC RICHMOND, VIRGINIA t

4 THE ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSIONS

5 Table of Contents Introduction Chapter Page I. Economic Features of Institutes of Government II. Price Regulation III. The Connection with San Blas IV. Mission Reports and Accounts V. Mission Economic Relationships with Civilians, Military and Government 74 VI. Trade with the Outside World VII. Mission Labor VIII. Mission Agriculture Conclusion Bibliography Index XI

6 List of Tables Tu e 1. Selected Shipments from San Blas Prices for Goods Received at Mission San Carlos Foodstuffs in Early Shipments to California Supplies in Early Shipments in California Purchase Account of Mission Santa Barbara Prices of Selected Items Remitted to Mission Santa Barbara Cost of Cargo and Freight on Goods Shipped to Santa Barbara and San Diego Government Subsidies to the Missions Debts of Monterey Presidio to Mission San Carlos , Items Frequently Purchased by Missions from Presidios Supplies Sold by Missions to Presidios Drafts in Favor of Mission Purfsima Goods Given by the "Mercury" in Exchange for Otter Skins Otter Sold and Value of Cash and Goods Received in Payment Mission Population Percentage of Wheat in Mission Harvests of Staple Crops Sowings, Harvest and Yields of Wheat, Barley and Corn Percentage of Maize in Mission Harvests of Staple Crops Percentage of Barley in Mission Harvests of Staple Crops Percentage of Kidney Beans in Total Mission Harvests 134,! Mission Herds of Major Livestock Mission Herds of Minor Livestock

7 Introduction The three leading institutions of the northern frontier of New Spain, presidio, pueblo and mission, were active agents which planted Hispanic culture indelibly upon California. Though partners on the frontier, each served a distinct function. The presidio represented the military and secular authority essential for the success of the other two. It was integral to the grand design of the mad genius of Jose de Galvez to block Russian southward encroachment. Spain, rejuvenated under Charles 111, was engaging in what has been called "aggressive defensive expansion." Although frequently clothed in terms of a pious mission to the natives of Alta California, the motivation for the "Sacred Expedition" to colonize the area has more to do with the international strategy of the Spanish Bourbons. The pueblo and mission were intended to secure Spain's hold upon New California. The pueblos, Los Angeles, San Jose, and for a time, Branciforte, in addition to civilian settlements which gradually grew up around presidios and missions, were intended to supplement the military with agricultural products. This, it was hoped, would relieve Spain of maintaining the expensive and uncertain supply line linking California with the Port of San Blas. Although the pueblos gradually matured into centers of Spanish civilization, they never fulfilled expectations. Frontier California offered little to Mexican civilians of the better sort and not enough was done to attract them. Furthermore, civilians could not compete with the cheap labor provided by Indian neophytes at the missions. The mission in its dual role as an institution of colonial control and as an economic enterprise became the dynamo of Hispanic California. The ordained role of the mission as a frontier institution was the Christianization and Hispanicization of native peoples. This function implied the gathering of Indians into communities which in turn demanded economic activity for their support. To achieve this it was essential that they be trained in agricultural methods and that they acquire skills necessary to support themselves in Hispanic society. The mission theoretically belonged to the Indians with the missionary as a trustee who would oversee the mission until the natives had been Hispanicized. Ideally, the process was expected to take ten years but in practice, no mission was turned over to its Xl

8 XU ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Indian residents during the fifty-two years of Spanish domination in California. The missionaries themselves were acutely aware of the economic role of the mission. In addition to the obvious requisite of Indians, mission sites were selected with an eye to the fertility of the soil, the availability of water and the proximity of timber. After the missions approached agricultural self-sufficiency and assumed the role of supplying the military, which it had been hoped civilian settlement would fill. The economic role of the mission was further enhanced by the dislocations caused by the Mexican independence movement after 181 o. The tenuous maritime link with San Blas was snapped and the missions became responsible for the economic survival of California. Only the missions possessed the surplus products which could be exchanged with outsiders for necessary items not produced in California. As sources for trade goods and cash loaned and given to the military, the missions became, in effect, California's first banks. Without the excess produce of the missions, commercial relations with outsiders, both Spanish and foreign, would have been impossible and the very existence of Spanish California would have been in question. As artisans from Mexico taught their skills to Indian neophytes, the missions supplied the military with their products and with skilled labor. It was the mission trained Indian who supplied clothing, shoes, saddles, weapons and a myriad of other goods in addition to building harbors, gun emplacements, homes, churches and government buildings. The California missions as frontier institutions, must be viewed as pastoral, agricultural, mercantile and financial organizations. It is the development of these economic functions which this work will explore.

9 AAFH AASF AGI AGN BNM BL CHSQ DHM DML HAHR HL JAH MNM SBMA SCHSQ UTA Abbreviations Academy of American Franciscan History Archive of the Archbishop of San Francisco Archivo General de lndias Archivo General de la Nacion Archivo de la Biblioteca Nacional de Mexico Bancroft Library California Historical Society Quarterly Documentos para la Historia de Mexico (AGN) Doheny Memorial Library Hispanic American Historical Review Huntington Library journal of Agricultural History Archivo de! Museo Nacional Santa Barbara Mission Archives Southern California Historical Society Quarterly University of Texas Archives Xlll

10 THE ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSIONS

11 CHAPTER ONE Economic Features of Institutes of Government l't -- - N TH EIGHTEENTJ:l. CENTU Y, SPAIN C _ LUNG "D r_,;. tenac10usly to mercanulist economic theory which had..,, served her in the past. The idea that colonial economies,,_, r ::, were to be complementary and supplementary to that of ::.J the mother country was extended to the frontier outpost.,....,". =-. of California. Combined with this was a long tradition of Hapsburg and Bourbon absolutism which extended royal power to the smallest detail. Hence, it is not surprising to find a series of provisions designed to regulate the economy of California. From I 768. to 178 1, various reglamentos determined the future course of the California economy. For early Hispanic California, the regulations were crucial. A frontier situation combined with geographic isolation made every peso and every parcel shipped from San Blas of utmost importance. A bureaucratic delay or error or a shipwreck was a matter affecting survival. Consequently, quarrels and deep concern surrounded what from our vantage point seem to be minor items. Economically, Alta California was balanced precipitously from I 769 to I 78 1 with only a gradual improvement. It was in Lower California and under the auspices of Jose de Galvez, the great Visitor-General, that the first orders for Alta California were given. By I 768 Spanish fear of Russian encroachments extending from Kamtchatka to the Aleutian Islands had set in motion events which were to result in the Spanish occupation of Alta California. News of the Russian movements at the Spanish court prompted the Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, The Marques de Grimaldi, to warn Viceroy Francisco de Croix to instruct the new governor of Lower California, Don Gaspar de Portola, to be vigilant and to report any Russian activity. 1 Simultaneously, in Mexico, the Viceroy and the famous Visitor-General, Jose de Galvez, sent a joint dispatch to the King announcing Galvez' intentions to visit the northwest provinces of New Spain, including Lower California, because of 1 El Marques de Grimaldi to Viceroy de Croix, Madrid, January 2 3, 1 768, AGN. Provincias lnternas. Vol, 154. Transcript in SBMA.

12 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION "unsettled conditions." The dispatch emphasized the Russian threat and announced a plan for the occupation of Upper California. 2 In April of 1768 Galvez left Mexico and on July 5th he arrived near La Paz in Lower California. In route he had received a letter from Grimaldi, transmitted by the Viceroy, ordering Galvez to take possession of the ports of San Diego and Monterey to preserve California from a Russian seizure. 3 It was Galvez, in Lower California, who with precedents set there and with orders given for New California, began to lay the basis for the new establishments soon to be founded by the "Sacred Expedition." With expulsion of the Jesuits from all of Spain's New World colonies in 1767, including Lower California, the economic administration of these missions had been assigned to the military with disastrous results. The continuation of this system and the extension of it to Alta California would have drastically altered the future economic development of the missions. Of all government regulations, the decision of Galvez to restore the earlier status quo was most momentous for the future economy of California. Regarding this, the Father Guardian of the Franciscan College of San Fernando de Mexico wrote in 1771 to the Royal Fiscal, Don Manuel Laos de Casafonda: Some soldier commissioners succeeded the expelled Jesuits and in a little more than six months one of them killed 600 head of cattle at his mission, another 400, others 300, the destruction of others being the same as is apparent from the accounts the commissioners handed in. It was these actions that motivated the visitor to place the fathers in charge of mission temporalities. As a matter of fact this is the only way they can subsist if they are aided by the proper means. 4 Although Fray Francisco Pal6u protested that, "they (the Franciscans) were very far from seeking the management of the temporalities," Galvez made the necessary agreements with Fray Junipero Serra for their transfer. 5 On July 26, 1768 Galvez notified Serra, who at the time was Father President of the Lower California missions, of his decision to restore the temporalities to the missionaries. At the same time the visitor decided that the temporalities of the contemplated mrssions of Alta California would also be administered by the Franciscans assigned to them. It was provided 2 Plan para la Erecci6n de un Govierno y Comandancia General que comprehenda la Peninsula de Californias y las Provincias de Sinaloa, Sonara y Nueva Vizcaya. Carlos de Croix to Jose de Galvez, Mexico, January 23, 1768, AGN. Provincias.Internas. Vol Herbert I. Priestley, Jose de Galvez, Visitor General of New Spain, Berkeley 1916, 248. verger to Manuel Lans de Casafonda. Mexico, June 30, AGN. Colecci6n de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Segunda serie, Vol. 5. Ed. and trans. in Maynard Geiger, "Fray Rafael Verger and the California Mission Enterprise," SCHSQ, Vol. 49, 1967, r. 5 Herbert E. Bolton, ed., Palau's New California, 4 vols.: Berkeley, 1926, Vol. I, 36.

13 ECONOMIC FEATURES OF INSTITUTES OF GOVERNMENT 3 y 0 s 1 V 'S e e j ;, r l. '1, :1 ) z e.t j j a 0 y I r, that the soldier commissioners, in whose hands the economic management rested, were to turn over immediately the temporalities to the Franciscan missionaries. 6 The crucial decision regarding economic affairs being made, Galvez and Serra moved to make the financial arrangements necessary for the success of the Alta California missions. The two conferred in Lower California and reached agreement regarding salaries to be paid and the number of missionaries to reside at each of the new establishments. Referring to Franciscan preference to be assigned in pairs, Galvez wrote to the viceroy that, "the Franciscan missionaries want to live two to a mission because their order lives in communities and so they can help each other when sick and in spiritual administration." 7 Consequently it was agreed that two missionaries would be assigned to each mission and that each missionary would receive an annual stipend from the Pious Fund of 3 50 pesos. The stipend was justified by Galvez because of the isolation of the new province. Out of this stipend each missionary was to receive by ship, free of freight cost, up to six arrobas ( I 50 pounds) of goods per year. 8 It was arranged that each year the appropriate monies were to be transferred from the administrator of the Pious Fund to the syndic of the College of San Fernando. 9 The Pious Fund was accumulated by the Jesuits for the support of their establishments in Lower California beginning in The fund was donated by wealthy residents of New Spain and Europe who hoped in this fashion to ease their way to heaven. Management of the monies which were invested and loaned was in the hands of the Jesuits until their expulsion in Control then went to the State which in accordance with the wishes of the original contributors set up the fund in trust for the support of the California missions. 10 Viceroy Croix also allowed 1000 pesos for the founding of each new 6 Galvez to Serra, Santa Ana, July 26, 1768, Private collection, Mexico City. Transcript in SBMA. Temporalities is used synonomously with economic affairs which are temporal as opposed to spiritual. 7 Galvez to the Viceroy, La Paz, December 16, 1768, AGL Guadalajara, 416. Photostat in SBMA. 6 Galvez, Reglamento acordados y convenidos con el Padre Presidente de las Misiones en 30 de Noviembre de 1768, La Paz, November 3 o, 1768, AGL Photostat in SBMA. 9 Galvez to Viceroy, Alamos, June 10, 1769, AGL Guadalajara 416. Photostat in SBMA. The College of San Fernando in Mexico City was the missionary college which supplied Franciscans for the Alta California missions. Because Franciscans took a vow of poverty, a lay syndic or treasurer was appointed to handle financial affairs. 1 Kenneth M. Johnson, The Pious Fund, Los Angeles, 1963, r Further history of the Fund may be found in United States vs. Mexico, Report of Jackson Ralston in the matter of the Pious Fund of the Californias, Washington, And in Francis Weber, The Pious Fund, Los Angeles, 1969.

14 4 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION mission and directed that the necessary money be released from the Pious Fund to the syndic of the College of San Fernando. 11 While expenditures for salaries and new missions were in the spirit of the Pious Fund, other disbursements were more questionable. The settlement of California was prompted by international strategy and the mission was auxiliary to that consideration. Hence, the expenditure of mission funds for the support of military aims hardly seems justifiable. Yet expenditures were made from the Pious Fund for royal warehouses, naval expenses and for the outfitting of exploring expeditions. In I 77 3 the director of the fund reported that by viceregal decree, approximately 1 3 6,000 pesos had been expended on the Na val Department of San Blas, on the royal warehouse at Loreto and on the land and sea expeditions to San Diego and Monterey. 12 The following year 10,000 pesos were appropriated from the fund for the second Anza expedition to California. These disbursements should be considered subsidies from mission funds to the government. 13 In August of the Father Guardian of the College of San Fernando, Fray Rafael Verger, described some of the other provisions made by Galvez and criticized the visitor's seeming lack of attention to the real financial needs of the new missions. 14 Verger complained that 3 50 pesos per missionary could not possibly suffice for missions so isolated and separated by 800 leagues from Mexico City. Secondly, how could I ooo pesos be made to suffice for the founding of a new mission? From Mexico City the missions had to be provided with all agricultural implements, a complete carpenter shop, eating and cooking utensils and even all of the tools for stone masons. Church ornaments had to be obtained and houses and storerooms had to be constructed. Laborers from New Spain had to be paid and cattle as well as grain had to be provided. In addition, items such as tobacco were required to attract neophytes to the missions. All of the necessities, Verger claimed, amounted to well over I ooo pesos. Verger, a confirmed pessimist, was skeptical concerning the future of the new missions. He generally felt that Galvez' planning had been haphazard and insufficient. Costs, he felt, were exorbitant and the loss of ships and lives prohibitive. Although the Father Guardian's complaints were not acted upon immediately, and his letter was probably lost in a 11 De Croix to Fages, Mexico, November 12, 1770, AGN. Californias-Correspondencia, Vol Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Charles E. Chapman, The Founding of Spanish California: the Northward Expansion of New Spain, New York, 1916, Verger to Manuel Lans de Casafonda, Mexico, June 30, 1771, AGN. Colecci6n de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Segunda Serie, Vol. 15.

15 ECONOMIC FEATURES OF INSTITUTES OF GOVERNMENT 5 f ) s ) :I ) ) l e s e 1 e,f 1,f s 1 bureaucratic maze, many of his complaints would be echoed by Serra in, I 77 3 and would be remedied in the Echeveste Reglamento of that year. California from r 769 to r 77 3 was a typical frontier whose institutions were only beginning to adapt themselves to a unique situation. Relationships between church and state, complicated by the special relationship between the Spanish Monarchy and the Catholic hierarchy, were only beginning to be defined in the new province. The economic role of the missions had hardly begun to take shape. The system of supply from Mexico had, at best, been sporadic and no firm decision had been rendered on whether the route was to be overland or by sea. Meanwhile, California existed on the verge of starvation. Problems were intensified by bitter disagreements between Father President Junfpero Serra and Governor Pedro Fages. To seek solutions to these problems, Junfpero Serra left California for the Viceregal Court and arrived in Mexico City in February of r Serra immediately had a conference with Bucareli, the new viceroy. Bucareli requested that Serra draw up a report with suggestions for the improvement of the situation in Alta California. Serra went quickly to work and completed his revealing report on March 9th. 15 The memorial contained a number of financial recommendations. Serra suggested that although a supernumerary, he was entitled as Father President, to an annual stipend. The annual stipend of 3 50 pesos agreed upon with Galvez ought to be raised to 400 pesos. The presidia! accounts which had remained at Loreto in Lower California ought to be transferred to Monterey and a royal warehouse established. Price regulations should also be drawn up. Soldiers, since they were paid in goods at a high markup from Mexico prices, should have salary increases. Also with respect to the military, escoltas assigned to missions should serve at the pleasure of the missionary in charge. 16 Shortage of laborers also prompted Serra to request that peons be sent from New Spain to cultivate mission lands. Sailors from San Blas should be sent to provide labor with the option of leaving after one year. The sailors, he hoped, would be paid by the auditor at San Blas, while the missions would provide free rations. Indian families from Lower California could be sent to provide both labor and a Christian example for the neophytes. e 15 Representacion of Serra to Bucareli, Mexico, March 9, Certified copy made in m SBMA, also trans. in Bolton, Pa/6u's New California, III, A supernumerary was a missionary in excess of the two normally assigned to a mission and thus. not entitled to a stipend. The esco/ta was a military detachment of 5-1 o men assigned as a m1ss10n guard under a corporal. Control of the esco/ta was a constant source of argument between Governor Fages and Serra.

16 6 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Bitter conflict with Governor Fages prompted Serra to request that shipments destined for the missions be marked separately from those for presidios and guards. This procedure had been followed in the first year, but subsequently the commissary at San Blas had sent it all to.f ages which had caused much disagreement. This point was part and parcel of the labor problem. Fages had withheld food supplies which made it impossible to attract Indian neophytes. No one would voluntarily subject himself to possible starvation. By I the missions felt an acute need for the products of blacksmiths and carpenters in quantities which could not be supplied from Mexico. In consequence, Serra felt that it was imperative that a blacksmith be provided for San Diego which had already been supplied with a forge. Sending all metal implements, including axes and hoes, from Mission San Diego to the presidia of Monterey for repairs was time consuming and expensive. A forge and blacksmith for Mission San Carlos was also requested. Iron had to be sent for the forges. In addition, the missions were in need of carpenters and requisite tools. In Serra's opinion a large part of the supply problem was due to inefficient and, sometimes, dishonest management of the Naval Department of San Blas. Often, he complained, corn was loaded in a damaged and worm eaten condition and likewise with the rest of the provisions. Meat, when it was shipped at all, was so worm eaten as to be worthless despite the plentiful supply of cattle in the neighborhood of San Blas. Six ounces of meat was supposed to be the daily ration, but none had been available for two years. Packing and loading were often done haphazardly. Flour, for example, was loaded in sacks of loosely woven agave fiber which allowed it to leak out. Serra felt that it was essential that measures in San Blas and California be standardized. The commissary at San Blas had been using a fanega measure of 9 ½ or Io a/muds, while Serra correctly maintained that it should contain twelve almuds. To insure standardization, he suggested that a set of measures be made at San Blas for each of the missions consisting of a half fanega, an almud, half almud and a quarter almud. In this fashion, frauds would be eliminated. 17 Related to the supply problem was the chronic lack of mules in Alta California with which to distribute shipments. This was blamed on Fages who had commandeered mules for use by the military. The Father President's petition was sent by the Viceroy to the Royal Council of War and Exchequer and a decision was reached by the council 17 The fanega was approximately 1.6 bushels and there were approximately 1 2 almuds in a fanega. See Manuel Carrera Stampa, "The Evolution of Weights and Measures in New Spain," HAHR, Vol. 30, 1950, And J. N. Bowman, "Weights and Measures of Provincial California," CHSQ, Vol. 30, 1952,

17 ECONOMIC FEATURES OF INSTITUTES OF GOVERNMENT 7 on May 6, I Serra, as a supernumerary was to receive a stipend. Escoltas were to be under the control of the missionaries. Sailors from San Blas were to be sent to work at the missions, but it was stipulated that they could not be forced to stay beyond one year. 18 In accordance with Serra's request, goods shipped for the missions were to be marked separately. The junta agreed that the blacksmiths, forge and iron would be provided, along with the carpenters requested. Mail sent from California to the College of San Fernando was to be delivered without charge. Measures were to be regulated in the manner suggested. The commissary at San Blas was enjoined to ship only provisions in good condition. The council reserved decision on Serra's other requests for the reglamento which was to be drawn up by Juan Jose de Echeveste. On May 24, I 77 3, Juan Jose de Echeveste, with unusual dispatch, presented the awaited reglamento to Viceroy Bucareli. 19 Stimulated by a letter which Serra had written to Viceroy Antonio Maria Bucareli relating his suspicions of mismanagement at San Blas and by his complaints in this petition, the reglamento provided for continuation of the naval supply service and its reorganization. 20 The efficiency of the other end of the supply line was to be improved with establishment of a royal warehouse, and storekeeper's offices at Monterey and at San Diego. 2 1 Salaries of the military were increased, but this was offset by the stipulation that payment was to be made in clothing and goods at I 50 percent over Mexico City cost. It was determined that the state of the Royal Exchequer and of the Pious Fund was such that no new establishments were to be permitted in Alta California for the time being. The annual stipend of the missionaries was raised to 800 pesos per mission and new missions were permitted double this amount for their first five years. Serra had requested that a fixed price schedule be drawn up for California. This, Echeveste did not allow. He proposed a fluctuating scale of prices. Prices in Mexico varied according to the levels of supply and demand and prices in California should be permitted to do likewise. Prices were to be determined at I 50 percent over the Mexico cost which would be listed in the invoices. On this 18 Judgment of the Junta de Guerra y Hacienda, Mexico, May 6, Certified copy as of May 13, 1773 in SBMA. Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Ibid., III, Pal6u reprints the entire text of the reglamento. 20 Serra to the Viceroy, April, 22, 1773, Mexico, SBMA. Trans. in Antonine Tibesar, The Writings of Junfpero Serra, 4 vols. : Washington, D. C., 1955, I, For a thorough discussion of the effects of the reglamento on San Blas, see Michael Thurman, The Naval Department of San Blas: New Spain's Bastion for Alta California and Nootka, , Glendale, California, 196 7, The storekeeper was the guarda-almacen. The office of H abilitado was not instituted until Neve's Reglamento of 1781, altbough the function was similar. See Hubert H. Bancroft, History of California, 7 vol.: San Francisco, , I, 3 35.

18 8 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION ba is storekeepers at San Diego and Monterey were to determine retail prices. The contemplated regulation was then sent to the fiscal, Jose Areche, for his written opinion. 22 The fiscal approved the regulation but felt that a report should be elicited from the director of the Pious Fund concerning finances. The director of the Pious Fund, Fernando Jose Mangino, submitted his report on June 19, It was his opinion that the fund should not be burdened with the increased salaries of the missionaries and he further recommended that only one missionary be assigned to each mission to reduce expenses. In brief, the report pointed out that the total available revenue was 20,687 pesos, though a large part of the income came from sheep ranches which were subject to wide fluctuations in yield. The current liability for mission stipends was 14,879 pesos which left only 5,808 pesos to pay the total proposed increase of r 1,779 pesos. The amount available could be augmented by 2,662 pesos if the colleges were ordered to pay 5 percent on loans. The regulation, together with the various reports so far solicited, was once again remitted to the Royal Council of War and Exchequer for its final decision. 24 The Junta gave final approval of the new reglamento but ignored Mangino's report on the Pious Fund. 25 The fund was assessed a one time only contribution of r 0,000 pesos for the rejuvenated Department of San Blas. On July 2 3, Bucareli decreed the reglamento provisionally in effect until final approval could be secured from Spain. 26 While the Echeveste Reglamento was actuated by a desire to reduce conflict and to put California on a more secure economic basis, it created problems as well as solved them. The provision for double rations for the first five years led to a running conflict. Double rations were also allowed to Fathers, who as supernumeraries, were awaiting the founding of their missions. A single ration was computed at r ½ reales per day with a real equal to one-eighth of a peso. A total double ration was about r 3 7 pesos per year. Fernando Rivera y Moncada, as governor of Alta California, had allowed the rations to be delivered regularly after he replaced Pedro Fages in With the accession of Felipe de Neve to the governorship in February of conflict ensued The jiscal's opinion of June 14, may be found in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Don Fernando Mangino's Report on the Pious Fund may be found in Ibid., III, Decree of the Viceroy, Mexico, June 22, as printed in Ibid., III, Decision of the Royal Council of War and Exchequer, Mexico, July 8, as printed in Ibid., III, IOI-I IO. 26 Decree of the Viceroy, Mexico, July 2 3, Certified copy as of July 29, 1773 in SBMA. Also see Bolton, Palau's New California III, Zephyrin Engelhardt, Missions and Missionaries of California, 5 vols.: San Francisco, 1908,

19 ECONOMIC FEATURES OF INSTITUTES OF GOVERNMENT 9 In October of the feud began in earnest when Neve addressed a letter to Fray Francisco Pal6u and the Fathers of San Francisco and Santa Clara informing them that he was suspending the double ration because of scarcity of provisions for the troops at the presidia. He justified his action by reminding the Fathers that the provisional Echeveste Reglamento had never been confirmed by the King. 28 In their reply, Fray Francisco Pal6u of Mission Dolores and Fray Jose Murguia of Mission Santa Clara claimed that the reglamento was law unless specifically disallowed by the King which had not been done. The rations, they claimed, were essential to attract neophytes who would labor at the mission until the mission itself produced enough to feed them. 29 Neve replied that the rations had not been intended for Santa Clara, San Francisco and San Juan Capistrano since they had not been established when the reglamento had been promulgated. 30 Ultimately, the Father President, Junfpero Serra wrote to Neve justifying the position of the missionaries. Serra stated that if it had been known that the rations would be withheld, the northern missions would not have been founded. 31 The conflict finally reached Viceroy Martfn de Mayorga who wrote to the Commandant General of the Provincias Intemas, the Caballero de Croix, that he felt the double rations ought to be continued with the exception of those missions which raised enough grain to feed both religious and neophytes. 32 Meanwhile, on February I rth, de Croix had dispatched a note to Neve ordering him to restore the rations to San Francisco, Santa Clara and San Juan Capistrano. 33 Thus the dispute ended. The Echeveste Reglamento was by far the most significant legislation for the governance of California. With some modification it remained in effect until the end of the Spanish period in I It was substantially modified by a reglamento drawn up by Felipe de Neve which went into effect in the beginning of I It was prompted by the creation of the Provincias Intemas and by the changing situation in California, particularly the increasing maturity of the missions. The reglamento also sought II, Technically Fages and Rivera y Moncada had been Lt. Governors of Alta California with the Governor residing at Loreto in Lower California. With the appointment of Felipe de Neve the situation was reversed. 28 Neve to Pal6u, Monterey, October 7, SBMA. 29 Pal6u and Marguia to Neve, San Francisco, October 1 2, 1778, SBMA. 30 Neve to Pal6u and Murgufa, Monterey, November 5, 1778, SBMA. 31 Serra to Neve, Mission San Carlos, January 5, 1 779, AGN. Californias, Vol Mayorga to de Croix, Mexico, March 29, 1780, SBMA. On August 26, the separate governmental unit known as the Provincias lnternas was created including all of New Spain's northern frontier. Nominally California was under the Commandant's-General after August 22, de Croix to Neve, Arispe, February JO, 1780, AGN. Californias, Vol. 71. Photograph in SBMA. See Edwin A. Beilharz, Felipe de Neve-First Governor of California. San Francisco, I 97 I.

20 IO ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION to apply to Caifornia the "Royal Regulation for Frontier Presidios" of I Neve's Reglamento recognized the growing prosperity of the missions by providing that: Whenever the sowing, harvesting and storing of crops in the new settlements is advanced so that the garrisons can provide themselves in whole or in part with the needed provision, the paymasters will ask for the sum of money corresponding to their purchase price, above that already indicated, subtracting the equivalent from the San Blas Requisition for seeds and proportionately from the cost of supplying them. Items shipped from San Blas were reduced in price from the old r 50 percent over cost to an amount equal to their cost in San Blas with no added charge for transportation. This move was practically nullified by a reduction in the pay of soliders of about 40 percent. Of significance for future relations between mission and presidio, Neve's Reglamento suggested that the new office of Habilitado be created with expanded authority over that of the old presidia! storekeeper. In a move which caused much consternation among the missionaries, Neve proposed a reorganization of the mission system which would have reduced the Fathers at each mission from two to one. The annual stipend of 400 pesos and r,ooo pesos for the founding of each new mission was confirmed. This proposal was in direct conflict with the agreement made between Serra and Galvez under which the Franciscans accepted the Alta California mission field. In addition there were to be no temporalities associated with the missions. Missions were to consist only of their church and priest's dwelling. Neve's proposal for mission reorganization had been stimulated by the plans which Commandant General Theodoro de Croix was making for the establishment of the "Mongrel Missions" at the Yuma crossing. These missions were finally established in r 780 but the following year was one of cruel disappointment for Croix's plans. On July I 7, I 78 r, the Yuma revolted and killed two friars and all male colonists at Mission San Pedro y San Pablo while taking women and children captive. The following day another Yuma band attached Mission Purfsima Concepcion and killed Rivera y Moncada and his detachment. Luckily, Rivera had sent the expedition of forty recruits and their families destined to found Los Angeles on their way to Alta California. Reverberations of the massacre reached to Neve's plan for the missions of California. Streamlining the missions at the expense of security was dropped. 34 Provisional Reglamento of Neve, Monterey, June 1, It bears the title: "Reglamento Provisional Para la Peninsula de Californias formado par su Gobernador el Coronel de Cavalleria Don Phelipe de Neve en virtud de superior Orden, Aiio de AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol Trans. by Charles F. Lummis, "Regulations and Instructions," Land of Sunshine, Vol. 6, 1896, 78-82, r , , , A translation of the Reglamento for Presidios may be found in Sidney B. Brinkerhoff and Odie B. Faulk, Lancers fo r thp King, Phoenix,

21 CHAPTER TWO Price Regulation - "" - N ADDITION TO REGLAMENTOS SUCH AS Echeveste's and Neve's, which formed the framework for the economy of Hispanic California, very comprehensive and specific price regulations were drawn up as the need for them became apparent. In the eighteenth century the Spanish Crown regarded the setting of maximum prices as a legitimate function. The prices set were intended to be fair to producers, consumers and employees of the Spanish government living on fixed incomes. Fixed prices in California were of two varieties. As pointed out previously, prices were limited on those goods coming from San Blas with a view to keeping the cost of living within the limits of military salaries in Alta California. In the late I 77o's mission agriculture began to produce surpluses. For a number of years the only significant outlet for this excess was the military establishment. Because it removed the burden of providing staples from the Naval Department of San Blas, the Crown willingly turned to the missions as a source of supply. The missions gradually assumed the monopoly of provisioning the military, which had belonged to San Blas. In order to ensure that military salaries would suffice to keep body and soul together and to protect them from price gouging the government determined that price regulation was essential. A third type of pricing also existed, although not subject to regulation. Smuggling began to develop after I 800 and reached a fever pitch when the San Blas link was interrupted after I 8 Io and of course prices were subject only to what the market would bear. Trade with Spanish nationals from Peru and New Spain, although legal, was also unregulated. The first price list for Alta California was promulgated by Jose de Galvez in Lower California, although the list itself has not been found. Evidence for its existence can be found in a letter by Governor Felipe de Neve promulgating an assize for Baja California on January 1, In his preface, Neve comments that he has taken account of prices established by Galvez's decree of October 1 2, r 768, but that because of changing conditions he has modified many prices. 35 Further information on the Galvez decree is provided by Pal6u who states that because he had reduced (2). 35 Neve's assize for Baja California, Monterey, January 1, 1781, AGN. Californias, Vol. 48 I I

22 I2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION soldiers' wages, Galvez also reduced prices. 36 The price of every item which he anticipated would be sold to the royal warehouse at Loreto was fixed. Since it was not until the Echeveste Reglamento that royal warehouses were also established for Alta California, it is reasonable to assume that these prices also applied there. Since the early missions in Upper California were themselves on the verge of starvation and hence could sell little to the military, Galvez' s price list must have had little practical effect. Pal6u goes on to note a few of the prices established by Galvez. In general, they reflect the paucity of agricultural production in Lower California since even the lower prices established are in many cases double the prices later fixed for Upper California. Corn was fixed at 3 ½ pesos per fanega, beans and chickpeas at 5 pesos. Lard was priced at 3 pesos per arrobo. Limits were also set for meat, tallow, candles, wine, brandy and figs. A discriminatory pricing policy was established for the last three items which were to be sold at a lower price to the royal warehouse than to others. 37 The Echeveste Reglamento of 1773 stipulated that the troops of New California were to be paid at "their respective posts in clothing and goods at purchase price, increased by 150 percent." No such surcharge was applied to the missions. The reglamento stated that missions were to be erected "without any assignment for the costs and expenses borne by Royal Exchequer." Further, stipends and double rations were to be paid "according to their value in San Blas." 38 While in Mexico in I , Serra signed a list of goods at Tepic destined for the California missions. This is one of a few itemized invoices which includes prices. 39 I list here a few items commonly found among these early shipments from San Blas. Costs have been reduced to a per unit price. TABLE I SELECTED SHIPMENTS FROM SAN BLAS A bolt of cotton ½ real es A shirt real es A vara of burlap... 2 ½ real es Wool stockings... 7 real es One pair of leather boots... 4½ reales Bobbin of white thread... 2 reales A rope... 2 reales A carga of flour pesos A carga of sacks reales Bolton, Palau's New California, I, Ibid., I, 77-3 " Jbid., III, List of merchandise for California drawn up at Guadalajara, December 15, and received by Serra at Tepic, January 14, BNM. Cartas de Junfpero Serra. Photograph in SBMA, also in Tibesar, Writings of Junipero Serra, 11, o A good approximation for the vara is the English yard although a closer value is 3 3 inches.

23 PRICE REGULATION By the terms of the Echeveste Reglamento, 150 percent of the above prices were paid by the military. A list of goods received in various years at Mission San Carlos provides a more compr hensive index to prices paid by military and missionary for goods received from San Blas. 41 TABLE 2 PRICES FOR Goons RECEIVED AT MISSION SAN CARLOS Sombrero with cord... 4 pesos A barrel of wine pesos, 7 real es 500 iron nails... 6 pesos Door lock with key... 1 peso, 2 reales File... 3 ½ reales 1773 A pair of sandals... 1 peso A pound of fine gunpowder... 1 peso 4 pounds of fish... 2 real es 4 arrobas of ham pesos ½ fanega of beans in sacks... 2 pesos, 1 real A carpenter's hatchet pesos One dozen shoes... 7 pesos A vara of serge... 6 reales A vara of coarse linen... 3 real es Eighteenth century prices are generally meaningless to the twentieth century observer, as are any attempts to convert them to current prices. They do, however, acquire some meaning when compared with incomes. As of 1774, the private soldier was paid 32 5 pesos annually while each mission received 800 pesos for its support. Serra had attempted in 1773 to have a price list drawn up for Alta California, but had failed. Instead, Echeveste's suggestion that prices be calculated on the basis of San Blas costs was adopted. There is no evidence that a price list was ever drawn up to cover goods shipped from San Blas. By 1781 the missions had reached that stage of development which enabled them to provide foodstuffs for the military and for transport vessels. The price regulation which was promulgated was apparently intended to prevent the missions from taking advantage of their monopoly untii civilian settlements offered competition to them. 42 In this spirit, The carga, like most weights and measures of the time, was unstandardized but when used as a weight probably was about 16 arrobas or 400 pounds. 4 1 Accounts of Mission San Carlos signed by Fray Jose Mariano de Murguia, Mexico, November 1 5, AGN. Photograph in SBMA. Murguia was procurator at the College of San Fernando. 42 Governor Borica to the Viceroy, Marques de Branciforte, Momerey, August 4, r 791, AGN. Californias, Vol. 48, Part I I.

24 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Felipe de Neve released his famous decree of January r, r 7 8 r. 43 In a cover letter to his price list, Neve said that: All the effects and domesticated animals are regulated in proportion to the prices which respectively were set by the reglamento formed by Galvez in Lower California with a small increase or decrease in various items according to demands of less abundance and the better or poorer quality of them. With respect to maize, frijoles and garbanzos as well as flour I have been governed by the prices which those items bear when sent from San Blas. 44 The Governor pointed out in the preamble to his decree that it was to regulate the prices of produce and other items which were in1ispensable for the existence of the inhabitants. As previously mentioned, Neve's Reglamento was in large part a revision of Galvez's list for Baja California. The following items included in the price list were of particular significance because of their importance in the California economy : a milk cow, 5 pesos; an arroba of jerked beef, 1 peso; an arroba of tallow, 1 peso, 4 reales; a tanned cowhide, 2 pesos, 4 reales; a fanega of wheat, 2 pesos; a fanega of corn, r peso, 4 reales; an arroba of fine flour, 2 pesos; for an ordinary broken horse, 9 pesos; and for a broken he-mule, 1 8 pesos. Neve's list was, of course, confined to those items which were produced in Alta California. It was never intended to regulate shipments from San Blas. In all, it set prices for sixty-three items. Included were processed and unprocessed foodstuffs and animal by-products such as lard, tallow, meat and hides. In addition, wild game such as rabbit, quail and deerskins were listed. Products of mechanical arts such as weaving and blacksmithing were not included since, as yet, the missions were not even self sufficient in those products. This price regulation could not have been what Serra had envisaged in his petition to the viceroy in March of r If Serra had expected prices to be similar to those set by Galvez. for Baja California, he was soon disillusioned. Apparently prices which Neve set were one-half to one-third those set by Galvez. That the price regulations became a constant point of contention between presidia and mission is not surprising. The prospering missions were soon demanding more manufactured and luxury items than could be encompassed in their 800 peso per mission allowance. By supplying the military they could earn credits on the Royal Treasury in Mexico City which were easily converted into shipments to Alta California. While it is true that the missions had a monopoly of production, it is 43 Decree of Felipe de Neve, Monterey, January 1, 1781, SBMA. Also in AGN, California, Vol. 48, Part II. Also see Sanford A. Mosk, "Price-Fixing in Spanish California," CHSQ, Vol. 17, 1938, I Neve to de Croix, Monterey, March 4, 178 r, AGN. Californias, Vol. 7 r. Photostat in SBMA.

25 PRICE REGULATION 15 also true that the presidios had a monopoly of consumption. Missions, badly in need of exchange credits, had little choice but to sell their products to the presidios even at what they regarded as artifically low prices. The military, understandably, were attempting to stretch their limited salaries as far as possible. Most of the invoices of goods shipped from San Blas in the early years do not list prices, making comparison with Neve's assize near impossible. By 1781, when the price regulation went into effect, the missisons were no longer depending on grain from Mexico, hence, it is not mentioned in invoices. Neve had no incentive to regulate prices of items which were not produced at the missions and which were obtained from Mexico. However, a couple of items may provide some basis for comparison. A fanega of beans from San Blas sold in California for 4 pesos, 2 reales without adding the 1 50 percent surcharge for the military. An arroba of ham sold for 5 pesos, 4 reales when shipped from New Spain, again before surcharge. Neve's list specified that the missions were to provide beans at three pesos per arroba and ham at four pesos per arroba. 45 It would seem that the missionaries had legitimate complaints in the quarrels which ensued over prices. Disagreements over prices did not originate with the price regulation, but began as soon as surpluses existed which could be sold to the military. Disagreement began in 1780 over the relative value of corn and wheat. The three southern missions of San Diego, San Juan Capistrano and San Gabriel had been ordered by the Lieutenant and the supply officer at San Diego to supply wheat to their respective escoltas at ten pesos per fanega 46 Afterwards, Governor Neve had ordered that wheat was to be supplied at the same price as corn regardless of quality. The Lieutenant had justified this new regulation by saying that : Following out this line of thought, when, last year the Governor came to the assistance of the San Carlos Mission with 2 1 fanegas of wheat, he had not the least scruple in permitting payment for them to be made in a like number of fanegas of corn. Although this exchange was never put into effect, because of shortage in the corn harvest, it can serve as a precedent for your Reverence. 47 Serra reminded Neve that, in fact, when it had come time to repay the presidia he had informed Father Francisco Dumetz that payment should 45 The figures were derived from the Decree of Felipe de Neve, Monterey, January,,, 78,, SBMA, and accounts of Mission San Carlos signed by Fray Jose Mariano de Murgufa, Mexico, November 1 5,, 784, AGN. Photograph in SBMA. 46 This was Lieutenant Jose Francisco Ortega and Rafael de Pedro y Gil, who was storekeeper at San Di eg o. 47 Jose Francisco Ort eg a to Fray Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, San Diego, February 26,, 780 as quoted in Serra to Neve, Monterey, April, 8,, 780, SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, III,

26 16 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION be made in thirteen fanegas, eight almuds of wheat plus eight of corn which were immediately repaid. 48 The storekeeper, who was apparently confused, demanded from Father Dumetz the eight fanegas of corn which he believed was missing. The Governor had then informed the,storekeeper that he had thought the matter over and had concluded that corn and wheat were not of equal value. His decision was that wheat was of much greater value, and hence, Mission San Carlos should send the eight fanegas of wheat. In this manner Serra refuted Neve's order that wheat and corn be sold at the same price. 49 Serra went on to admit to Neve that the Governor possessed the sole and absolute authority to fix prices. He added that it should be kept in mind that the "mission products represent the sweat and toil of ever so many lndains" and that the foodstuffs and clothes provided for them ought to be regarded as acts of charity and, hence, cannot be considered excessive. 50 This letter makes clear that Neve's price regulation was not the first attempt to fix prices for Alta California, although it was the first systematic scheme. Serra mentions that previously Governor Fernando de Rivera y Moncada had fixed the price of a fanega of corn at five pesos. The argument with Neve indicates that price determination was a product of haggling between mission and presidia. The Father President also informed Neve that "the Father (Lasuen) did not tell me, in his letter, what price wheat was selling for down there," indicating that there was no uniformity in prices. To a large extent, supply and demand must have been allowed free play. 51 Pricing must have, indeed, been confusing and it appears certain that Neve was attempting to impose uniformity in his reglamento. The price regulation of 1 78 I simply established by statute prices which the missionaries regarded as too low and it elicited a strong protest. This was to be expected since the missions were fast becoming the main source of supply for those items covered by the schedule of maximum prices. The income from these items was providing invaluable revenue for the acquisition of items which the missions lacked. The price schedule only set maximums which were allowable for specific items. In theory, prices were to be permitted to fluctuate below the level set according to the vagaries of supply and demand. 52 The heart of Again a non-standardized measure, but usually 1 / 1 2 of a fanega which equalled 1.6 bushels. Serra to Neve, Monterey, April 18, 1 780, SBMA. Trans in Tibesar, Writings of Junipero Serra, III, For a discusison of this conflict see Maynard Geiger, Life and Times of ]unipero Serra, 2 vols.; Washington, D.C., 1959, Vol. II, / bid. 5 1 Ibid. 52 Lasuen to Jacobo Ugarte, San Carlos, October 20, 1787, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, The Writings of Lasuen, 2 vols. : Washington, D.C., 1965, Vol. I,

27 PRICE REGULATION 17 the problem was that price levels were not affected by the quality or quantity of the harvest. Sailors on the supply vessels claimed that they. could buy wheat at the province price in California and sell it at San Blas at 100 percent profit. 53 This penalized the missions in several ways. Revenues were obviously lost because of a price set at an arbitrary level below what it would have been if prices had been allowed to fluctuate. The exchange rate between Mexico and California was artificially set. Since missions were paid artificially low prices for their products, their purchasing power in Mexico, where prices were higher, was correspondingly reduced. The early spring of r 786 found the presidios in urgent need of food supplies for which they applied to nearby missions. In March of the commandant of San Francisco appealed to Fray Tomas de la Pena at Mission Santa Clara for corn to relieve the urgent need of families living at the presidio. According to Governor F ages, Father Pena had refused to deliver the grain and the presidia! pack train had returned empty. Lasuen retorted, saying that Father Pena had given what he was able. The Father President had even recommended that Indian neophytes be allowed to leave their missions temporarily, thereby releasing food supplies for the use of the military. Pena had claimed the shortage of supplies was due to the sale of grain to the Manila Galleon as hog feed. In addition, a hundred fanegas were sent to the presidio of Santa Barbara and flour had been sold to the San Blas ship. 54 The temper of Governor Fages flared. He had the responsibility of seeing to the adequacy of food supplies for the military and their dependents and he would fulfill it. As a concession to the missionaries, he allowed the price of corn to be raised 2 reales from r peso, 4 reales per fanega to r peso, 6 real es. The price increase was allowed by F ages to be applied retroactively to what the missions of San Carlos and Santa Clara had sold to the presidios of Monterey and San Francisco so far that year. However, Fages insisted, in return, there was to be no more withholding of supplies. He stipulated that the missions were under obligation to give what was necessary until new harvests were brought in, although he did provide that if the supply was hard to obtain, another price might be considered. Fages understood the power of money. 55 It is clear, however, that for the missions themselves, the spring of was a time of shortage; they were not simply holding out for a higher price. In r 784 acting Father President Pal6u reported that Santa 53 Francis F. Guest, Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, Washington, D.C. 1973, ' Lasuen to Fages, San Carlos, April 7, 1786, Bancroft, CC- 16. Trans. by Kenneally, The Wrztm g s of Lasuen, I, 1 04-rn6. Also see Guest, Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, '" Lasuen to Fages, San Carlos, May 12, Bancroft, CC- 16. Trans. in Kenneally, The Wntzngs of Lasuen, I, 107- rn9.

28 18 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Clara had harvested 700 fanegas of corn, while San Carlos harvested The harvest of 1785, which indicates supplies available in the spring of 1786, was only 260 fanegas of corn at Santa Clara and 160 at San Carlos. A shortage did indeed exist. Not until did production reach levels. The principal objection of the Fathers was not to the price which the governor had set, but primarily to the requisitions for grain which was sorely needed by the missions themselves. Substantiating this, Fray Antonio Paterna wrote to Lasuen from Mission San Luis Obispo :... here we shall find ourselves as much in need, or even more so, then those at the presidio, for after a little more cultivating all the wheat at the mission will be exhausted. Much of it turned out to be worthless, and what was poor in quality is yielding little. 57 Lasuen informed the governor that the missionaries had not planted more because according to the Neve Reglamento, the pueblos had a prior right to accommodate the needs of the military. Adding to the problem, he said, was the harvest, poor in both quantity and quality. 58 Governor Fages, disgusted with what he felt to be poor cooperation on the part of the friars, in 1785 and sent his complaints to the Viceroy. In January of 1786 the charges reached Viceroy Mayorga who referred the matter to the Guardian of the College of San Fernando, Fray Juan Sancho. A change had meanwhile taken place in Alta California. Fray Francisco Palau, who had been acting Father President since the death of Serra, was replaced by Fray Fermin Francisco de Lasuen. Palau had returned to Mexico in February of 1786 and was ordered by Father Sancho to reply to the charges made by Fages. 59 Fathers Sancho and Palau submitted the requested report to the Viceroy. Among other things, Fages had charged that "they (the friars) will not sell the grain and the products of the missions at the prices given in the price list which has been approved by His Majesty. 60 The Governor also complained that reports on the temporalities and on the products harvested were late and imperfect. Palau responded by claiming that Neve's price regulation had never received approval from the King. Further, he claimed, prices ought to be 56 State of the California Missions in Pal6u's hand, San Carlos, December 3 1, 1784, SBMA. Compared with State of the California Missions, Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, December 1785, San Carlos, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, The Writings of Lasuen, II, Fray Antonio Paterna to Lasuen, San Luis Obispo, May 2, 1 786, quoted in Lasuen to Fages, San Carlos, May 12, Bancroft CC- 16. Trans. in ibid., I, Lasuen to Fages, San Carlos, May 12, Bancroft CC- r 6. Trans. in ibid., I, Sancho to Lasuen, Mexico, April 1, SBMA. 60 Superior Gobierno, Mexico, Afio de Testimonio de Expediente formado a representadon de! Senor Gobernador de Monte Rey sobre la resistencia de aquellos Misioneros a la observancia de! Reglamento de Situados y Presidios. AGN. Californias, Vol. 12. This is a part of Expediento form ado sob re redprocas quexas de! Gobernador Don Pedro F ages, y Religiosos de aquellas Missions.

29 PRICE REGULATION 19 f I =,. s, 1- a if.e ruled by scarcity and should be determined only in consultation with the Father President. As to the Governor's complaint, that he was not adequately informed concerning temporalities and harvests, Pal6u dismissed it by saying Fages did not comprehend what power the vicepatronage onferred an? onsequently he. int rfered de potically in the administrat10n of the m1ss10ns. 61 The Audiencta of Mexico was confused by the charges and counter-charges which were contradictory. A few recommendations were made and on January 12, 1787 the expediente was sent to Commandant General Ugarte y Loyola with instructions to make further investigations and to find a solution to the dispute. 62 Urgarte y Loyola, in turn, wrote to Father Lasuen requesting a full report on the points in dispute. Lasuen's response, although in agreement with Pal6u, provides much more detail. As to the temporalities, Lasuen pointed out, Galvez had to use "the full force of his authority" to inquce the Franciscans to undertake the economic administration of the missions in the first place. The missionaries were doing their best to fulfill their obligation to their neophyte charges and personal greed and private interest did not taint them. 63 Lasuen claimed that he knew of no missionary who refused to abide by the price regulation. Prior to the fixing of prices, the missionaries did not dare raise their prices. Some persons in need removed grain almost forcibly when they felt that dire circumstances demanded it. In continuation, he said: The prices set for grain, in the price schedule referred to, are, in my view (subject always to superior judgement), at the lowest point to which they can decline in time of abundance. On the other hand, we have had years of scarcity; and in them, although the schedule makes provision for it, we did not raise the prices, and neither did we fail to provide for those at the presidio, and for the settlers who needed help. 64 Finally, Lasuen observed, that the market for grain, goods and produce was more "free, more useful, and more adapted to the needs of everyone" at the missions and he informed the Commandant General that purchasers would confirm that this was so. As a corollary to the disagreement over prices the Father President said the system of measures agreed upon in the Echeveste Reglamento deprived the missions of a fair profit on grain. The missions were required to use the same measure for wheat as for corn. Exgovernor Neve had observed that a measure which contained a heaped 61 lbid. The vice patronage was the control which the Spanish Crown and, by delegation, the secular authority in California exercised over the Catholic Church in its dominions by virtue of the Papal Bull Inter Cetera called the Bull of Demarcation of May 9, I bid. 63 Lasuen to Ugarte, San Carlos, October 20, 1 787, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Ibid.

30 20 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION fanega of corn was found to hold one and a half fanegas when filled with wheat. After many verbal and written protestations to F ages they had agreed that some sort of agreement was essential. Lasuen requested that Ugarte impose a solution which would determine the extent t,o which one measure exceeded another and the measurement which should apply to each kind of grain. In Lasuen's report a conflict which was to be long lived first came to the surface. The policy put forth by ex-governor Neve of encouraging civilian pueblos to furnish supplies for the military promised to put an end to the monopoly which the missions had so far enjoyed. Lasuen claimed that.. if it is maintained that the pueblos rather than the missions are to get preference in supplying the presidios with grain, the missions will have no means of acquiring what is necessary for survival, nor will they have even the means to clothe the Indians, as our Lord, the King desires. 65 Several other problems which plagued the economic relationship between mission and presidio were also outlined. When the presidia! supply officers made purchases of supplies from the missions they frequently made payment in goods which were of little or no use to the Indians. While the missions had a monopoly of produce, the military had a monopoly of manufactured goods, hence, the missions had to accept whatever form of payment the military chose to make. Payment in drafts or currency occasioned much delay since they could only be redeemed in Mexico. In addition, such payments suffered depreciation in value because of the freight charge from Mexico to San Blas which in the past had amounted to eleven reales per arroba, but in r 786 it had risen to eighteen. Since the moderate prices which were set for mission goods were comparable to those in Mexico, so should prices of goods at the presidia! stores be at Mexico City prices. The Indian was being treated unjustly in all transactions. If he was paid in goods, they were often of no use to him and if he was paid in drafts or currency they were depreciated by freight charges. 66 The complaints which the missionaries made against Felipe de Neve's regulation of prices did not receive swift satisfaction. Instead there was a gradual movement towards greater flexibility in pricing of mission goods. While price lists were never abandoned during the colonial period, provisions were made for price adjustment according to quality and quantities available. As in the past, these important economic decisions were ultimately the responsibility of the governor although he frequently consulted the missionaries. It was for this reason Governor Fages was concerned over 65 I bid. 66 I bid.

31 PRICE REGULATION 21 ) j :, i i 11 IS.r n s e e,f if y n e d.e 0 lt,_ 's a s. I es 1- :d r the exactness and completeness of mission reports on inventories, plantings and harvests. The pressure for a flexible price schedule was not new. As early as 1 786, Fray Franciso Pal6u had written to the Viceroy, Conde de Galvez, recommending that the price list be revised annually by the governor in consultation with the Father President based on records of harvests. 67 Although this procedure was not immediately put into practice, it was gradually accepted. A movement in this direction began in July of when Fages wrote to Lasuen requesting information on crops as soon as it could be made available to him. 68 He had in mind a new price list which would conform to the economic realities existing in California. Three days later Lasuen responded by assuring F ages that he would give him "news of the crops of the mission" as soon as he received the information. 69 In possession of the necessary information, F ages made public his revision of the Neve regulation on January 2, Although no loud protests were forthcoming, the missionaries must have been somewhat chagrined. It was obvious to all, including the governor, that the agricultural depression of the mid 1 78o's was over. Fages took advantage of increasing supplies to decrease prices. It must have been assumed that in times of scarcity prices would be increased. Prices of many items, including bulls, cows, oxen, hogs, tallow and beans were lowered in recognition of their increasing abundance. Chickens and barley, for which the demand was high despite increased production, were raised in price. Some items, such as corn and wheat were stable in price. In a later letter of instructions to his successor, Jose Antonio Romeu, Governor Fages put further light upon the system of price regulation. He said: The tariff schedule which was established for the products of the country by the deceased Senor Don Felipe de Neve, makes it clear that the prices of items can only be increased or decreased by the governor according to abundance or scarcity which in general is determined by experience for which purpose they have been approved by His Majesty. The present state of these new establishments has been determined in view of abundance, taking into account the consumers and the harvests as well as the fertility of the livestock, principally of cattle in order to modify somewhat the prices of grains a'hd meats. And when they are favorable they are progressively greater motivation to decrease prices with attention to the increased numbers of said cattle which we now see in the missions Fray Francisco Pal6u to the Viceroy, Mexico, March 2 7, 1786, AGN. Californias, Vol. 12. "" Fages to Lasuen, Monterey, July 20, SBMA. 89 Lasuen to Fages, San Carlos, July 23, SBMA. 70 Price list drawn up by Fages, Monterey, January 2, SBMA. 7 1 Fages to Romeu, Monterey, February 26, 1791, AGN. Californias, Vol. 46. Photostat in Coronado Room, University of New Mexico.

32 22 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION A significant difference existed between the regulations of F ages and Neve. Neve had given little consideration to local conditions, but had based most of his prices on Mexico prices and on military salaries. Fages, however, followed a different procedure. His prices were ba$ed on local conditions. While the California economy was dependent upon New Spain in many areas, it was fast approaching independence in agricultural and pastoral goods which would serve it well in the second decade of the next century when official economic ties with Mexico were severed. Had it not been so, the economic survival of Alta California would have hung in the balance. F ages' revised price list was still in effect when Governor Jose J oaqufn Arrillaga recommended a few changes in In 1803 the pricing system which the missionaries preferred was put into effect. In that year Viceroy Felix Berenguer de Marquina decided that prices in California should be allowed to fluctuate according to quantities produced, the number of consumers and the volume of trade from Mexico. 73 Arrillaga was ordered to form a new price list in consultation with presidia! commanders. Although this procedure provided greater flexibility, the missionaries resisted since they had no input in the decision making process. The missions were regarded by the government primarily as suppliers of the military and economic decisions had as their primary concern the well-being of the military. The military, in the final analysis, secured Spain's grip upon Alta California. Generally the Father Presidency of Fermfn Francisco de Lasuen was a period of peace and prosperity for the Alta California missions. Lasuen was a man for his time and presented a dramatic contrast with Serra the pioneer. The basic functioning and the promise of future prosperity had been defined by Serra. Lasuen, more conciliatory and compromising than his predecessor, carefully nurtured the missions to the success envisaged by Serra. 74 This was not accomplished without some conflict. Disagreements began with Fages in the 1 78o's and continued unabated throughout Lasuen's leadership. In fact, the problem continued until it became an academic argument after the Hidalgo Revolt of 181 o. After that ctate the missions scarcely hoped that supplies for the military would receive payment either in goods, of which the military had none, or in drafts on the Mexican Treasury, which had no funds. 7 2jose Joaqufn Arrillaga to the Viceroy, Loreto, March 24, AGN. Californias, Vol. 48 (2). Cited in Mosk, "Price-Fixing in Spanish California," Viceroy's order to Arrillaga, Mexico, March 25, AGN. Californias, Vol. 48 (2). lbid. 7 4 Biographies have been written on Serra and Lasuen, the two great presidents of the California missions. See the monumental work by Geiger, The Life and Times of Jun{pero Serra, and Guest, Ferm{n Francisco de Lasuen.

33 PRICE REGULATION J :, r a e a.i e g.s y ;, a n e d n y :s lt n e e n,e a, A dispute which was in part over the economy and pricing and which shook the foundations of the mission system began to rear its head at the end of the eighteenth century. On July 2 5, r 797, Mission San Miguel was founded and Fathers Buenaventura Sitjar and Antonio de la Concepcion Horra were assigned to it. Horra, who was to be the source of the problem, went astray from the start. Only four weeks later Lasuen reported to Governor Don Diego de Borica that Horra "has become insane, or has given evidence that he is suffering from a very grave nervous breakdown, and so far from promoting the good of that undertaking, he is destroying it." 75 L suen requested t at th, waywa ather em?ark as soon as it was possible aboard the frigate Concepcion for Mexico. He was moved to Monterey where after consulting with two surgeons, Governor Borica pronounced him insane and shipped him off to Mexico. This was not to be the end of the matter. When in Mexico, Father Horra addressed a secret memorial to the Viceroy making a series of wild accusations against the California missionaries. Father Horra's charges were forwarded to Governor Borica with orders for him to make an investigation. The Governor formed a series of fifteen questions pertinent to the charges and sent them to the four presidia commanders for a reply. The replies were sent to the Viceroy who forwarded them to Miguel Lull, the Father Guardian of the College of San Fernando. 76 Lull communicated the substance of the charges to Lasuen. 77 Later he sent the fifteen questions and the reply of Commandant Felipe de Goycoechea of Santa Barbara saying that the others agreed with it in substance. Lasuen called upon Father Gregorio Fernandez of Mission La Purisima Concepcion and Fathers Estevan Tapis and Juan Cortes of Santa Barbara to refute Goycoechea. 78 With these reports submitted to him, Lasuen took seven months to prepare his reply to the charges which amounted to a catharsis of suppressed complaints and an eloquent defense of the mission system. 79 One of the fifteen questions which Governor Borica submitted to the presidia! commandants was, "Do the missionaries in the sales made of mission seeds, grain, fat, hides, blankets, and other effects, conform to the price lists?" Felipe Goycoechea at the presidia of Santa Barbara replied 75 Lasuen to Don Diego de Borica, Santa Barbara, August 19, 1797, OHM, ser. 1, Vol. 1. In K m neally, Writings of Lasuen, II, The "Concepcion" was one of two ships sent from New Spam In the spring of 1797 to guard the California coast. It was anchored at Monterey. See W1l11a, m Hea _ th Davis, Seventy-jive Years in California, San Francisco, Zephyrm Engelhardt, Missions and Missionaries of California, 11, Miguel Lull to Lasuen, Mexico, February 6, SBMA. 78 This was logical since Missions Purisima and Santa Barbara were in the district of the Santa Barbara presidia. Cortes and Tapis to Lasuen in hand of Tapis, Santa Barbara, October 30, 1800, SBMA '" L _ asuen's Refutation of Charges to Fray Miguel Lull, San Carlos, June 19, 180 1, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, The Writings of Lasuen, II,

34 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION that in his opinion the missionaries submitted to the price list only when it was in their interest. Father Tapis replied from Mission Santa Barbara admitting that in a few cases the tariff was contravened but that in general they adhered to it scrupulously. The two instances in which the price list was not observed were in the sale of wool and of hides. In the official price list, tanned hides were valued at 2 pesos, 2 reales, but Mission Santa Barbara sold them for 2 pesos, 6 reales. 80 Tapis explained that the mission was not anxious to sell hides at all because more profit could be made by using them for such items as saddles and sacks. 81 For this reason, he claimed, neither soldiers who tanned hides nor the missions conformed to the stipulated price. Two more reasons were given. The cost of producing tanned hides was increased by the scarcity and distance of adequate supplies of water and bark. 82 The mission also had to pay the corporal of the mission guard 1 50 pesos per year to supervise the manufacturing process, thus adding to expenses. Wool was the other instance in which the mission ignored the official price. 83 Tap is dismissed this as being insignificant since wool was scarce and had seldom been sold by the missions. However, the mission was not alone at fault in this instance. In r 800 the frigate "Concepcion" had brought twenty-two or twenty-three sacks of wool for sale and no one was willing to purchase the shipment. Mission Santa Barbara had offered to take it at the official price, but Commandant Goycoechea, who was in charge of it, refused to sell the wool at that price. He obviously hoped to hold out for a better one. Tapis went on to defend the mission by pointing out that goods were often sold at prices lower than those prescribed. Wheat had been listed at 2 pesos per fanega, but Governor Borica had raised it to 3 pesos. Nevertheless in July of r 799, it had been discovered when the crops were brought in that there was a surplus. Recognizing this, the mission sold nineteen fanegas of wheat to the presidia at 2 pesos, 5 reales per fanega. In wheat was sold at 2 pesos, 2 real es. Corn, when there was any to spare, was sold at the stipulated price. The mission sold no heifers at any price and none were requested because Goycoechea had them on his own rancho. Only fully-grown cattle were sold for meat and fat. The price was 8 Cortes and Ta pis to Lasuen in hand of Tapis, Santa Barbara, October 3 o,, 800, SBMA. In Neve's original tariff hides were listed at 2 pesos, 4 reales, but this was reduced to 2 pesos, 2 reales by Fages in Neither saddles nor sacks appear in Neve's list. Fages set a price of pesos on a saddle and made no mention of sacks. The sacks may very well have been the botas in which the missions shipped tallow to Mexico. 82 The bark needed in the tanning process was the bark of the Tanbark Oak which was used to produce tannin. See Patricia M. Bauer, "The Beginnings of Tanning in California," CHSQ, Vol. 23, Tapis does not say at what price the mission was selling wool but Fages priced wool in 1788 at I peso, two reales to 2 pesos per arroba, depending on quality.

35 PRICE REGULATION 6 pesos, but when cattle had become more numerous, the price was lowered to 5 pesos. 84 The mission sold blankets for r peso, r real while the Commandant who made blankets on his own looms, sold them for I peso, 4 reales. Tapis fails to mention that Indian labor was free at the mission, while Goycoechea had to pay a daily wage for whatever neophyte labor he used. In his refutation, Lasuen also addressed himself to the question of cattle prices. 85 The missions had been accused of being reluctant to sell ordinary cattle since they could get a higher price for choice animals. Lasuen claimed that the opposite was true. The missionaries frequently offered the lower priced cattle for sale, but purchasers refused to accept them. Often purchasers would contract for an ordinary cow and then go and tell the steward that the Father had ordered that they be given a cow or a young bull of the best quality. If this was discovered before the animal was delivered, a higher price was asked. The price of cattle was far too low in any case. Ex-governor Diego de Borica had told Lasuen at San Luis Obispo that in one case of cattle brought from there to the presidia of Monterey there had been a profit to the military of three to four hundred pesos. The military had slaughtered the cattle, kept the meat and sold the hides and tallow for more than they had paid for the cattle. Lieutenant Hermenegildo Sal had made a profit of eighty pesos on a dozen head which he had purchased from Mission Santa Clara. Was it any wonder that the Fathers of Santa Barbara preferred to slaughter their own cattle and to make use of the hides for shoes, saddle-bags, leather jackets, sacks, harnesses and a host of other leather items? Lasuen's conclusive argument was that Father Magin Catala of Mission Santa Clara had told the soldiers and settlers and had given them proof, that it would have been more profitable for the mission to slaughter the cattle, keep the fat and hides and give them the meat for nothing than to sell them animals on the hoof. Everyone recognized this, but still the missions were required to sell them cattle at the regulation price. 86 This maneuver was not without precedent. In the past, when F ages had sold cattle from the Royal Ranchos to his soldiers for food, he had claimed that the price did not refer to cows on the hoof, but to butchered beef. Hence, he was able to sell the meat to his troops for 3 pesos and then sell the hides and tallow for 3 pesos more. When soldiers had wanted beef from San Luis Obispo, Fages had insisted that the missionaries sell the cows on the hoof for 3 pesos each, thus denying them the profit which he 8 4 This was evidently the current price for choice cattle for which no price limit was set and hence it was allowed to vary with conditions. The fixed price for an ordinary cow was 4 pesos. 85 Lasuen's Refutation of Charges to Fray Miguel Lull, San Carlos, June 19, r 801, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings oflasuen, II, Ibid.

36 26 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION claimed for himself. 87 Despite all these grievances, said Lasuen, the missions continued to supply cows and bulls to the presidios. In his refutation, Lasuen also included a number of suggestions for improvement of the California economy. One in particular must have struck a responsiv cord with all residents of Alta California. I wish they would examine and pass judgement on the prices at which imported products are sold at the stores, the extra charges on goods coming from Mexico and San Blas which, according to the Reglamento, should be available at prices based on purchase first hand (for it is according to that scale, too, that wages are determined.... ) Much of the conflict in California was conditioned by the conflicting goals endemic in the Spanish colonial system. The desire to make California self-supporting conflicted with the need to stimulate the California economy. The Crown did supply artisans, salaries and provided inducements to settlers, but at the same time it encouraged the self-sufficiency of the Naval Department of San Blas by imposing freight charges which insured that the standard of living in California would be a low one. In addition it interdicted any trade with outsiders which might have provided an outlet for California's surpluses and thus insured that there would be no exchange currency with which to buy necessities from New Spain. The patronato real also implied that mission and presidia would hold many conflicting goals. It was never clearly stated whether state, secular or sacerdotal, was to enjoy primacy. The results was a constant conflict between presidia and mission over proper spheres of influence. Pricing policy was an example of this. Should prices give the missions a fair return or should they be designed to subsidize the military? Certainly the missionaries saw no reason to subsidize their partners on the tront1er. l hey were there to convert Indians and the military were the responsibility of the Crown. For the missionaries it was a point which could be argued and negotiated. For the military, who spent the best parts of their lives in the King's service, the problem was physical and poignant. Their meagre salaries were inelastic and the price of life's necessities, which had to be purchased from the missions had an acute effect. For them, price regulation was essential for survival. While mercantilism, or an adaptation of it, guided policy emanating from Spain, it is certain that like all men in all ages, the people at lower levels sought to promote their economic survival and beyond that personal prosperity. The conflict over price regulations in Alta California had little to do with theoretical royal policies, but was more concerned with the day to day problems of earning a living. 87 Francisco Pal6u to the Viceroy, college of San Fernando, Mexico. March 17, 1786, AGN. Californias, Vol. 12.

37 CHAPTER THREE The Connection with San Blas ' HE ADVANCE OF THE NORTHERN FRONTIER of New Spain to Alta California does not lend itself to description in the terms of Frederick Jackson Turner as a slowly advancing line of civilization. Rather the Spanish settlement of California was a great leap northward which was planned and prepared with great care. It was not accomplished by a slow overland advance. Between Alta California and the frontier settlements along the Sonora-Arizona border lay intervening deserts and waste. California was linked to New Spain only by the tenuous supply line extending from the Naval Department of San Blas, located in the modern Mexican state of Nayarit. 88 For California, San Blas was the only source of supply in the early years and the most significant until 181 o when it was interrupted by the grito de Dolores of Father Hidalgo. In 1769, California was a true frontier which lacked those items necessary to sustain a European lifestyle. Consequently those Spaniards and Indian apprentices who carried out the settlement depended upon Mexican goods for survival itself. San Blas was the medium through which goods for the sustenance of California were funneled. Food, clothing, hardware, livestock, seed and in the first years, even laborers had to be imported. It is likely that California would have been abandoned without this link. Bears and nuts did not whet the appetites of the first white Californians. Twice, once in 1 770, and again in 1772, abandonment was considered because of the late arrival of the supply ships. The existence of the Department of San Blas was itself a matter of debate. Until the Yuma massacre of 178 1, the sea route had to compete with a possible land route for favor. In I 77 3, Juan Bautista de Anza, an experienced and rugged frontiersman who was presidia! captain at Tubae, received viceregal orders to explore a possible land route to California. Together with Fray Francisco Garces, the eventual Franciscan successor to Eusebio Kina, and thirty men Anza set out for California in r 774- After a trip of close to three months the group arrived at Mission 88 See Michael E. Thurman, The Naval Department of San Blas, Also Enrique Cardenas de la Pena, San Blas de Nayarit, 2 vols., Mexico, D.F

38 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION San Gabriel proving the possibility of a land route. Anza led another group to California, including settlers, in The Yuma massacre in which Garces and the ex-governor of California, Rivera y Moncada, were killed put an end to plans for supplying the new settlements by land. The overland supply route had never really been practicable anyway. In April of 177 3, Junipero Serra wrote to Viceroy Bucareli to urge upon him the importance of retaining the Port of San Blas as the base for communication with Alta California. In his letter he pointed to the fqolishness of a supply route going overland from Baja California or Sonora. 90 The cornerstone of Serra's argument was the increases in expenses which the land route would entail. As a basis for his argument, Serra called to attention the lack of mules with which to transport supplies. He calculated that the number of mules required to move the necessary food, clothing and equipment would amount to 1, 1 oo. In addition, he considered that at least 400 mules would be needed as replacements. Secondly, Serra pointed to the money which the Royal Treasury had expended on the construction of the port facilities and ships. Would that be written off as a wasted investment? Where would the muleteers come from and what would be their cost? Given the type of men who were usually employed on such government projects, Serra feared the type of example they would give to the neophyte Indians. In conclusion, Serra told Bucareli: It seems to me, as I said in the beginning, that neither materially nor spiritually would the new project mean any progress: viz, the proposal to transport by land provisions and equipment to Monterey and its missions. In fact, the reverse would be the case. It would be a great setback for both. And this without any reference whatever to such inevitable accidents as the fall of many mules, the destruction of their loads, the breaking of vessels, the spilling of liquids, and many other sources of damage 91 as has been my own experience in the journeys I have made by land. Thus Serra dismissed the only serious challenge to San Blas for the business of supplying New Spain's northwest salient. Like the entire California project, the Na val Department was the product of the fertile imagination of Jose de Galvez. It was integral to a two-part plan for stemming the Russian southward advance and for the settlement of California. In May of 1768, Jose de Galvez arrived on the Pacific Coast of New Spain and inspected the coast of Nueva Galicia for possible sites for his port. Eventually he settled upon San Blas and began 89 See Herbert E. Bolton, Anza's California Expeditions, 5 vols. : Berkeley, On Anza see Mario Hernandez Sanchez-Barba, Juan Bautista de Anza: Un Hombre de Frontera, Madrid, Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Mexico, April 22, 1773, SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Jun(pero Serra, II, Ibid.

39 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS organizing what was to be a major naval station and supply depot. The base which was to be so integral to the economy of Alta California was begun. 92 The form which the department was to take was formalized in the course of a council of war which took place at San Blas on May 16, Among other things, Galvez recommended that two new packetboats, the "San Carlos" and "El Principe" be used for the maritime phase of the expedition to California. 93 These two ships had been constructed on the "Rio Santiago" some twenty-six miles upriver from San Blas. A third ship, the "San Jose" was also commissioned to carry supplies for the original setttlement of California. This packetboat was the first constructed at San Blas and her loss in with supplies for Alta California was a severe setback for the enterprise. 94 The inaguration of the supply service for California was personally planned by Jose de Galvez. Detailed instructions were given to the officers who were to be in charge of the maritime expedition. These officers included Don Vicente Vila, captain of the "San Carlos," Lieutenant Pedro Fages of the Catalonian Volunteers who was to accompany Vila, Miguel Costans6, an engineer and Don Jaun Perez who commanded the "San Antonio." Each had specific orders covering actions which they were to take and goals which they were to accomplish. The introduction to the orders which Galvez gave to Vila admirably express the goal of this, the maritime expedition for the settlement of California. 95 It ought to be considered in the first place that this establishment of the Catholic Religion among numerous heathens submerged in the dark ignorance of paganism and to extend 92 Thurman, The Naval Department of San Blas, , See Herbert I. Priestley, Jose de Galvez, Visitador-General of New Spain. 93 En el Puerta y nueva Poblaci6n d Sn Blas, Reyno de Nueva Galicia a la costa de! Mar Sur, el dia diez y seis de Mayo de mil setecientos sesenta y ocho, el Yelmo. Sr. Dn. Joseph de Galvez del Consejo y Camara de S.M. en el Supremo de Indias, lntendte. de! Exercito, Visitador Gral. de Tribunales, y Re Hacienda de estas Reynos; y Comisionado con todas las amplisimas facultades de! Exmo. Sr. Marques de Croix, Virrey, Governor. y Capitan Gral. de esta Nueve Espana, hizo combacar a su alojamiento de las casas Rs. al ingeniero Don Miguel Costans6, al Comandante de la Marina, y de este Puerto Dn Manuel Rivero Cordero, a Dn Antonio Faveau de Quesada, Profesor de matematicas, y Practico en la navegadon de estas Mares, y los de las Filipinas, ya Don Vicente Vila, Piloto de la RI. Armada de S.M. de! Mar de! Norte, y destinado como piloto mayor de las Embarcaciones que navegan en estas del Sur, facimile in Enrique Cardenas de la Pena, San Blas de Nayarit, ll, ' For a discussion of early shipbuilding at San Blas, see Michael E. Thurman, "Establishment of the Department of San Blas and its Initial Naval Fleet, ," HA HR, Vol. 43, Patentes e Ynstrucci6nes dadas a los Empleados de la Expedicdon maritima de Monterey. By Galvez, December 6, 1 768, Puerto de la Paz, AG!. Guadalajara, 416. Y nstrucci6n, que ha de observar Don Vicente Vila. By Galvez, January 5, 1 769, Puerto de la Paz, AG!, 416. Y nstrucci6n, que ha de observar el theniente de Yfanteria Don Pedro Fages. By Galvez, Puerto de la Paz, January 5, 1769, AG!, 416. Ynstrucci6n que ha de observar el lngeniero Delineado Don Miguel Costans6. By Galvez, Puerto de la Paz, January 5, 1769, AG!, 416. Ynstrucci6n, que ha de observar puntualmente Don Juan Perez. By Galvez, Cabo de San Lucas, February 12, 1 769, AG!, 416. Transcript in SBMA.

40 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION the domination of our King and to protect that Peninsula from the possible ambitions of a foreign nation. Operation California had both land and sea phases with the burden of provisioning Alta California falling to the maritime expeditions. On May 24, r 768, Jose de Galvez set sail from San Blas for Lower California which was to be the base for the "Sacred Expedition." He had left orders to the commandant of San Blas that as soon as the "San Carlos" and "San Antonio" arrived he was to repair them if he judged it necessary and they should be provisioned and loaded with everything necessary for the expedition. 96 Galvez himself did not reach Lower California in the sloop "Sinaloa" until July 6, because of contrary winds. 97 He made his headquarters at the now non-existent Santa Ana and began to assemble supplies for both the land and sea expeditions. Provisions for the "San Carlos" and "San Antonio" were gathered at La Paz and Cape San Lucas. In keeping with his policy of increasing and conserving the Royal Treasury, he had determi 11: ed that the missions of Lower California should allocate whatever surpluses they could spare for Alta California. In addition, he ordered that a number of wild cattle in the southern portion of the peninsula be slaughtered and the beef jerked. 98 In December of r 769 the "San Carlos" arrived at La Paz from San Blas with damaged rigging and shipping water. 99 Obviously the ship was in no condition for the voyage to San Diego. Galvez, observing caution, ordered the "San Carlos" to be unloaded, examined the keel and decided to have it repaired and careened. Because the necessary tar was not available, Galvez improvised by extracting a similar substance from a cactus called pitayo. In the words of Pal6u "the Visitor General on his part, helped in preparing all necessary things, working in person as if he were a common laborer." 100 When repairs had been completed, the ship was reloaded with the supplies she had carried from San Blas and the items gathered at La Paz. Galvez, claiming he was a better sacristan than Father Serra, personally stowed vestments, sacred vessels and other furnishings destined for church and sacristy of the three new missions soon to be founded. Galvez ordered:... there should be packed and shipped all kinds of articles for use in dwelling quarters and field, with necessary implements of iron for working the land and planting, and every type of seed from both Spain and New Spain. Nor did he forget even the smallest things, 96 Bolton, Palau's New California, Ii, Galvez set sail from San Blas in May, but was driven to the Tres Marfas islands and back to Mazatlan. This was a continual plague to ships attempting to cross the Gulf of California. 96 Bolton, Palau's New California, I, Ibid., II, I Maynard Geiger, Palau's Life of ]unipero Serra, Washington,

41 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 3 I such as seeds for vegetables, flowers, and flax, because, as he saw it, that land should be fully fertile for it was in the same latitude as Spain. 101 It was determined that the "San Carlos" should sail on January 9, On that day all who were to sail with the expedition went to hear mass and listen to a moving farewell speech from Galvez. Following this, they weighed anchor and sailed for Cape San Lucas for their final departure for Alta California. 102 The second ship selected for the expedition was the "San Antonio" or "El Principe," which was unable to make port at La Paz because of contrary winds. Consequently she landed at Cape San Lucas and Galvez departed on January 9th for the cape to oversee preparations for the voyage. It was necessary to carry out the same repair work which had been done on the "San Carlos." When the repairs had been completed to Galvez's satisfaction he ordered it to be reloaded with the provisions from San Blas and with grains, meat and fish which had been gathered in Lower California. With the appropriate prayers, mass and an address from Galvez, the ship made way on February 1 5th. 103 On the 20th of February, Galvez notified Pal6u who was now Father President of the Lower California missions that the "San Antonio" had sailed "with even more provisions than the "San Carlos." He told Pal6u that his heart had gone with the expedition even though he could not. 104 The first product of the San Blas shipyard, the "San Jose," was now ordered to prepare for the voyage to Alta California. Galvez ordered the ship to meet him at Cape San Lucas where he discovered that, although it had just been built, it was already leaking. Of this Galvez wrote Pal6u, "now I am working on the 'San Joseph', so that it may carry me from La Paz to Loreto, and then to Sonora, where my last measures are to be taken. 105 The plan was that Galvez should go with the ship to the bay of Santa Barbara of the pueblo of Santa Cruz on the Sonora coast. On May rst the ship was christened at Loreto from whence with Galvez aboard, she proceeded to the port of Santa Cruz. Galvez presided over the loading of the ship there with corn, beans and chickpeas. In June the "San Jose" was back at Loreto where she was loaded with four hundred arrobas of jerked beef, some preserved fish, fifty arrobas of figs and raisins, two jars of brandy and eight of wine. Her cargo was completed with some coarse clothing with which to attract Indians, three steeple bells and some 101 Ibid., Monterey is about 3 7 latitude and Seville a little above Bolton, Palau's New California, II, Geiger, Palau's Life of Serra, ' Joseph de Galvez to Fray Francisco Palc\u, Cape San Lucas, February 20, 1769, Museo Nac1onal de Mexico, Documentos Relativos a las Misiones de Californias, Vol. I, Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, IV, Ibid.

42 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION vestments for the new missions. Thus loaded she sailed for San Diego on June I6th. 106 The ship was supposed to put in at Cape San Lucas to complete her cargo with some church ornaments and vestments. When she failed to appear, it was assumed that she had caught a favorable wind and hao made directly for San Diego. After an absence of three months, she dropped anchor in the port of Escondido with foremast broken. When Galvez received the news, he ordered her cargo to be removed in launches to Cape Lucas and provided that the packet should return to San Blas for the necessary repairs. In the later part of October the "San Jose" had made way for San Blas and the cargo, with the exception of the maize, had been sent to Cape San Lucas. The maize was to be left behind because a load of newer maize was waiting at San Blas. Repairs were made and the packet took on a load of maize and beans and then proceeded for Cape San Lucas where she arrived in May of I 770. From there she set sail for San Diego and, in the words of Palau:... up to the present time, it has not arrived, nor has there been any news of it, nor has any fragment of it been seen on any of the coasts. It is believed that it must have been lost out in the open sea and with it many people, for it carried an extra crew to replace those who had died on the other packets.... the loss of that bark has been a great setback to the new conquests, and was the cause of the privations from which the expedition sutfered. 107 The supplying of the new borderland of California was left to the "San Carlos" and "San Antonio." Galvez's plan for one ship being permanently stationed at San Diego was forever shelved with the loss of the "San Jose." lob Exactly what supplies the "San Carlos" and "San Antonio" loaded before proceeding to Lower California has not come to light. Likewise, no list of goods collected by Galvez at La Paz and Cape San Lucas seems to exist. However, on January 16, 1 769, Galvez signed inventories of the final cargos of both ships. 109 Although it later became a point of contention between mission and presidia, no distinction was made in the original shipments between goods destined for the new missions and those designated for the military. It was most assuredly informally understood which 106 Ibid., II, 37. In his Life of Father Serra, Pal6u states that the "San Jose" was never heard from again, but it is clarified in his New California. 107 Bolton, Palau's New California, II, / bid., Estado, inventario, Reglamento de Rancho, y Memoria de lo que conduce el Paquebot de S. M. el San Carlos a los Puertos de San Diego y Monterey que llama al Ynforme. By Galvez, Cabo San Lucas, February 16, 1769, AG!. Guadalajara, 416. Transcript in SBMA. Estado, Ynventario Reglamento de Rancho, y Memorias de la que conduce el Paquebot de S.M. el "Principe" (San Antonio) a los Puertos de San Diego, y Monterey. By Galvez, Cabo San Lucas, February 16, 1769, AG!. Guadalajara, 416. Transcript in SBMA.

43 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 33 provisions were for each. Father Serra was too conscientious to have left such an important issue to chance and there is no evidence of any quarrel over the division of the supplies. Both ships carried a large and varied cargo of church ornaments and vestments so necessary for the establishment of new missions. Most of these items were surpluses from Lower California missions. Included were chalices, statues, crucifixes, missals, carpets, vestments of all sorts and "other various pieces of silver, silk, and cotton cloth.'' In the short run, the most crucial part of the cargo was composed of foodstuffs. No separate designation was made for supplies for the voyage as opposed to those for the maintenance of the establishments to be erected. I include here a list of the more significant food supplies. 110 TABLE 3 FooosTUFFS IN EARLY SHIPMENTS TO CALIFORNIA Bread arrobas Flour arrobas Maize arrobas Salted meat arrobas Dried fish arrobas Chick peas arrobas Lard arrobas Rice arrobas Lentils arrobas Beans arrobas Chocolate arrobas Panocha (raw sugar) 1 u arrobas Cheese arrobas Chile arrobas These items constituted the main diet of the sea expeditions and early settlements. They were not the only edible goods on board. Betraying the Spanish sweet tooth, candy was included in stores. Smaller quantities of goods, such as hams, olive oil, sugar, dates, figs, raisins, garlic and other spices were carried. Brandy and wine provided traditional Spanish drinks. Although the bulk of the livestock was herded north from Lower California by the land expeditions, a few animals, including fifty-two chickens 110 These quantities represent totals of goods shipped on both the "San Carlos" and "San Antonio." They were arrived at by adding similar items in the inventories cited above. The figures are rounded off to the nearest standard unit of measure. 111 Panocha was coarse brown sugar molded into small cakes in wooden molds. It was not put through any clarification process. Panocha was given different names in different parts of Spanish America. See Hubert H. Bancroft, California Pastoral, Vol. 24 of Bancroft's Works, San Francisco,

44 34 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION and six head of cattle were crowded aboard the ships, perhaps as provisions during the voyage. Eleven tercios of tobacco and thirty-eight arrobas of soap were provided for the pleasure and cleanliness of the pioneers. 112 Materials for clothing, cultivation, building and metal working were prominent in the shipments. Those which were most important for the success of the colonization effort are listed here TABLE 4 SUPPLIES IN EARLY SHIPMENTS TO CALIFORNIA Iron quintales Nails... 6 arrobas Wick... r 6 libras Ropes pieces Glue... 4 libras Wire... 6 rolls Shoes... 4 doz. pair Seeds, legumes, vegetables, and flowers for planting... 2 chests Rice for planting... 3 fanegas Wheat for planting... 3 fanegas Millet for planting... 3 fanegas Tools essential for construction and cultivating were: hammers, axes, adzes, chisels, augers, pickaxes, saws, blacksmith's tongs, two iron forges with tools, shovels, hoes, wedges, spades, and plow tips. Kitchen utensils included pots, pans, pitchers, hand mills, spoons and a brass sausage stuffer. Locks, padlocks, scales, weights, hinges and shackles for miscreants were necessary hardware. The list could go on and on unnecessarily. A variety of cloth and the scissors, thimbles, thread and needles necessary for making clothing were among these first shipments to Alta California. Both wax and tallow candles were sent. Wax candles were generally used for religious services while tallow candles were for daily household use. Along with them were candlesticks and snuffers. Writing utensils, such as ink and paper, were essential. A few of the more prominent members of both the land and sea expeditions were allowed to send personal shipments. At Cape San Lucas 112 Galvez lists " 1 00 tercios of flour of 541 arrobas." This gives a tercio of approximately 5.41 arrobas or pounds when an arroba equals 2 5 pounds. See Estado, inventorio, Reglamento de Rancho, y Memoria de lo que conduce el Paquebot de S.M. el "San Carlos" a los Puertas de San Diego, y Monterey que llama al Ynforme. By Galvez, Cabo San Lucas, February 16, 1769, AGI. Guadalajara, 416. Transcript in SBMA. 113 A quintal was a Spanish hundredweight equal to approximately pounds or 100 libras. A libra equaled approximately pounds.

45 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 3 5 the "San Antonio" took on a small cargo for Pedro Fages comprised of items such as figs, wine and brandy. Serra stowed on the same ship: brandy, wine, a gilt edged chest and various religious ornaments. This appears to be the only situation in which goods were marked with a special designation As with most colonization attempts, the first few years of California's existence was a period of supply shortages and uncertainty over the future prospects of the province. Bucareli's proclamation of August 16, 1770, in which he made a public pronouncement of the occupation of Alta California could very well have been premature Among the serious problems was the uncertainty of the supply service which was in part hampered by the difficulty of the voyage from San Blas to Alta California. The experience of the "San Carlos" in its first voyage is indicative of the hazards encountered. The ship did not reach San Diego until April 2 9, 1 769, 1 ro days out from La Paz, having been driven 200 leagues out from the coast, she had run short of water because of which she made a stop for water on Cedros Island. Because of the unexpected length of the voyage, incredible hardships had decimated the crew. The engineer, Don Miguel Costans6, who was aboard the "San Carlos" described the suffering... but its crew, and the troops it transported whose hardships in so protracted and painful a voyage and in the rawest of the winter, could not fail to be excessive.... arrived in a deplorable state. The scurvey had infected all without exception; in such sort that on entering San Diego, already two men had died of the said sickness; most of the seamen, and half of the troops, found themselves prostrate in their beds; only four marines remained on their feet, and attended.... aided by the troops... to trimming and furling the sails and other working of the ship. 116 The pinch of supply shortages was felt immediately, exacerbated by the loss of the "San Jose." The situation was so critical that there was talk of abandonment. The "San Antonio" had been dispatched from San Diego to recruit more men for the decimated crew of the "San Carlos" and to bring food supplies for all. As the winter of r passed and spring made its appearance, hopes began to dim and the return to Mexico was faced as real possibility. Up to February r r, r 770 fifty men had died and food was becoming very scarce. On January 28th Governor Portola 114 Statement by Juan Gutierrez concerning goods shipped on the "San Antonio" at Cape San Lucas, destined for Fages and Serra. Loreto, October 13, 1769, AGN. Marina Vol. 31a. Photograph in SBMA. Don Juan Gutierrez was acting governor of Lower California. See Bolton, Palau's New California, I. 94. m Bolton's Palau's New California, II, Bucareli's proclamation is reprinted by Palou Charles Lummis, ed., "Diary of Miguel Costanso," Land of Sunshine, Vol. 4, , Vol. 15, 38-48, 1901.

46 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION calculated that the quantity of maize and flour on hand would last the sixty-eight remaining members of the expedition twelve and one-half weeks. In consequence, he determined March 20th as the day upon which the enterprise would be abandoned if no help arrived. In the deepening gloom Rivera y Moncada was dispatched to V elicata on February 1 1th to bring north the cattle gathered there. Meanwhile, prayers were said and a lookout was kept for the timely return of the "San Antonio." 117 Supplies were indeed scarce. F ages reported in early February that food stores consisted of thirty fanegas of good maize, twenty-nine fanegas of poor maize, forty-seven sacks of flour, a tercio of lentils, a tercio of chickpeas and ten arrobas of panocha. 118 Miguel Costanso commented upon his return to San Diego from his expedition in search of Monterey, that "there were in San Diego provisions of maize, flour and seeds for the maintenance of those who composed the garrison for some months." 119 The "San Antonio," having left San Diego in July of 1 769, brought news of scarcity to Mexico. Galvez, ever solicitous, saw that it was quickly loaded and provisioned for the return voyage. Cargo was picked up at San Blas and a stop was made at Cape San Lucas. The "San Antonio's" captain, Don Juan Perez had orders to sail directly for Monterey, but he learned from Indians of the Santa Barbara channel that the land expedition to Monterey had already returned to San Diego. Perez retraced his route, reaching San Diego on the afternoon of March 19th. On the 24th of March, well loaded with provisions, the ship dropped anchor at San Diego. California was saved! 120 The ship dispelled thoughts of abandonment. She carried maize, flour, beans, peas and smaller quantities of other foodstuffs in addition to a variety of medicines. The stock of mission tools also increased. There were adzes, saws, picks, crowbars, hatchets, axes and other utensils. 121 While California went through several more periods of scarcity, abandonment was never again considered as an imminent possibility. Although the arrival of the "San Antonio" must have relieved one of the most anxious periods in Father Serra's life, he relayed it to his lifetime friend, Father Palou, in one terse statement: Since the "San Antonio", also called "El Principe", arrived at this port on the Feast of the Saint Joseph... it did not enter port ti! four days later... the officers in command have decided on a second trip to Monterey Portola to the Viceroy, San Diego, February 1 1, 1770, AGN. Californias. Velicat:i was the northernmost of the Baja California missions and hence the staging point for land expeditions to Alta California. Rivera y Moncada took a company of twenty-two men south with him. 118 Fages to Galvez, San Diego, February 8, 1770, AGN. Californias, Lummis, "Diary of Miguel Costans6." 120 Bolton, Paf6u's New California, II, Fages to Serra, Monterey, July 30, 1770, AGN. Californias, Serra to Pal6u, San Diego, April 16, 1770 in Geiger, Pal6u's Life of Fray Jun(pero Serra,

47 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 37 In 177 1, as in 1770, only the "San Antonio" made a solitary trek from San Blas to Alta California with stops at San Diego and Monterey. While conditions were not as dire as they had been the previous year, she still must have been a welcome sight representing, as she did, the only contact with friends, relatives and civilization. The "San Antonio" carried supplies for the extant missions, in addition to what was necessary for the founding of missions which were in the planning stages. The 1,ooo pesos allowed for the foundation of each mission had been turned over to the syndic of the College of San Fernando, Joseph Gonzalez Calderon. He had purchased and shipped supplies for the founding of five missions. The "San Antonio" also carried ten missionaries who were to staff the new establishments. It can be assumed that provisions for the future missions of San Francisco, Santa Clara, San Luis Obispo and San Antonio were deposited at Monterey while those for San Gabriel were stored at San Diego. 123 Serra, at San Carlos, also received the previous year's supplies for that mission which had been deposited at San Diego in In I 77 I, the "San Antonio" transferred these supplies to San Carlos on her voyage north. 124 This began the use of the supply vessels for local coastal transfers of goods. This function became more significant as Alta California began to produce products which stimulated the development of a local market. On June 20, 177 I, Serra signed an inventory of those goods which had been supplied by the " San Antonio." 125 It included clothing, tools and non-edible items for the two missions of San Carlos and San Diego, plus the six missions in the planning stages. Also listed were food supplies for San Carlos and the proposed missions, but none for San Diego. Since a memorial of goods sent to San Diego exists, San Diego obviously received foodstuffs. 126 Those items specifically for San Diego were especially marked and significantly include almost exclusively foodstuffs. The explanation seems to be that tools, clothing and other non-perishable items were shipped without a specific destination necessitating that distribution be made by F ages and Serra, while foodstuffs for San Diego were specially i2s. Serra to Francisco Carlos de Croix, Monterey, June 18, 1771, AGN. Californias, 66. Trans. tn T1besar, Writings of Serra, II, Serra speaks of eight missions having been supplied. He includes Mission San Buenaventura which was to be established in the near future. Supplies had been brought for its founding by the San Antonio in Serra to Fray Rafael Verger, Monterey, June 20, 1771, BNM. Canas de Junipero Serra, Trans. Ibid., II, Memoria de lo que he recivido juntamente con los demas padres, destinados ministros de estas nuevas misiones, de los effectos y utiles venidos en el pacabot San Antonio, por mano de Senor Theniente Comandante de este Real Presidio de Monte-Rey, Don Pedro Fages, para la erecdon y mantendon de las ocho Misiones de esta pane septentrional de la California, fundadas, y a fundar. Appended to Serra to Verger, Monterey, June 20, 1771, BNM. Canas de Junipero Serra. Transcript in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., I, Memorial of goods sent to California for Mission San Diego and Serra, Mexico, , AGN. Woodward transcript in SBMA.

48 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION shipped for that mission and, hence, their receipt must have been acknowledged by the Fathers assigned to that mission. The shipment of r 77 r added significantly to the stock of tools which would enable the missions to increase and expand their economic functions. These included forty-eight iron tipped plows, forty axes, thirty-two spades, forty-eight chisels, thirty-six augers, eight crowbars, eight turner's lathes, eight saws and eight adzes. Thirty-two iron moulds of various kinds, four for each mission, were also received indicating that the missions were hoping to make some of their own utensils and tools. Kitchen utensils sent from New Spain evidenced a hope for a growing number of neophyte converts. Sixteen cauldrons, sixteen cookers and eight tin kettles were hardly necessary to feed the missionaries. Seven grinders for the processing of corn were gratefully received. Processed foodstuffs included table oil, hams, biscuits and sugar. The trade in tallow was in favor of San Blas with two hogsheads being sent. Conspicuous by its absence was meat which was sorely missed by Serra and his companions. He begged the viceroy that this oversight should not be made in the future. May I also ask your Excellency to issue orders that the boat should never sail again, as it did this year, without bringing a supply of meat for our poor men, so that they may work with greater energy and contentment. 127 The really crucial part of the cargo, essential for the survival of colonization which as of 1 77 I was not firmly planted, was foodstuffs. Not only was it necessary for simple existence, but also for success. The missions had to have food to attract Indians. Only with food could they hope to fulfill their role as christianizers and purveyors of Hispanic civilization. The following represent totals of staple agricultural products. Corn fanegas Flour tercios Rice..."... 9 tercios Beans... r 8 tercios Chickpeas... 9 tercios Lentils... 4 tercios Wheat.....,... 8 tercios of seed wheat Barl ey tercios of seed barley Serra to Francisco Carlos de Croix, Monterey, June 18, 1 771, AGN. Californias, 66. Transcript in SBMA. Trans in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I, These figures are totals computed from Memoria de lo que he Recivido juntamente con los demas padres, destinadas ministros de estas nuevas misiones, de los effectos y miles venidos en el pacabot San Antonio, por mano de Senor Theniente Com andante de este Real Presidio de Monte Rey, Don Pedro Fages, para la erecdon y mantencion de las ocho Misiones de esta pane septentrional de la California, fundadas, y a fundar. Appended to Serra to Verger, Monterey. June 20, 1771, BNM. Carras de Junipero Serra. Transcript in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., I, Wheat was rarely shipped in unprocessed form except for seed. Shipping costs were reduced by converting to flour before shipment.

49 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 39 Less significant amounts of pepper, anise, saffron, coriander, cloves and cinnamon gave a welcome lift to meals which, at best, were monotonous. Glass beads were shipped as a necessary item to attract neophytes to the missions. 129 A wide variety of cloth was noted by Serra and was an integral part of the civilizing process through which the missionaries hoped to guide the Indians. Wine and brandy were gladly accepted both for sacramental purposes and for relief of loneliness and monotony. Chocolate, that native Mexican product which Spaniards happily embraced, was included in this and virtually every other shipment. Livestock was limited to a few small animals since it was difficult to ship them by sea. In 1 77 r mission stock was augmented by three hens with chicks and two sows with suckling pigs and a boar. Pedro Fages permitted Serra rations for the ten missionaries who arrived in Alta California, but who for the time being were supernumeraries. These included four hams, two arrobas of ground chocolate, four tercios of flour, one tercio of rice, and one tercio of red beans. Supplies for the missions at this early date were shipped to the governor and the distribution of them was done cooperatively by the Father President and the governor. Serra, consequently, had to sign a receipt for goods received from Fages. This led to a classic conflict between secular and clerical authority, which was aggravated by the scarcity in early California. The issue reached Viceroy Bucareli when Serra was in Mexico City in the spring of r Serra told B ucareli in his memorial of March 13, 1773 that: I ask your Excellency that an invoice of everything that is sent by boat to the missions for their upkeep during the following year should be sent also, and it should be separate from what is sent to the Commanding officer of the presidio and the escorts. That was the arrangement for the first year, and it gave no occasion for disagreement. The two following years, the commissary at San Blas sent everything to the officer of the presidio for him to pass on to us, to keep us for a year, whatever he had a notion to give. 130 Serra found basis for his complaint despite Viceregal order to Fages as early as I 77 I. The "San Antonio" had brought, in addition to bountiful supplies, a cover letter to Fages advising him that the ship carried merchandise, goods, tools and other items._ He entrusted F ages to distribute the provisions proportionately between the presidio and the missionaries. Croix also admonished Fages that in addition, the missionaries were to receive "robes, tools of labor and of carpentry" which were not needed at 129 Neophyte is a term used in California to designate recently converted Indians or new Christians. Its meaning expanded to include any mission Indian.. '. 30 Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Mexico City, March 12, 177 3, AGN. M1S1ones, 12. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I,

50 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION the presidios, but which would serve to provide useful occupations for the Indians. 131 A final solution to the squabbles over shipments had to await the Echeveste Reglamento of May, 1773 when the entire supply service was reorgainzed and improved. The decision that supplies should be marked separately was made by the Royal Council of War and Exchequer in May of The council stipulated "what is given to the missions and is taken by the barks for their maintenance in the succeeding years, shall go separately marked.'' 132 In the spring of 1771 Serra could not have helped predicting an optimistic future for his beloved missions of Alta California. His exuberance overflowed when he wrote Viceroy Croix in June. He expressed thanks for what he called "splendid and lavish provisions." Everything was, he said, exactly as he had ordered. "You have," Serra continued, "spared no pains or expense to attain the accomplishment of so holy a purpose. " 133 Despite his optimism, 1772 was to be another year of scarcity. California received no more supplies until August of Available supplies were strained to the limit by workmen who had come with the "San Antonio" and by the founding of Mission San Antonio in July, followed by San Gabriel in S eptem her. The supply shortage was made more acute by the practical failure of crops at all four missions due in part to drought, but primarily to inexperience. 134 Serra and the viceroy were both guilty of miscalculation. Viceroy Croix had badly underestimated the supplies necessary for the subsistence of California and Serra had mistakenly assumed that another ship was to be sent in In June Serra expressed doubts to Father Guardian Verger that all of the supplies had been sent. He was becoming worried. "It is hard," he commented, "to convince me that the amount represents an outlay of 1000 pesos for each of them (missions). But I may be going too fast, perhaps the money has not all been spent." 135 In March of 1772, F ages and Father Crespi left on an expedition to the north from Monterey to explore San Francisco Bay. Serra, meanwhile, received information from San Diego and San Gabriel that they 131 Francisco Carlos de Croix to Fages, Mexico, November 12, 1770, AGN. Californias, 66. Photostat in SBMA. 132 Judgement of the Junta de Guerra y Hacienda, Mexico, May 6, Certified copy as of May 1 3, 1773 in SBMA. Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Serra to Francisco Carlos de Croix, Monterey, June 18, 1771, AGN. Californias, 66. Photo f raph in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I, San Gabriel, for example, planted wheat on lowland which did well until it was flooded wi. rh water. San Di eg o planted wheat in a dry river bed where it was washed away with spring ram. 135 Serra to Father Rafael Verger, Monterey, June 20, 1771, BNM. Carras dej unipero Serra. Photograph in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I,

51 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION the presidios, but which would serve to provide useful occupations for the Indians. 131 A final solution to the squabbles over shipments had to await the Echeveste Reglamento of May, 1773 when the entire supply service was reorgainzed and improved. The decision that supplies should be marked separately was made by the Royal Council of War and Exchequer in May of The council stipulated "what is given to the missions and is taken by the barks for their maintenance in the succeeding years, shall go separately marked." 132 In the spring of 1771 Serra could not have helped predicting an optimistic future for his beloved missions of Alta California. His exuberance overflowed when he wrote Viceroy Croix in June. He expressed thanks for what he called "splendid and lavish provisions." Everything was, he said, exactly as he had ordered. "You have," Serra continued, "spared no pains or expense to attain the accomplishment of so holy a purpose." 133 Despite his optimism, was to be another year of scarcity. California received no more supplies until August of Available supplies were strained to the limit by workmen who had come with the "San Antonio" and by the founding of Mission San Antonio in July, followed by San Gabriel in September. The supply shortage was made more acute by the practical failure of crops at all four missions due in part to drought, but primarily to inexperience. 134 Serra and the viceroy were both guilty of miscalculation. Viceroy Croix had badly underestimated the supplies necessary for the subsistence of California and Serra had mistakenly assumed that another ship was to be sent in In June Serra expressed doubts to Father Guardian Verger that all of the supplies had been sent. He was becoming worried. "It is hard," he commented, "to convince me that the amount represents an outlay of 1000 pesos for each of them (missions). But I may be going too fast, perhaps the money has not all been spent." 135 In March of 1772, F ages and Father Crespf left on an expedition to the north from Monterey to explore San Francisco Bay. Serra, meanwhile, received information from San Diego and San Gabriel that they 131 Francisco Carlos de Croix to Fages, Mexico, November 12, 1 770, AGN. Californias, 66. Photostat in SBMA. 132 Judgement of the Junta de Guerra y Hacienda, Mexico, May 6, Certified copy as of May 13, 1773 in SBMA. Trans. in Bolton, Pal6u's New California, III, Serra to Francisco Carlos de Croix, Monterey, June 18, 1771, AGN. Californias, 66. Photo t aph in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I, San Gabriel, for example, planted wheat on lowland which did well until it was flooded wi _ th water. San Di eg o planted wheat in a dry river bed where it was washed away with spring ram. 135 Serra to Father Rafael Verger, Monterey, June 20, 1771, BNM. Canas dejunipero Serra. Photograph in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I,

52 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS were badly in need of food. Father Francisco Dumetz, missionary at San Diego had gone south intending to return with provisions. On April 4th, Fages and Crespi returned to Monterey. Fages and Serra consulted and a decision was made to send Crespi and an escort to the south with some mules loaded with flour. On April I 3, I 77 2, the small party set out and brought some relief to the southern missions. 136 In a case of robbing Peter to pay Paul, the presidio of Monterey and the missions of San Antonio and San Carlos were soon feeling the pinch of scarcity. On June 26th Fages wrote the Viceroy saying available provisions would not last more than two months. They had been subsisting primarily, he said, on a few vegetables and some milk. He also informed the Viceroy of the fifteen tercios of flour which he had sent to San Diego and San Gabriel. 137 Serra described the situation to his friend P al6u who was still in Lower California. Those who are the main supporters of our people are the gentiles. Thanks to them, we live because God so wills it; moreover, we must not forget that the milk from the cows and the vegetables from the garden have been very big factors in keeping these foundations going; but these two sources of food are becoming scarce. 138 The supply service, he noted, was at the root of the problem. If the advance of California was going to depend upon the arrival of ships from San Blas, it would be many years before anything was accomplished. A few days earlier, Serra had written Father Verger informing him, because of the scarcity, he had released the provisions for the future Mission San Buenaventura to San Diego and San Gabriel. He feared even those two missions might have to be abandoned if supplies did not arrive in the near future. His plans for the founding of new missions had been abandoned because of shortages. 139 Fages, realizing starvation was a real possibility, set out with a hunting party to the Canada de los Osos, some fifty leagues south of Monterey. Fages had in mind a bear hunt which would enable his men to subsist and he planned on sending some meat back to San Carlos and San Antonio. In May he set out with most of the soldiers from Monterey. The party remained in the field for three months, eating bear meat and sending loads of it jerked to the presidio and missions. To supplement their diet they traded with Indians for seeds and nuts of various kinds Bolton, Palau's New California, II, Fages to the Viceroy, Monterey, June 26,, 772, AGN. Californias, Serra to Father Francisco Pal6u, Monterey, August 18, r Geiger, Palau's Life of Juni f. ero Serra, Serra to Father Rafael Verger, Monterey, August 8, 1 772, BNM. Canas dejunipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I, Bolton, Palau's New California, II, The Canada de los Osos or Valley of the Bears, is now San Luis Obispo.

53 42 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Relief arrived. In August of I 77 2, both the "San Carlos" and "San Antonio" dropped anchor at San Diego. Because of storms, they had not been able to make port at Monterey. Serra was chagrined. "In San Diego," he wrote the Father Guardian, "they have everything while here we are starving." In late August Serr a and F ages began the trip south from Monterey to arrange for the overland transportation of supplies to the north. 141 The "San Carlos" was unloaded and her cargo was dispatched for the north on mules in September. Although late in the season, Fages allowed the "San Antonio" to go on to Monterey for which he was reprimanded by the Viceroy. 142 The blame for inadequate supplies for Alta California is not easy to assign. Professor Charles Chapman notes that there were continued problems with the ships themselves Communications were evidently poor. Officials in Mexico had no way of knowing exactly what the situation in California was and consequently never knew when to send the supply ships. In addition goods which were sent were often not suited to California's needs. Also there was a general ineptness and mismanagement of San Blas itself The new viceroy, Antonio Bucareli, took a special interest in the California project and with Serra's suggestions in I 773, the supply service was put on a more substantial basis While the Eschveste Regulations did not receive Bucareli's final approval until July of 1773, the Viceroy acted expeditiously to improve the supply line. As early as February he notified F ages that he had done everything necessary "so that the supply and provisioning of that peninsula might not fail and so provisions might arrive there at the proper time, well selected and of the best quality." He also admonished Fages to see to their expeditious distribution. 146 Bucareli's statement was premature. The end of I 77 3 and the first part of was to be another starving time, albeit the last. Serra was in Mexico. The Lower California missions had been turned over to the Dominicans and Fray Francisco Pal6u was acting president of the Alta California Missions. Again, Serra could not foresee the coming scarcity 141 Serra to Verger, Monterey, August 8, 177 2, BNM. Carras de J unipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I, The Viceroy to Fages, Mexico, December 2, 1 772, AGN. Californias, Charles Chapman, "The Alta California Supply Ships, " Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Vol. 19, 19 16, Thurman, The Naval Department of San Blas, 106. For Bucareli's role in the reorganization of San Blas, see Bernard E. Bobb, The Viceregency of Antonio Marfa Bucareli in New Spain, , Austin, m Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Mexico, April 2 2, 1 773, SBMA. Trans. in T ibesar, Writings of Serra, I, Bucareli to Fages, Mexico, February 17, 1773, AGN. Californias 66. Photograph in SBMA. For further discussion of changes made in the supply system see Chapter One above.

54 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 43 upon his arrival at Tepic. He wrote Pal6u to bring more Fathers with him when he evacuated Lower California. Anticipating the objection that this might strain the fragile economy of Alta California, he told Pal6u: My answer is that at present there is food, and that, if well distributed, the Fathers will not run short of food, and I trust to God that, during the time it will take for the next shipment of supplies to arrive... well under a year... they will not face starvation. 147 B ucareli meanwhile had seen to the provisioning and departure of the "San Carlos" from San Blas for Upper California. He planned on sending a second ship in November, but according to his information, California was already well supplied. Because he felt November was a poor time of year to attempt a voyage to Calfifornia, and believed California to be adequately supplied, he cancelled the November shipment. 14e The "San Carlos" had meanwhile broken her rudder while crossing to Lower California. It was necessary to unload her at Loreto and send her back to San Blas for repairs. Her cargo of corn and beans was left sitting in a warehouse. Pal6u, who was preparing for his departure for Upper California, received word of the tragedy. Anticipating the coming shortages, Pal6u hastened his departure. As he passed up the peninsula, he collected all the corn and beans available and loaded them on mules On August 30, 1773, Pal6u arrived at San Diego. Upon his arrival he attempted to gather a mule train to send to Lower California to gather supplies left behind. Twenty-five mules were provided by San Di eg o and San Carlos, while Fages provided thirty-four. These together with those which had come with Pal6u totaled eighty-two pack mules. 150 By November shortages were becoming apparent. Pal6u informed the Father Guardian that the Monterey Presidio was depending upon milk for subsistence because of the lack of supplies. He reported Mission San Diego was in great need of food while San Luis Obispo was depending "upon the abundance of seeds which it gets from the land." San Antonio had its corn killed by frost and was also reduced to wild seeds and acorns until the arrival of a ship. San Carlos was in the same situation. Only newly founded San Gabriel gave portent of the huge harvests which it would have in later years by reaping an adequate food supply from its own fields. Pal6u closed by observing: We are all in need of habits, tunics, cloaks, mantles, coats, girdles, underwear and sandals. 147 Serra to Father Francisco Pal6u, Tepic, November 10, Geiger, Palau's Life of Juni f. ero Serra, Chapman, "The Alta California Supply Ships, ," Bolton, Palau's New California, I, / bid., 3 09.

55 44 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION I hope aid will come for us on the ships, including snuff and chocolate, and all the other things which your Reverence may judge necessary. 151 A few days later he reiterated the same problems in a letter to Serra. As in previous times of scarcity it was the Indians who provided food to keep body and soul together by furnishing native foods such as nuts and seeds. He again stressed that all of the establishments were in great need of food. 152 "At this mission of San Carlos," Pal6u explained, "for thirtyseven days we were without as much as a crumb of bread or a tortilla. The meals consisted of a gruel made of chickpeas or beans ground to flour with which milk was mixed. In the morning a little coffee took the place of chocolate." When Juan Bautista de Anza arrived at Monterey with his troops from Sonora, there was not a single bar of chocolate to off er him for breakfast, and the diet there had been reduced to milk and herbs, "without bread or any other item of food." 153 In 1773 Bucareli again did not have accurate knowledge of the state of affairs in California. Pal6u understated the extremity of the situation in his letters to Mexico, but particularly in his report on the state of the five missions in December of r While he said supplies were running short, he gave no hint that famine haunted the establishments. The theme of his report was of guarded success rather than possible starvation. Pal6u and B ucareli were probably both assuming that the provisions which the damaged "San Carlos" had deposited at Loreto would be forwarded by Governor Felipe Barry to Alta California on muleback. 155 The eighty-two pack mules which Pal6u had sent back to V elicata to fetch a load of supplies were reduced in number when Governor Barry confiscated twenty-three of them which he had loaned from Lower California. The argument was not over foodstuffs, but over personal and church items which belonged to the Franciscans, left behind by Pal6u when he turned the missions over to the Dominicans in August. Barry, unsure of their ownership, refused to release them and prevented their removal by confiscating mules. Barry was evidently short of mules and could not have removed all of the provisions left at Loreto. Despite the pleading of Fray 15 1 Fray Francisco Pal6u to Fray Rafael Verger, Mission San Carlos, November z 1, 1773, MNM. Documentos Relativos a las Misiones de Californias. II. Trans. in ibid., IV, Fray Francisco Pal6u to Fray Junipero Serra, Mission San Carlos, November 26, 1773, MNM. Documentos Relativos a las Misiones de Californias. Trans. in ibid., IV, z Geiger, Palau's Life of Jun(pero Serra, 145. See also Bolton, Palau's New California, III, The State of the First Five Missions, by Pal6u, Mission San Carlos, December I o, 1773 Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Until Felipe de Neve took up his residence at Monterey in February of 1777, the governor of the Californias resided at Loreto in Lower California. From March of to March of 1775, Felipe Barry was governor at Loreto while the lieutenant governors, Fages and then Rivera Y Moncada resided at Monterey.

56 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 45 Pedro Camb6n, the mules were not released. 156 As much corn and beans as possible were gathered in northern Baja California and were dispatched northward on the remaining mules. Pal6u explained Barry's actions which were understandable to him only in malevolent terms:... he dispatched to San Diego the mules that had gone from the presidio and mission, without lending even one of those from California, and the provisions were so short that the share of each mission did not come to five bushels, counting both corn and beans. This succor arrived at San Diego in the middle of December, and the letters bringing the news reached Monterey on the last day of that month. 157 In Mexico, arrangements were being made by Bucareli and Sena for the future of California. Two ships, the new frigate "Santiago" and the packet "San Antonio" were being prepared for the voyage to California. Juan Jose Echeveste had, under Bucareli's orders, collected supplies in Mexico and forwarded them to San B las. 158 By January the cargo had been assembled. A cover letter, which was to go with the shipment, informed Fages that he was to receive the provisions and invoice from Don Juan Perez, who sailed in command of the "Santiago." A receipt was to be returned to Francisco Hijosa, the commissary at San Blas. The "San Antonio," Hijosa informed Fages, contained everything desired, but the "Santiago," since she was to sail for the northwest coast carried only limited supplies for Alta California. 159 Hijosa in a second letter of the same date informed Fages he was to put at Serra's disposition for the California missions, six hundred fanegas of maize, one hundred fifty fanegas of beans, sixty arrobas of meat, ten cargas of panocha, three barrels of lard, three tercios of chickpeas and three tercios of lentils. Hijosa closed by pointedly admonishing Fages, "would you send me the corresponding notice." 160 One of Serra's complaints was receiving its answer. The issue of supply distributions had been settled by the Echeveste Reglamento and Hijosa was insuring that Serra would have no _ problem receiving goods which had been clearly consigned to the m1ss10ns Fathers Camb6n and Dumetz had been sent by Pal6u to Velicata to obtain supplies. Camb6n remained at Mission San Fernando Velicat:i until September Pal6u entrusted him with guarding the goods of the Franciscans who had turned the missions over to the Dominicans. 157 Bolton, Pal6u's New California, II, Juan Jose de Echeveste was purchasing agent for the Californias. He assumed this new position in with the authorization of.viceroy Croix. In the same year he made a voyage to California. See Charles E. Chapman, "Diffi culties of Maintaining the Department of San Blas," Southwestern Historical Quarterly, Vol. 19, 1916, Francisco Hijosa and Josef Faustino Ruiz to the presidia commander of Monterey, San Blas, January 2 3, 1 774, AGN. Historia 61. Photograph in SBMA. Hijosa was commissary from and Josef Faustino Ruiz was internal paymaster or Contador interno after Francisco Hijosa andj osef Faustino Ruiz to the presidia commander of Monterey, San Blas, January 23, 1774, AGN. Historia 61.

57 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Serra, in Mexico City, prevailed upon the Christian spirit of B ucareli to present the missionaries with alms, in addition to regular supplies, with which to increase the Indian population. The alms included three boxes of vestments for San Gabriel, San Antonio and San Luis, in addition to five bales of common clothing for the Indians. A quantity of foodstuffs was also provided: olive oil, hams, chocolate, peppers, wine, brandy, two hundred and sixty packages of fine flour of six arrobas each, nine hundred bushels of maize, two hundred fifty bushels of beans, one hundred arrobas of jerked beef, sixteen boxes of panocha, three barrels of lard, nine packages of chickpeas, nine packages of lentils, six packages of rice. To prevent dishonesty, each of the five missions received a standard set of measures of six pieces. B ucareli also provided a choice forge of thirty-four pieces along with five quintals, three arrobas of sheet iron. It was hoped that with the help of these alms the missions would be able to sustain themselves with the annual stipends alone. 161 In response to Serra's request, these items were marked in a separate invoice to prevent a quarrel with Fages. In September of 1 773, Serra set out on the road from Mexico City to San Blas on the first' leg of his journey back to Alta California. Serra was delayed at San Blas because preparation of the "Santiago" for the voyage continued into January of The Father President gave orders for all goods bound for Monterey to be loaded aboard the "Santiago" which was going to that port while those for San Diego were to be stowed on the "San Antonio." 16 2 That same fall Pal6u wrote to the Father Guardian at the College of San Fernando suggesting that at least one of the vessels ought to go up to Monterey. He was making this recommendation, he said, "so if it seems advisable, you may speak to his Excellency on this point, bearing in mind that the sailors easily find excuses for not coming, even though they leave San Blas with orders to come to Monterey." When this happened it was as if no help at all had come for the northern missions, "since as soon as the rains begin the roads become impassable until April or May, and, moreover because there are no mules for the journey." 163 In Tepic, on January 14th, Serra signed for an additional consignment of goods which had been purchased for the missions in Guadalajara by the lay syndic, Don Ignacio Estrada. The supplies were mainly cloth and miscellaneous items. The only food item was thirty loads of flour at twelve pesos each. The total purchase, including settlement of some old debts of 16 1.B olton, Palau's New California, Ill, , 162 Geiger, Palau's Life of Junfpero Serra, Fray Francisco Pal6u to Fray Rafael Verger, Mission San Carlos, November 26, 1773, MNM. Documentos Relativos a las Misiones de Californias. Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, IV,

58 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 47 Lower California missions, amounted to 1,500 pesos. 164 Of this sum, 8 oo pesos were i _ n settlement o'. old ac _ coun_ts in u red by the Franciscans _when they admimstered the B ap California m1ss10ns and were, according to Serra, not to be charged against the new establishments. 165 Fin ally Serra sailed from San Blas on January 24, 1774 aboard the "Santiago." Aboard ship were the provisions for the northern missions and a part of the alms granted by the Viceroy. The ship made port at San Diego on March 13th. While the stop was unscheduled, it was fortunate because, by it the shortages at San Diego and San Gabriel received immediate relief. These missions were now able to await the arrival of the "San Antonio" without fear of starvation. The "Santiago" went on to Monterey while Serra made the trek overland. The ship arrived on May 9 th and Serra two days later. 166 The voyage of the "San Antonio" was also successful. She had left San Blas on March 21st, having been delayed by repairs necessary for the large cargo which she was to carry. The ship held extra supplies for the "Santiago" in addition to supplies for the presidios and missions. The "San Antonio" reached Monterey on June 8th, three days before the "Santiago" sailed. 167 A few days later, the "San Antonio" sailed southward to unload supplies at San Diego. There must have been great jubilation with the arrival of supplies throughout the small California establishments. Pal6u says, when Serra "found himself without the earlier difficulties, with an abundance of foodstuffs and clothing, he cast his net among the pagans, inviting them to the mission." 168 Although participants in the drama were probably unaware of it, 1774 marked the end of the first chapter of Spanish settlement in California. While problems continued to plague the precarious supply service, it ceased to be a matter of life and death for the establishments of Alta California. Serra brought not only supplies, but also the assurance that the fate of California was important to the King and his Viceroy and that their needs were being recognized. Serra expressed the new mood admirably when he wrote Bucareli's secretary, Melchor de Peramas, that I will not omit giving you an idea of how happy and delighted all the inhabitants feel. 164 Lista de mercaderia con su costo, recibida a favor de las Misiones de California. Lista com p letada en Guadalajara, en 30 de Noviembre y en Is de Diciembre de Form ado en Tep1c (Mexico), por el P. Serra, a 14 de Enero de 1774, BNM. Canas de Jun{pero Serra. Photo f raph in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Serra to Father Guardian, Tepic, January 16, 1774, BNM. Canas de Junipero Serra. Photograph SBMA. Trans. in ibid, II, Pal6u. says the Santiago put into San Diego because of a "chance accident." No explanation is offered. See Geiger, Palau's Life of Serra, 144, On June 11, 1774 the frigate left Monterey for her voyage to the northwest coast. She arrived at the highest latitude on July 20, r 774, just a little below S 5, and returned on August Chapman, "The Alta California Supply Ships, ," Geiger, Palbu's Life of Serra, 157.

59 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION and we also... at the sight of such an abundance of provisions and the very fitting regulations which were so sorely needed. By means of them, our Most Excellent Lord has injected new life into all this country. 169 With the unloading of the "Santiago" at Monterey, the storehous_e overflowed. A heap of more than two hundred fanegas had to be piled in the middle of the presidia yard. The ration, which in past times had been one almud for eight days, was increased to two almuds for seven days. This was a far cry from the one-half almud for eight days to which the ration had been reduced in the year preceeding the arrival of supplies. In addition, other food items, such as meat and beans, were now available. Even though three cauldrons of pozole were filled and emptied each day, the Indian neophytes still had room for the heaps of tortillas which their godfathers at the presidios sent to the mission each day. 170 The new attitude of attention and concern was not the only factor which was to distinguish past years from those which were to follow. Although it will be treated more extensively later, it is pertinent to mention at this point the increasing ability of the missions to feed themselves. Experimentation with its attendant failure and eventual success was giving valuable knowledge to the missionaries who gradually developed a primitive, but effective, system of agriculture. It was this which lessened dependence upon New Spain and insured that basic survival would never again be an issue. Serra was aware of this as early as I 774. What saved the two southern missions of San Diego and San Gabriel, he said, was the corn harvest at mission San Gabriel which amounted to one hundred ten fanegas of corn. With this the missions and their escorts had been able to feed themselves. San Gabriel, is of course, the extreme example. The other missions did not do nearly as well Even so, Serra's mood was one of jubilation as he anticipated the harvests which were in the fields. "There are," he commented, "many indications which point to the fact that God's blessings, as is evident, have been showered upon us in plentiful abundance. " The bounty which now belonged to the missions as a result of improving harvests and adequate supply service were enabling the 169 Serra to Melchor de Peramas, Monterey, June 14, Original. The University of Texas at Austin, Stephens Collection. Photograph SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Serra to Father Guardian, Monterey, June 14, 1774, BNM. Carras de Junipero Serra. Photograph SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II, Pozole was a vegetable stew composed of wheat, maize, peas and beans. It was customary for the military to sponsor Indians at their baptisms and, hence become godfathers. 171 Serra to Father Guardian, March 3 1, 1 774, BNM. Carras de J unfpero Serra. Photograph in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II, Serra to Father Guardian, Monterey, July 18, 1774, BNM. Canas de junipero Serra. Photograph SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II,

60 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 49 missions to achieve their primary function. Gentiles were drawing near from all directions. Despite Serra's elation at seeing the condition of the maturing missions, he was still not entirely satisfied with the supply service. It was too much for supplies to be shipped to and stored at San Blas a year in advance of their shipment. In the first place, he warned, how could it possibly be determined what supplies would be needed in California a year in advance? The wine would certainly be spoiled and the rats probably would have ruined grain supplies. What about woolen goods? What would their condition be after a year of storage in a humid region infested with rats and insects? 173 Certainly a better procedure could have been devised. It was incredible to Serra that by the time the "San Antonio" departed from San Blas in the spring of 1774, the supplies for the following year were already stored at the port. As the agricultural outlook of the missions improved, officials in Mexico City obviously hoped the pressure on the Royal Treasury would be relieved. It was thought that the firmly established missions would be able to bear a larger share of the burden incumbent upon the establishment of new missions. Not only were government expenditures on the missions increasing, but in addition, increased demands were stretching the San Blas facility to its limit. Two supply vessels, the "San Antonio" and the "San Carlos" were scheduled to make voyages in The two ships left San Blas in early February. The "San Antonio", because of severe storms, took seventy days to make port at San Diego, while the "San Carlos", loaded with provisions for Monterey, ran aground in the port of San Blas itself. Not until March 16th did the "San Carlos" sail in consort with the "Santiago" and "Sonora" which were to continue explorations of the northwest coast. Charles Chapman claims the effect of deficient cargo capacity betweert San Blas and Alta California was not felt until 1776, but evidence suggests it was having its effect as early as In his Representaci6n to the viceroy in March of 1773, Serra explained that some pious persons at Tepic, Compostela and surrounding areas had promised to supply him with some alms of corn with which to relieve the privations which plagued the missionary effort in Alta California. 175 In the summer of 1775, Serra now back in California, was still awaiting the corn. Marcos Moreno Calderon wrote he was unable to ship the four hundred fanegas of corn because the commissary Hijosa would not accept it. His report was IU Ibid Charles Chapman, "The Alta California Supply Ships, " Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Mexico, March 13, Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, 6-7.

61 50 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION substantiated by the Syndic, Miguel Marin de Valle, who wrote that his son-in-law, Marcos, couldn't include the grain because of Hijosa. 176 In October of 1775, Serra wrote a long complaining letter to Father Guardian Francisco Pangua in which he pointed to the long delay in the corn shipment and cited the inadequacy of the supply service The donation of money with which the corn had been purchased had come from Don Mathias Vadillo of J alapan. Calderon had agreed to take the two hundred peso donation and deposit an amount of corn of equivalent value at San Blas. Calderon himself had paid the peso per load freight charge from Tepic to San Blas. This had been approved by the viceroy. When Serra arrived at San Blas from Mexico City, he had found the "Santiago" fully loaded with supplies for missions and presidios. The cargo included I,500 fanegas of corn, of which 600 were for the missions. In addition, there were r 50 fanegas of beans, flour and a variety of other foods. Serra had capitulated, saying, "I saw that to insist they should take on board the corn given by Don Marcos would be to displace some of what His Excellency wanted to give us." Don Marcos had asked the commissary to include the shipment, but had written Serra explaining that the supplies being sent for the missions were excessive and he was recommending to the Viceroy that they be reduced. Otherwise, the commissary continued, there would be room in the ships for only what was going to the missions. Finally, under order from the Father Guardian, Hijosa had been induced to include the grain in the shipment of r While Hijosa was urging the necessity of reducing shipments for the missions, Serra was pushing the Viceroy in the opposite direction. The founding of new missions was entitled to the same consideration in supplies as the older ones had. 179 For the first two or three years each new mission should be provided from Mexico enough supplies to suffice for the missionaries and as many Christian Indians as Serra saw fit to provide. It was of no use to raise the annual stipend for each mission by one hundred pesos, as the Echeveste Regulation had done, when the m issionaries had no way of converting it into corn or any other foodstuffs. Serra then dropped the impossible problem on Bucareli for solution. Referring to Hijosa's letter, Serra quoted him as saying mission supplies "were piling up to such 1 1 Miguel Marin de Valle to Serra, Tepic, January 20, 1 775, AGN. Colecci6n de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Segunda serie, Vol. I. Photograph SBMA. Calderon was the son-inlaw of the Syndic, Miguel Marin de Valle. He had been delegated the chore of gathering and preparing the alms for shipment from San Blas. 177 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, October 1 7, 1775, BNM. Canas dejunipero Serra. Photograph SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Hijosa to Serra, San Blas, March 12, 1775, AGN. Colecci6n de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Segunda Serie, Vol. I. Photograph in SBMA. 179 Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, July 2, Original, University of Texas at Austin. Stephens Collection. Photograph SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II,

62 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 51 a degree as to force him to write to your Excellency to have them cut down. Otherwise they could not all be put on board ship." In conclusion, Serra said he hoped: your Excellency will take the necessary steps to provide the necessary provisions for the new missions, until the time when their own harvests will help to maintain them. 180 Despite Hijosa's protestations, Serra, zealous in defense of his missions, attributed what he considered a dearth of supplies to the malice of the Commissary. The "Santiago", he maintained had been sent north carrying twenty-five launch loads of stone for ballast where there could have been grain. Then Hijosa had the nerve to write to Serra telling him that the goods at San Blas were deteriorating An eye-witness at San Blas, Fray Miguel de la Campa, confirmed Serra's complaint. Hijosa had shown him the quantity of goods waiting shipment to the missions commenting that there was no room but as de la Campa said, the ship was almost empty Serra's view, it would seem, was provincial while Bucareli had the interests of empire on his mind. At any rate, as Serra seemed to sense, Hijosa at San Blas, was not responsible for the problem. The "Santiago" was in no way engaged in a routine supply trip to Monterey. Its voyage was a follow-up to the unsatisfactory voyage of the same ship in the previous year under Juan Perez. 183 The "Santiago" was equipped by Bucareli and was ordered to survey the coast to 6 5 degrees while the schooner "Sonora" was to accompany her. Simultaneously, the "San Antonio" and "San Carlos" undertook to bring the annual provisions to California. The "Santiago," although she carried some provisions, had no intention of stopping at Monterey until she had completed her exploratory voyage. Bucareli had left very imprecise instructions that the "Santiago" might carry some of the provisions for California if there was room for them. Indeed, there was room. In addition to corn for the presidia of Monterey, she carried all of the supplies for the northern missions of San Carlos, San Antonio and San Luis Obispo. She also carried provisions 180 Ibid. 181 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, October 1 7, 1775, BNM. Canas dejunfpero Serra. Photograph in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II, Fray Miguel de la Campa to Father Francisco Pangua, Tepic, December 15, 177 5, MNM. Documentos Relativos a las Misiones de Californias. Vol. 2. Fray Miguel de la Campa Cos supervised the transfer of the Lower California missions to the Dominicans in In 1775 Father Campa Cos was aboard the "Santiago" as chaplain of the Heceta expedition to the northwest. He then returned to the College of San Fernando. 183 For details on the Perez voyage of 1774 see Donald C. Cutter, ed., The California Coast, Norman, Okla., Included in this work are the diaries of Fray Tomas de la Pena and Fray Juan Crespi who accompanied the expedition. Also see "El piloto don Juan Perez da cuenta de los sucesos de su expedici6n y acompana el diario," November 3, 1774 in Cardenas de la Pena, San Blas de Nayarit, II, 48.

63 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION and supplies to sustain her crew of ninety-eight for one year After a voyage lasting in excess of five months, the frigate dropped anchor in Monterey harbor on August 29th and two days later unloaded her provisions Bucareli was making the best of a poor situation. For the time, the exploratory voyages were being given first priority in Spain where rumors of Russian movements put an end to Spanish lethargy. At the same time the Viceroy was expected to maintain the California settlement. It would have been foolish to encumber the frigate by overloading her with supplies while at the same time endangering the provisions by sending them on a voyage upon which more than the usual risks were incumbent. Serra, although he could complain that the friars' robes were torn, chocolate supplies were low, or stocks of snuff were disappearing, could no longer claim anyone was in danger of starvation. In the same letter to Bucareli in which he voiced complaints about the supply service, he also pointed with pride to growing mission harvests and was especially proud of the "sacks after sacks of greens, cabbages, lettuces, turnips, etc." with which he had been able to supply the crew of the "San Carlos" after its arrival at Monterey on June 27th, I Serra went on extolling recent harvests. And all of this... quantities never heard of before... as far as harvests are concerned in these parts... together with the abundant provisions sent by your Excellency, have given us the reputation and the manner of life of rich people who live in abundance; and our poor neophytes have eaten and still eat without stint.... The arrival of the packet boat "San Carlos" at this port was the first time it had gained it, also the first time we saw a boat arrive without bringing anything for us. They say our supplies are in the frigate and that it will touch here before the end of its lengthy voyage. In any case we could get along very well without it, if only we had some wine for saying Mass, but we did not get any. 187 Bucareli had balanced the needs of the California establishments for provisions against the success and safety of the voyage of exploration under Bruno de Heceta and had won. After complaints against the Na val Department of San Blas emanating from Alta California received a lower key. This is not attributable to an improvement in the supply service, but rather to the growing ability of Alta California to supply herself. The Department continued on the verge of bankruptcy and at times lacked the money to pay employees. Other problems also plagued San Blas. The budget and resources were 184 Bolton, Pa/6u's New California, IV, Ibid. 188 Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, July 2, Original, University of Texas, Austin. Stephens Collection. Photograph in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Ibid.

64 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 53 further strained by the demands associated with exploratory voyages to the northwest. Difficulties were compounded when the port began to fill in almost immediately upon the construction of the Department. Consideration was given to moving the port to nearby Chacala or Matanchel, but such action never materialized. Another difficulty arose from a lack of ships to carry on the activities of the Department. As if this was not trouble enough, there was a deficiency of manpower with which to operate the port and shipyard. The site was unhealthful and crews were disorderly. It is a wonder the supply service operated as well as it did, beset as it was by these difficulties. No wonder Serra experienced deficiencies and delays in deliveries of supplies. 188 The role of the San Blas supply service lost some of its crucial impact as early as Early cargos had been composed almost entirely of foodstuffs, while in later ones the percentage declined. This was due, as was previously pointed out, to the increasing ability of the missions to sustain themselves. The ability of New Spain to sustain this salient was limited both by a pinched treasury and by the limited capacity of the supply service. Expansion of the missions could not have been sustained from New Spain unless vastly greater expenditures had been made on supplies and on the Naval Department. The hunting and gathering economy of the native Californians was not compatible with the missionary enterprise which required a settled, agricultural people. If the natives did not live in large, stable communities, they had to be gathered and resettled so as to conform with Spanish concepts of a Christian lifestyle. In order to feed them, other foodstuffs had to be imported or an agricultural system had to be developed. All missions went through both stages. In the first years outside sustenance was required. After a period of four or five years, varying with the geographical and labor peculiarities of each mission, the point of self-sufficiency and sustained growth was reached. From this point on, except for occasional acts of God, the normal course of events was the production of ever larger agricultural surpluses. The production of surpluses further relieved the supply service of obligations. Not only did missions sustain themselves and serve as a source of supply for the military, but they were also able to provide foodstuffs for the starving period of newly founded missions. At an early date, California became capable not only of sustaining itself, but of providing for its own growth. In the area of foodstuffs, the supply service was necessary only to provide for the first lean years of the initial missions. The memorias of goods shipped to Mission Santa Barbara from its 188 See Charles Chapman, "D if!iculties of Maintaining the Department of San Blas, " And Thurman, The Naval Department of San Blas.

65 5 4 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION inception on December 4, r 786 provided evidence of the altered character of the San Blas supply service. 189 The first memoria for Mission Santa Barbara was signed by the procurator, Fray Joseph Murguia, on March 2 3, r This was the first shipment of goods for the new mission. Substantiating what was said earlier, the first shipment included no foodstuffs which were produced by the other missions. Grains of all types, including seeds and livestock, were supplied to Santa Barbara from its sister missions. Some edibles were shipped, but all were luxury items not necessary for life, although it is not certain that Fathers Paterna and Oramas, who founded the mission, would have regarded them in such a light. Included were fine and ordinary chocolate, ground chile, sugar candy, vinegar and oil. That was the extent of foodstuffs provided from New Spain for a newly founded mission. The potential of the limited supply service was optimized by shipping items of less bulk and whose value was increased by their non-availability in California and their high value relative to the effort and space consumed in transporting them. In this fashion, barn, kitchen, workshop and church were equipped with essentials not produced in California. The kitchen was provided with chocolate and water cups, pozole spoons and a long list of other items. Church items included altar cloths, baptismal font, wax for candles, censer, candleholders and snuffers. A wide variety of supplies for the various mission industries was sent. Axes, picks, wool cards, many types of cloth, sacks, paint, large quantities of iron, capes, hats, ammunition, and ropes. These items only begin the list, the rest can be left to the imagination. The total shipment was valued at 2,405 pesos and 4 reales. To cover this, the Syndic had provided r,600 pesos allowed for the founding of a new mission. This left a balance of r 709 pesos, 4 reales against the mission which would be made up in later years. There was a general tendency for the value of shipments to increase over the years. This was modified by the missionaries' perception of their own financial situation. Missionaries did not simply order the largest quantity of provisions which they felt could be shipped, but rather they adjusted annual purchases to their available funds. It is not proposed at this point to examine mission finances, but a few words are necessary. Debts to other missions, individuals and balances against the mission for previous years' purchases naturally tended to reduce the amount of the current purchase. The reverse was also true. Credits from sales to presidios, other missions and credit balances left over from previous years increased the amount which the padres felt they could spend. There was an observable tendency to balance the mission account which was kept at 189 Memoria is used here in the sense of financial account. 190 Memoria de las efectos que contesta fecha Remito para la Mission de Santa Barbara, signed by Fray Joseph Mariano Murguia, College of San Fernando, Mexico, March 2 3, 1 786, SBMA.

66 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 55 TABLE 5 PuRCHASE AccouNT OF M1ssI0N SANTA BARBARA Year Purchases Debt or Credit ,936 1, * 1, , o4 1, , , I, , 18 I 1, ,164 2, , , , I, I, I, , I CR , CR , ,325 I, , , I , CR ,934 1,03 1 CR. 2,573 * No "memoria" is available for this year. This figure was taken from a Factura of goods remitted for Mission Santa Barbara in March of 1 787, signed by Jose de Arvide, Mexico, April 14, 1787, SBMA. Arvide was most probably lay syndic of the College of San Fernando. This is most likely not the total purchase. the College of San Fernando by the procurator. The following figures are only approximate. Comparison is difficult because there were no standard accounting procedures. The manner in which the annual memoria was drawn up depended on the preferences and whims of the current procurator. The memoria which was an annual rendering of accounts was inexact and its format varied form year to year. In computing the value of shipment items have been added or subtracted depending on how the accounts were drawn up. When they were included, freight charges were deducted, while loading and packing costs were included. Debts, which are provided for comparison, are totals after all credits have been deducted Amounts are given to the nearest approximate peso. Credits in favor of the mission are marked "CR". These figures were drawn from "Memoria de los efectos Remitidos a la Mision de Santa Barbara." Drawn up for the years with the exception of Originals in SBMA.

67 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Although they did not like to think of themselves as such, it is obvious that the fathers were financial managers of some skill. No mission ever overestimated its eventual ability to pay for supplies. Whereas budgets were not balanced on a yearly basis, in the long run, they were. The relative stability of prices on goods sent from Mexico made their task simpler. Widely fluctuating prices, common in contemporary Latin America, were not a feature of the colonial economy. Prices did vary, but over time no appreciable inflation or deflation is observable. Table 6 lists three items which were included in almost every shipment. 192 While the following chart is admittedly a limited sample, it does indicate the pattern of most prices. The remarkable stability of tobacco prices is due to the tobacco monopoly held by the Crown which was instituted by Jose de Galvez in the course of his tour of New Spain. While prices varied, there is no overall trend. The average price for chocolate throughout the entire period listed was ten pesos rounded off to the nearest peso. Likewise, the averages for the decade before and after the turn of the century, when figured separately, also equal ten pesos rounded off to the nearest peso. No discernible price trend is characteristic of the San Blas trade. Freight charges were another expense borne by the missions which was incurred, not only in shipment from San Blas to Alta California, but also on goods moved from Mexico to Tepic and from there to San Blas. Freightage varied depending on the size of the load and weight of articles shipped. Rates for land transportation varied also depending in each case on the contract made. Typically, Serra paid eighteen reales per arroba for the movement of goods from Mexico City to Tepic in I Movement from Tepic to San Blas amounted to one peso per load. In I 77 5, Don Marcos Moreno Calderon paid that amount on a gift of grain for the mission. 194 Serra acknowledged the imposition of legitimate transportation charges for goods moved to San Blas in his official recognition of Joseph Gonzalez Calderon as Apostolic Syndic. He accorded Calderon permission to receive the annual stipends for the missionaries and to use them "to help in the freight expenses to transport our supplies to San Blas." 195 In early years exceptions were made and freight charges were not 192 These figures are a composite from "Memoria de los efectos Remitidos a la Mision de Santa Barbara" drawn for the years with the exception of Originals in SBMA and Memoria de los efectos Remitidos. por Fr. Lorenzo Rebuelta, a la Mision de Santa Cruz, y a sus Mm,stros los R.R.P.P. Fr. Francisco Gonzales y Fr. Domingo Caranza, en este ario de Original in SBMA. 193 Receipt for Merchandise signed by Serra, Tepic, January r 4, 1 774, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Photostat SBMA. Trans. in ibid., 11, 14- r Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, October 1 7, 177 5, BNM. Carras dejunipero Serra. Photostat in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II, Serra to Joseph Gonzalez Calderon, Monterey, June 5, 1775, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Photostat in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II,

68 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 57 TABLE 6 PRICES OF SELECTED ITEMS REMITTED TO MISSION SANTA BARBARA Year Chocolate per Barrel of Bundle of Arroba Wine Tobacco op 6r 1787* op 4r 1p 4r 6r P 6r 26p 6r p 6r 2 3P F 6r 1 9P 3 r 24p 2r p sr 24p 4r 6r 3 1 4p 4r 28p 4r 6r P l ½r 2 3P 4r 6r mp ½r 28p 6r mp zr 3 7P 7r 6r l 2p 2f 3op 6r P zr 43P 7r 6r p F 62p 2f 6r P 56p 6r op 2f 5op 5P ½r P F 7 1 P F 6r op 1r 6r op 5r 55P P 34P r r 6r P 6r 36p 6r 1807 mp Yi r P F 1810 mp Yz r 5P 6r 1 4p No data available. Blanks indicate that item was not shipped in the corresponding year. Figures are close approximations since the unit price in most cases had to be calculated from a shipment of several of the same items. imposed. The goods which Serra brought with him to California upon his return from Mexico were shipped free of charge. 196 Especially in the case of supplies for the founding of new missions, Serra pressed for exception from shipping fees. In a 1775 memorandum he asked that goods being shipped for new missions be placed on the account of the King. Because, he remarked, "if the freight expenses have to be paid from the thousand pesos, it might be that there would not be enough money, and it might be necessary to cancel some items." 197 Exemption from freight charges was,196 Serra to Father Guardian and Discretorium, Monterey, July 18, 1774, BNM. Canas de Jun1pero Serra. Photostat in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., 11, M_emorandum signed by Serra, Monterey, July 3, 1775, AGN. Californias, Vol. 72. Photostat in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II,

69 58 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION TABLE 7 CosTs of CARGO AND FREIGHT ON GooDs SHIPPED TO SANTA BARBARA AND SAN DIEGO SAN DIEGO SANTA BARBARA** Value of Value of Year Cargo Freight Year Cargo Freight I p I 19p ,935 P 469p p 132p op 104p I P 135p p I!Op p 69p P 71p 1782* 87op p 91p p I 19p p 122p ,244p 102p , I 81p 128p No supplies were received at San Diego in Lasuen does not give freight charges for I 782. In the freight rate was 2p, 2r per arroba. In subsequent years it was lowered to 1 p, exceptional and had to have official sanction. On September 28, 1776 Serra received a letter from Viceroy Bucareli in which he was informed of a recent decision of the Department of the Treasury. The decision, signed by the Royal Fiscal, stipulated that the Real Hacienda was to meet the expenses of the land and sea transportation of all supplies destined for the new missions which were to be founded in the vicinity of San Francisco. Father Serra assumed that this privilege extended for Missions San Francisco and Santa Clara and was to continue in all future foundations. In June of 1777, he wrote Viceroy Bucareli petitioning that one thousand pesos be released to the syndic for both Mission Purfsima and San Juan Capistrano which he desired to found in the near future. The two missions would be well provided for "if the privilege of free transportation continues to be extended to them." 198 Only one other instance of exception from freight charges has been found and it was minor. In r 768, Jose de Galvez and Serra agreed that each missionary would be permitted six arrobas per year free of charge. This, presumably, was intended to exempt from impost goods ordered for personal use. 199 Although the distance of the missions from San Blas varied, all were charged the same rate which was calculated using the arroba as a standard. For example, in r 800, both Mission Santa Barbara and Mission Santa Cruz paid one peso, four reales per arroba of supplies. At least by 198 Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, San Diego, October 8, University of Texas at Austin. Stephen's Collection. Photostat in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II, Galvez, Reglamento acordados y convenidos con el Padre Presidente de los Misiones en 30 de Noviembre de 1 768, La Paz, November 30, 1 768, AG!. Guadalajara, 418. Photostat in SBMA.

70 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS freight rates were standardized and never varied from the one peso, four reales rate. Earlier, however, freight rates varied. In I 786, Mission Santa Barbara paid two pesos, two reales per arroba. The following are typical freight rates. 200 Freight rates varied from five percent in 1793 to seventeen percent in 1779 at Mission San Diego. In addition to imposts for transportation, there were varying fees for the loading of provisions. Mail service was, in most instances, provided via the San Blas supply service. Although not in the category of supplies, the interchange of mail between missionaries and Mexico was crucial for the efficient operation of the missions. Serra, in many ways a financial wizard, was determined to stretch the limited budget of the missions as far as it would go. Consequently, in his representation to the viceroy in March, I 77 3, he requested the governor stop interfering with the mails and letters from the missionaries to the College of San Fernando be delivered free of charge. 201 Previously, all mail had been sent to the governor who then made the distribution. The viceroy and the council granted Serra's request, Henceforth, no official was to open mail addressed to missionaries and letters to the college or to missionaries were to be delivered free of charge. The only restriction was that all mail receiving free delivery had to be strictly confined to mission business. 202 Private letters were posted by the presidia! Habilitado and the charge was placed in the mission account at the presidia. Postage was customarily three reales per letter. 203 Officials at various times refused to recognize the franking privilege which had been granted to the missionaries, who themselves were guilty of sending personal letters in their packages. F ages' second term in California from I was a period of conflict over the free mailing privileges granted to the missions. Controversy developed in early In that year a local postal service was established and Fages attempted to revoke the free postage granted to the missionaries. He justified his actions on the basis of a Royal Cedula of which, in listing those exempted from 200 These figures were derived from "Memoria de los efectos remitidos a la Mision de Santa Barbara" drawn for the years with the exception of Originals in SBMA. and Lasuen's Annual Reports for Mission San Diego Report for 1777 in SBMA. Report for in AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, Informes. Report for 1 779, AGN. Hacienda Series, ser. II, tomo II. Report for 1780, AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, lnformes. Report for 1 782, AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, lnformes. Report for 178 3, AGN. Hacienda Series, ser II, tomo II. Report for 1 784, AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, lnformes. All are trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II, Serra's Representadon to the Viceroy, College of San Fernando, Mexico, March 1 3, Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, II, Decision of His Excellency and the Royal Council, Mexico, May 6, r 773. Trans. in ibid., III, For example see, Monterey Presidio account with Mission San Carlos, signed by Hermenegildo Sal, Monterey, December 3 1, 1799, AASF. Photostat in SBMA. Sal includes three re "for a letter which I posted."

71 THE CONNE CTION WITH SAN BLAS freight rates were standardized and never varied from the one peso, four reales rate. Earlier, however, freight rates varied. In I 786, Mission Santa Barbara paid two pesos, two reales per arroba. The following are typical freight rates. 200 Freight rates varied from five percent in I 79 3 to seventeen percent in at Mission San Diego. In addition to imposts for transportation, there were varying fees for the loading of provisions. Mail service was, in most instances, provided via the San Blas supply service. Although not in the category of supplies, the interchange of mail between missionaries and Mexico was crucial for the efficient operation of the missions. Serra, in many ways a financial wizard, was determined to stretch the limited budget of the missions as far as it would go. Consequently, in his representation to the viceroy in March, I 77 3, he requested the governor stop interfering with the mails and letters from the missionaries to the College of San Fernando be delivered free of charge. 201 Previously, all mail had been sent to the governor who then made the distribution. The viceroy and the council granted Serra's request, Henceforth, no official was to open mail addressed to missionaries and letters to the college or to missionaries were to be delivered free of charge. The only restriction was that all mail receiving free delivery had to be strictly confined to mission business. 202 Private letters were posted by the presidia! Habilitado and the charge was placed in the mission account at the presidia. Postage was customarily three reales per letter. 203 Officials at various times refused to recognize the franking privilege which had been granted to the missionaries, who themselves were guilty of sending personal letters in their packages. Fages' second term in California from was a period of conflict over the free mailing privileges granted to the missions. Controversy developed in early In that year a local postal service was established and Fages attempted to revoke the free postage granted to the missionaries. He justified his actions on the basis of a Royal Cedula of I 7 77 which, in listing those exempted from 200 These figures were derived from "Memoria de los efectos remitidos a la Mision de Santa Barbara" drawn for the years with the exception of Originals in SBMA. and Lasuen's Annual Reports for Mission San Diego r Report for r 777 in SBMA. Report for in AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, Informes. Report for 1 779, AGN. Hacienda Series, ser. II, tomo II. Report for 1 780, AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, lnformes. Report for 1 782, AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, Informes. Report for 1783, AGN. Hacienda Series, ser II, tomo II. Report for 1 784, AGN. Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, lnformes. All are trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II, r. 201 Serra's Representadon to the Viceroy, College of San Fernando, Mexico, March 1 3, Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, II, Decision of His Excellency and the Royal Council, Mexico, May 6, Trans. in ibid., III, For example see, Monterey Presidio account with Mission San Carlos, signed by Hermenegildo Sal, Monterey, December 3 1, 1799, AASF. Photostat in SBMA. Sal includes three reales "for a letter which I posted."

72 60 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION postage, failed to list missionaries. Serra claimed he, as well as all of his brothers, were servants of the King. Furthermore, he threatened, if Fages persisted, the missionaries would neither send nor receive mail, which would deprive the governor of the inventories he was demanding. 204 In an obstinate mood, Serra wrote in conclusion: As to our daily happenings, or if we should die... we will send along the news by some open note or other, whenever we find anyone to carry on its way the information for us. 205 All of this, after he had been assured by Fages that he could put his mind at rest, since all mail between the missionaries would be considered as official mail. Serra received two responses to his protest. Hermenegildo Sal, Habilitado at Monterey assured the Father President that the eleven reales marked on a packet for which he had to sign a receipt would not be charged to the mission. Sal maintained that all letters, even official ones, had to have their cost marked on them for the Royal Treasury. 206 Fages wrote, verifying Sal's statement and assuring Serra no postage would be charged. 207 He told Serra, recourse would have to be made to the commandant general for a decision on the question. Serra submitted his report on the missions in July I 784- The problem still had not been resolved. 208 Only on the condition that such reports would be postage free had he consented to draw them up and he had received the governor's assurances. However, when the report from San Gabriel reached him, there was a notation of twenty reales on the outside of it, but he assumed, as Sal had told him, that it had reference to other accounts. However, Sal had later sent a bill for twenty pesos, two reales for postage on letters sent to Mission San Carlos. In June, only a few months before his death, Serra wrote the Father Guardian asking him to see the Postmaster General in Mexico and to request to have mail sent between College and missionaries free of postage. 209 It was agreed, after Serra's death, that mail was once more to be free of postage. On August I 6, 1786, the guardian informed the missionaries that the Royal council had granted free passage of mail between missionaries and the College. However, official mail had to be separately enclosed and directed to the Contador General de Correos Serra to Pedro Fages. Letter unsigned and undelivered. c. 1783, SBMA. And Serra to Pedro Fages, Monterey, February 25, SBMA. 205 Ibid. 206 Sal to Serra, Monterey, March 9, 1783, SBMA. 207 Fages to Serra, Monterey, March 10, 1783, SBMA. 208 Report on the missions, Father Junipero Serra and Father Mathias Antonio Noriega, Monterey. July 1, SBMA. 209 Serra to Father Juan Sancho, Monterey, June 18, 1 784, BNM. Canas de Junfpero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, IV, Pal6u to Lasuen, Mexico, July 1 2, 1 786, SBMA.

73 THE CONNECTION WITH SAN BLAS 61 The missionaries, themselves, were not blameless. The regulations were subverted by inserting personal mail within the specified packages. On July 22, 1 791, Father President Lasuen was prompted to remind them of the regulations. The missionaries, in some instances, had failed to enclose and address mail to the Postmaster General or the Administrator of Tax Exemption and, in consequence, had cost the missions eighteen pesos in the last year. 211 Earlier, he had admonished them against trying to sneak private letters along with official mail. He relayed a complaint from the syndic by way of the guardian of the college. Our Brother Revuelta complains that he has had to face many embarassments in connection with the mail or the Mexican courier. The reason is that certain letters from here were sent to private individuals outside the college, under cover of the Administrator General, Don Andres de Mendivil. Those who act in that fashion expose all of us to the risk of being deprived of the franking privilege we enjoy, and which is so important to us. 212 Lasuen went on to warn all of them not to indulge in such behavior in the future. While various officials challenged the privilege, it was never revoked. In , Lasuen received letters from Manuel Rodriguez, commandant at San Diego and Jose Perez Fernandez, in charge at Loreto, questioning the free postage. Lasuen explained that the privilege had been granted sixteen years earlier by a royal council and had been enjoyed in peace since. Authorization had been sent to each presidio and he was sure that if the pair searched they would find it in their possession also. The enjoyment of such a public privilege for a period of sixteen years was proof enough of its legitimacy. 213 The issue was settled by a decree of Viceroy Iturrigaray in December, The Father Guardian had informed him of attempts to charge postage on mail of the missionaries to and from California. The Viceroy replied ordering, in the future all such letters should receive free passage. 214 No further challenge appears to have been made. The San Blas trade was effectively ended by the initial insurrection of Mexican independence in 18 IO. The grito de Dolores of Father Hidalgo stimulated no popular excitement in the distant province of California, but the economic dislocations caused by the war in Mexico quickly made themselves felt. The transports of 18 IO were the last to arrive. In September of 181 1, Father Guardian Garijo's letters announcing the state of 211 Lasuen to the Missionaries, San Carlos, July 22, 1791, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Lausen to the Missionaries at Santa Cruz, Santa Clara, and San Francisco. San Carlos, October 22, 1795, SBMA. Trans. in ibid., I, Lasuen to Don Manuel Rodriguez, San Carlos, December 16, 1 802, SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II, Decree of Viceroy I turrigaray, Mexico, December 2 3, Sent to the College of San Fernando, SBMA.

74 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION affairs in New Spain to the missionaries in California arrived. Presumably his letters had come up from Loreto in Baja California. In them was narrated the story of the rapid spread of insurrection across New Spain, the financial prostration of the viceroyalty and the cutting off of exits. The insurgents had captured the frigate "Princesa" on her way back from her California supply voyage, Garijo went on describing conditions and explaining why provisions could not be sent. We have recovered the port of San Blas and the frigate "Princesa", but it has been impossible to send either the supplies or five or six padres whom I had meant to send this year... we must see what his Excellency (the Viceroy) will resolve, for he will necessarily take some step, either through Acapulco or through San Blas... I have not sent this letter because of the roads... the supplies for this year have not yet left Mexico, nor can the padres be sent while the roads are obstructed. 215 A communication to the Viceroy by the guardian of the College of San Fernando in r 8 r 9 claimed that the provisions collected in r 8 IO to be sent to the California missions in r 8 r r were seized for the Mexican troops and were never replaced, although the missions had been charged for them. 216 Not only was the supply service suffering from direct attack by the revolutionaries, but also the war had so drained the treasury that there were no funds with which to pay drafts which the missions held against the government. In r 8 r 2, the missionaries learned provisions for the past year had been lying in San Blas because there was no money in the treasury to pay mission drafts. As of that date the syndic held r 4,000 pesos worth of drafts in favor of the missions which had not received payment. 217 Thus in r 8 r o the San Blas supply service which had been poorly planned, inefficient and, at best, sporadic ended. Nevertheless, it had been essential for the colonization of California and made the effort possible. Its demise marked the end of annual shipments for the missions and of provisions for the military. By r 8 IO the missions had become strong economic institutions and were able to fill the void. The missions provisioned themselves and the military with apparent ease and provided exchange surpluses which were used by presidio and mission to trade for those items which California did not produce. The missions did all of this for the military with a fear, which eventually became a reality, that they would never be compensated by the government. 215 Garijo to Tap is, Mexico, February 20, 1811, SBMA. Both Acapulco and San Blas had been captured by the insurgents. For a discussion of these movements of the revolutionaries, see Francisco Bulnes, La Guerra de lndependencia, Mexico DF., Representadon of Fray Baldomero Lopez to the Viceroy, Mexico, January 18, Contemporary copy in SBMA. 217 Fray Pedro Martinez to Fray Vicente Sarria, Mexico, July 1 7, 181 2, SBMA. Martinez was _ the procurator at the College of San Fernando while Sarria was commissary perfect of the m1ss1ons.

75 CHAPTER FOUR Mission Reports and Accounts HE ECONOMY OF HISPANIC CALIFORNIA was conducted primarily on a barter basis. Actual cash transactions, if any, were made between officials in Mexico. Both missionaries and military were paid in goods. since pesos would have been of little use in California. To i\;i ; have shipped coin to California and then to have shipped it back to New Spain to pay for supplies would have been foolish. Nor did the Indians share in the valuation which the European Spaniards placed upon round pieces of ornamental metal stamped with the King's silhouette. If coins were of any value to them, it was as ornaments. Indians were not attracted to missions by money, but by those items which money could buy. For food and trinkets, which had a utilitarian value to them, they would enter the missions and work at agriculture and industry. Coins were of no more use to the military in Alta California. Cash was of no value where there was nothing to buy. Only gradually, after the beginning of the nineteenth century, did California convert to a money economy, due to the increasing volume of economic activity carried on with outsiders. Since transactions in Mexico between military, mission, government agencies and private contractors were on a cash basis, accounts in California were based upon the monetary system current in New Spain. Two factors combined to produce extensive, although often inexact, record keeping in California. First there was the Spanish penchant, conditioned by royal absolutism, for multiple record keeping by any institutions even remotely related to government activity. This was compounded for the California missions by the fact that detailed and accurate records had to be kept of debts to them incurred by the military if there was to be any hope of their being honored by officials in Mexico. This was an added burden imposed by the barter economy. To fulfill this need, each mission kept an account book whose character bears more resemblance to a daily diary than to modern account keeping. This, however, was common in an age which barely grasped business principles and saw little need for standardized accounting procedures. There was no double entry system and accounts were infrequently totaled so the exact financial standing of each mission was rarely known.

76 CHAPTER FOUR Mission Reports and Accounts HE ECONOMY OF HISPANIC CALIFORNIA was conducted primarily on a barter basis. Actual cash transactions, if any, were made between officials in Mexico. Both missionaries and military were paid in goods since pesos would have been of little use in California. To -. l have shipped coin to California and then to have shipped it back to New Spain to pay for supplies would have been foolish. Nor did the Indians share in the valuation which the European Spaniards placed upon round pieces of ornamental metal stamped with the King's silhouette. If coins were of any value to them, it was as ornaments. Indians were not attracted to missions by money, but by those items which money could buy. For food and trinkets, which had a utilitarian value to them, they would enter the missions and work at agriculture and industry. Coins were of no more use to the military in Alta California. Cash was of no value where there was nothing to buy. Only gradually, after the beginning of the nineteenth century, did California convert to a money economy, due to the increasing volume of economic activity carried on with outsiders. Since transactions in Mexico between military, mission, government agencies and private contractors were on a cash basis, accounts in California were based upon the monetary system current in New Spain. Two factors combined to produce extensive, although often inexact, record keeping in California. First there was the Spanish penchant, conditioned by royal absolutism, for multiple record keeping by any institutions even remotely related to government activity. This was compounded for the California missions by the fact that detailed and accurate records had to be kept of debts to them incurred by the military if there was to be any hope of their being honored by officials in Mexico. This was an added burden imposed by the barter economy. To fulfill this need, each mission kept an account book whose character bears more resemblance to a daily diary than to modern account keeping. This, however, was common in an age which barely grasped business principles and saw little need for standardized accounting procedures. There was no double entry system and accounts were infrequently totaled so the exact financial standing of each mission was rarely known.

77 64 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION These relatively formal account books were kept only for domestic transactions and they were necessary for the collection of debts in Mexico. Accounts were kept in a small leather bound book which sufficed for a five to ten year period, although the gradually increasing economic activity reduced the lifespan of each volume. There seems to have been little systematic procedure in making entries. Each mission had an account with one presidia determined by its proximity, although in exceptional cases accounts were kept with more than one unit. The presidia! account, since it involved greater sums of money, was kept with more accuracy and care than others. Two separate accounts were kept within the one. Debts incurred by the presidia to the mission were kept separately from those owed by the mission to the presidia. The modern system of debits and credits was not known. Although these accounts were often inaccurate, errors were ultimately eliminated. It was customary for the presidia to keep a record of transactions with each mission in its district. The accounts were supplementary. For example, goods purchased at a mission for a presidia were recorded twice; once by the missionary and a second time by the presidia! Habilitado. An account could not be sent to Mexico for collection until it had been certified by both parties. At the end of each year mission and presidia would total and compare balances in their accounts. One of two things then occurred. If, as was usually the case, the balance favored the mission, the Habilitado would give a signed warrant drawn on the Habilitado General in Mexico City for the amount. If payment was not made in that year, the balance arrived at by mutual consent was carried forward. Balances against the mission received different treatment. Since stipends were totally expended on goods shipped from San Blas each year, there was no fund at the College of San Fernando upon which missions could draw to cover debts. Debts, as a consequence, were gradually paid in kind. In this instance, although values were kept according to specified prices, the entries amounted to paper bookkeeping, since no cash ever changed hands, either in California or in New Spain. It has been suggested that missions swindled and cheated the military, but it is clear why this was impossible. No false debt could be charged against the military at the mission since when the Habilitado and missionary reconciled accounts it would certainly have come to attention and the Habilitado would not certify its legitimacy unless further evidence was available. Missions also kept accounts with individuals, usually military, who made purchases from them. These accounts were, almost without exception, in favor of the missions. As many as a hundred people might be in this category at any mission. Such records were kept in the same book as the presidia! accounts with each individual's name on a page with no

78 MISSION REPORTS AND ACCOUNTS apparent arrangement. Entries were scribbled in as the debtor made a purchase and rarely was an account paid in full, often running until the person's death. No running balance was kept. Entries, whether payment or credit, were simply written down and the amounts were entered in a single column. On demand the missionary Father would add and subtract figures to see what was owed. Usually he would then ask the debtor to affix his signature to the account to certify its verity. An account might be totaled each year or maybe not for several years depending only upon whether a balance was requested or not. The Fathers never knew how much was owed the mission by individuals. While on the surface the accounts appear simple, they do contain complex entries due in large part to the shortage of cash. Debts from one person to another were often discharged on paper by using a mission as an intermediary. In a credit transaction with the mission as the lender, one individual would discharge his debt to another by charging it to his mission account. In return, the mission would pay the debt either from small cash resources or in kind. A second manner of satisfying a debt depended on the creditor having a mission account. A payment in cash or kind could simply be made on the creditor's account. The same end was often achieved by a debtor allowing his creditors to make purchases on his mission account. For Alta Californians, the mission thus served as a banking and lending institution and all without interest. A second type of personal account was kept for members of the presidia! garrison. In this sense the mission served as an extension of the presidia store where the soldier purchased supplies and rations. In place of cash, California's soldiers were paid with a credit by the Habilitado. Normally the Habilitado purchased supplies either in Mexico, in which case they were shipped north from San Blas, or as became increasingly common in the case of food supplies, they were purchased from the missions. The whole procedure was simplified by allowing soldiers to make purchases directly from the missions which would in turn collect payment by receiving a draft on the Habilitado General from the presidia! Habilitado. A similar procedure was followed for members of the mission guard or escolta. Special contracts were also kept in the mission account book with the majordomo who supervised the economic activities of the mission, and with artisans employed by them. A typical contract for a majordomo was one made with Jose de Santa Ana Cevila by Mission Santa Barbara on February 16, Cevila was a soldier assigned to the mission guard at the time, but the Fathers envisioned continued employment after his term of enlistement was up. In return for his services he was given six steers annually, an arroba of tallow monthly, four reales worth of candles

79 66 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION monthly, three almuds of corn and an almud of beans weekly. After his discharge from the military he was to be paid, in addition, twelve pesos monthly. The hiring and duties of majordomos will be discussed at length subsequently. 218 All accounts with individuals were generally in arrears and were poorly recorded. This fact was attested to by the poor Father of Mission La Purisima who attempted to record the assets of the mission in He ended a long list of debtors with the exclamation, "that is as many debts as I can recall. " 219 Frequently accounts were kept between one mission and possibly several others. Missions which specialized in the production of certain items often made arrangements for mutually beneficial exchange with another mission. Mission La Purisima, for example, frequently sent wheat to Soledad in exchange for leather goods. Accounts between missions might also be juggled at the College of San Fernando in Mexico. In 1807, Mission Purisima received goods from Mission Santa Barbara in the amount of 1,465 pesos. In October, Father Mariano Payeras wrote to the Procurator Jose Vifials asking him to credit Mission Santa Barbara for that amount. 220 In order to simplify payment, debts and credits were often exchanged in what seem to have been complex arrangements. A mission might pay a debt owed by a presidio to another mission. The presidio's object was to consolidate debts to avoid having to draw up numerous warrants at the end of each year. Because of geographical proximity, the Presidio of Monterey could expect to have a large account with Mission San Carlos. In most years a draft on the Habilitado General would be given to the mission to cover the outstanding balance. In 1 788, Monterey had a twenty-four peso debt to Mission San Buenaventura which was in the Santa Barbara Presidio district. Mission San Carlos gave the twentyfour pesos to the Habilitado at Monterey, who transferred it to the Habilitado at Santa Barbara, who credited it to San Buenaventura's account there. The presidio at Monterey had paid its debt to San Buenaventura via the mission's account at Santa Barbara. Monterey now owed the debt to Mission San Carlos. 221 Debts were not always discharged in such a convoluted fashion. Frequently a substantial debt was paid directly. In and Mission La Purisima, which specialized in leather goods, sent 496 pesos worth of knapsacks, saddle pads, leather jackets and 218 Libro de quentas que esta Mision de Santa Barbara tiene con la Habilitacion de este presidia de el misimo nombre y otras varios particulares, , SBMA. 219 Account Book of Mission Purisima Transcribed by Lewis G. Thomas and Trans. by Lewis G. Thomas and Elmira Osuna. Berkeley, Typed copy in SBMA, p Payeras to Vifials, Purisima, October r 2, 1807, AGN. Historia de Mexico. Primera serie, tomo 2. Phs. SBMA. 221 Accounts of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos signed by Joseph Francisco Ortega, December 3 r, 1788, AASF. Phs. in SBMA.

80 MISSION REPORTS AND ACCOUNTS rainproofs, and pack saddles to the San Francisco Presidio. Because of the size of the debt, the presidia sent a warrant for the amount directly to the Procurator at the College of San Fernando in Mexico. 222 Many of the Alta California missions had similar arrangements with the missions in Baja California and with the Presidio at Loreto, This financial system allowed trade with military or missionary establishments located at substantial distances with surety of payment. In case of default, appeal could be made either to the governor, as head of the military, or to the Father President of the missions. The bookkeeping, however, was often complex and it is no surprise that the Habilitado's accounts were often in arrears. It was a lot to expect of men who had no particular training in account keeping. Trade was often carried on with individuals who lived at some distance from the mission and collection of such accounts was often difficult. Missions would often designate a collector and pay him a commission. Collection was somewhat easier when the party belonged to the military. Many persons in the San Diego Presidio district had accounts at La Purisima. Ensign Jose Lujan owed the mission fifty-four pesos in March of I 809 and the mission considered the chances of recovering what it was owed as slim. In order to recoup at least a portion of what was owed, the missionaries commissioned Joaquin Rodriguez, a soldier, to attempt collection. In return for the amount, either in a warrant from the presidia or in silver, Rodriguez was to receive a ten peso commission. 223 Other types of accounts which were not significant in terms of amount, but which are an indication of the versatile services provided by missions often appear. An interesting note appears in the Santa Barbara mission accounts of 1803 signed by Father Estevan Tapis. It says: Senor Gonzales, retired soldier, delivered to this mission of Santa Barbara in the month of October of the year 180 3, 60 head of cattle more or less, with the agreement that the mission has to give him, for as long as he lives, 6 cattle or young bulls each year. 224 This was a form of annuity which guaranteed Gonzalez that he would at least have fresh meat on his table in his old age. The presidios and missions compared and verified accounts usually at yearly intervals. After balances were agreed upon, a warrant was drawn up and the general procedure was for the governor to attest to the amounts by affixing his signature. The warrant was then remitted to Mexico directly by military officials or if there was no immediate means of sending 222 Account Book of Mission Purisima, , pp Account Book of Mission Purisima, , p Libro de quentas que esta Mision de Santa Barbara tiene con la Habilitadon de este presidio de el mismo nombre y otras varios particulares, , SBMA. Senor Gonzales cannot be identified since his first name is not given. Several soldiers by this name were in California.

81 68 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION it, it was returned to the mission in whose favor it was drawn. Such warrants were usually sent via the supply ships, but frequently the land route down the California peninsula to Loreto and then by sea across the Gulf of California offered more rapid transit. In I 792 Father President Lasuen sent a draft to Governor Arrillaga for his authentication. He further requested that the governor send it to Father Juan Crisostomo Gomez to prevent delay. Lasuen requested Father Crisostomo to forward it to the College of San Fernando. 225 In a streamlined system, only two officials were kept by the College of San Fernando to attend to the financial needs of the missions. These were the Procurator and syndic. The Procurator received drafts and requests for provisions from the missions. This office was usually held by a missionary who had seen some years of service in the missions and the missionaries were consulted about the appointment. The annual shipment to the missions was accompanied by a memoria for each establishment. This was not, as has so often been assumed by California historians, simply a bill of lading. It was a complete rendering of the account of the mission concerned as it stood at the College of San Fernando. While mission account books were a record of local economic transactions, the memoria recorded the mission's economic status iri relation to New Spain. In addition to listing debits to the mission account, involving expenditures for provisions, it also listed credits to the mission's account. It recorded the mission's balance from the previous year, listed drafts collected, settlements of accounts with other missions and arrived at a balance for the year. It is not to be confused with requests for goods sent to Mexico nor with bills of lading. The memorias contained information crucial to the future operation of a mission. Without it, the missionaries did not know what warrants had been paid, what debts were satisfied, how much they had spent and consequently would have had no idea of their budget for the following year. After the severing of communications with Mexico in 181 o, Father Pay eras wrote the Procurator complaining that he had not received a memoria and consequently had no way of knowing the financial status of Mission Purisima. "In what way are we to know," he asked, "what we have or the state of our accounts in that capital or in Tepic?" He went on to request of Father Pedro Martinez that he make an effort to send them in duplicate "in order for us to know credits and debts, and warrants which have been paid and those which have not. " 226 The first Procurator appointed at the College of San Fernando apparently was a lay brother, Joseph Mariano Murguia, although by I 786 he 225 Lasuen to Don Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga, San Carlos, August 2, 1792, AASF. Vol. I, Trans. in Kenneally, The Writings of Lasuen, I Payeras to Father Pedro Martinez, La Purfsima, September 3, 1812, AGN. Historia de Mexico. Primera serie, tomo 2. Transcript in SBMA.

82 MISSION REPORTS AND ACCOUNTS may have become a member of the Franciscan order. Serra mentioned a letter which he had written to Murguia in October of r 776, complaining about not receiving supplies ordered. As late as r 786, he still held the office, since in that year he signed the memoria for Mission Santa Barbara. 227 From r 788 to r 792 the office was held by Fray Geronimo Sampelayo, followed by Fray Lorenzo Rebuelta, who was Procurator until r 80 r. In r 80 r the first of the ex-california missionaries, Tomas de la Pefia, took over the office. He was replaced in r 806 by Jose Vifials, who in turn yielded to Fray Jose Guilez before r 8 ro. Guilez was succeeded by Fray Pedro Martinez in r 8 r 2. The functions of the Procurator decreased in significance since drafts were no longer honored, stipends were not paid and annual memorias were not shipped after r 8 r o. The second financial officer of the College of San Fernando was the syndic. This position derived from the Franciscan order which, in strict observance of vows of poverty, refused to allow its members to handle financial transactions. The syndic was a layman who handled the purchase and collection of items ordered for the Alta California missions. He collected drafts either from the Procurator or in some cases they were sent directly to him. The syndic usually made his base of operations at Tepic where he could oversee supply shipments. The syndic was granted power of attorney by the missionaries he was to serve in order that he might be recognized as their legal representative in all business transactions. The document granting power to a syndic suggested by the Guardian was usually drawn up by the Father President and then sent as a circular letter to all missionaries for their signatures. The entire document was then forwarded to the syndic. 228 While, in early years this procedure was observed, in later years it tended to become a formality. In April of r 802 Father Lasuen wrote to Father Guardian Jose Gasol telling him to expect a letter with the signatures of all the missionaries nominating for the office of syndic that person deemed best fitted for the purpose. 229 The office of syndic was one involving considerable responsibility and trust. At least once the confidence of the College and missionaries was misplaced. In October of r 807 the missionaries were informed that the syndic Estevan Lazcano had died and was being replaced by Eustaquio de la Cuesta Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, San Diego, October 7, 1776, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Photostat in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, III, Also "Memoria de los efectos remitidos a la Mis ion de Santa Barbara" drawn for the years o with the exception of SBMA. 228 Serra to Joseph Gonzalez Calderon, Monterey, June 5,, 77 5, BNM. Canas de Junipero Serra. Phs. in SBMA. Trans. in ibid., II, Lasuen to Fray Jose Gasol, Mission San Francisco, April 20, 1802, AGN. Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, ser. 1. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II, Father Jose Gasol to Father Estevan Tapis and Missionaries, Mexico, October 4, Contemporary copy by Peyri in SBMA.

83 70 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION The next year it became evident that Lazcano had misspent mission funds and had died deeply in debt. Father President Estevan Tapis wrote to the missionaries informing them that the missions were being called upon to cover the deficit, each mission according to its age. This was essential, he said, so "that the honor of the missionaries of California should remain clean in the minds of the public of Tepic and San Blas. " 231 A change was made in the procedure for the collection of warrants drawn by presidios in favor of the missions as of The California presidios had a general agent in Mexico who performed many of the same functions for the military as the syndic did for the missions. This was the office of Habilitado General. Warrants were generally presented to him by agents of the College of San Fernando for collection and he in turn collected the cash from the Royal Treasury. A change was made in 18 I 6. Formerly warrants had been transferred to Mexico City. 232 Drafts in California were now issued to the missions on the treasury at Guadalajara. Although the question was academic at this point since no warrants received payment, it did worry the missionaries. Father Jose Viader wrote to the Procurator, Fray Norberto Santiago, requesting further information in light of the new situation. Viader had just received a warrant for 2,000 pesos which was drawn and was to be collected in Guadalajara. "Would your Reverence tell me," he asked, "who to remit it to, because I don't know who the syndic is or if one exists." 233 The Procurator apparently responded that he had attempted to collect warrants at Guadalajara and had found it impossible. He advised Viader to entreat to have the Habilitado General moved to Mexico City as before. 234 In retrospect it may be academic, but to Father Viader it was not. Until the end of the Kingdom of New Spain in 182 1, the missionaries continued to hold the illusory hope that presidia! debts would be paid. Account books and warrants were kept primarily to facilitate the economic operation of the missions. A second and more general category of reports relating to economic matters were solicited by the government. Increasing royal absolutism and regalism under the Spanish Bourbons combined with an undercurrent of anti-clericalism contributed by the Enlightenment, imposed the requirements upon missions. Reports for Serra's term of presidency up to lack uniformity and were often haphazard in the information contained. The first and most basic W['S the required annual certification of the number of missionaries and the place of residence of each. The purpose was to provide!he government with 231 Circular Lener, Tap is to the Missionaries, Santa Ines, June 30, 1808, SBMA. 232 For discussion of the office of Habilitado General, see Bancroft, History of California, II, , Jose Viader to Norberto Santiago, Santa Clara, February 29, 1816, HL. Stearns, Gaffey, McPherson, Monterey, Vallejo and California File Collection. Xerox copy SBMA. 234 Jose Viader to Jose Viiials, Santa Clara, October 3 1, Ibid.

84 MISSION REPORTS AND ACCOUNTS accurate knowledge as to the number of missionaires who were eligible to receive the 400 peso annual stipend from the Pious Fund. The stipend was not, it may be recalled, a blanket grant to every missionary in California, but was calculated on the basis of 800 pesos for two Fathers at each mission. Any missionaries in excess of two were supernumeraries and as such were not entitled to a stipend. Apparently the first such certification of residence was required retroactively for the year I 774- Although the Echeveste Reglamento required no certification, the timing would indicate that it was a mutual understanding, perhaps as a result of the increase in salary which Echeveste granted. At any rate, Serra responded to the Father Guardian's inquiry in October of I 774 by saying : As regards certifying to the place of residence of the religious, during the whole of last year, and of this year, in their respective missions, I have been occupied with this matter for eight days; and Father Campa, who is at the presidio, is earnestly helping me The need for annual reports on the state of the missions had been felt by the government in Mexico as early as I 772. On April 30 of that year the Viceregal Council decreed that the missionaries of both Californias should send annual reports on the state of their missions to the governor who was directed to forward them to the capital from where they would be forwarded to Madrid. 236 No formula was issued for the drawing up of these reports and the result was confusion. Particularly unsatisfactory to Viceroy Bucareli, were the reports sent from Lower California. In February of I 776 Bucareli voiced his complaints to Governor Neve and at the same time provided an exact format to be followed in subsequent reports. 237 The Viceroy described exactly what information was to be included. First, the geographical location of the mission was to be exactly described including latitude. A description was to be made of the church, furnishings and all other buildings along with any notable improvements of the year. Land under cultivation was to be described and increase or decrease in livestock was to be noted. Plantings and resultant harvests were to receive particularly careful attention. A padr6n, or census, was to be drawn up in such a manner as to show increase or decrease from the previous year and the age, sex and marital status of each person. Bucareli admonished Neve as to the extreme importance of these reports. In response to the Viceroy's request, Serra drew up a sample formula in September of I 777 and sent it to Mission San Antonio. 238 This formula 235 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, October 29, 177 5, BNM. Canas de Junipero Serra. Phs. in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Galindo Navarro to the Comandante General of California, Arispe, August 2 3, Certified copy as of October 11, 1782 in SBMA. 237 Bucareli to Neve, Mexico, February 19, 1 776, SBMA. 288 Serra to Father Miguel Pieras, Monterey, September 6, 1 777, SBMA. This letter was to be forwarded to the other missions. The form covered only the manner in which the padr6n or census was to be drawn up.

85 72 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION was subsequently adopted by all of the missionary Fathers. The typical information included in each mission report was the name of the mission, geographical location, distance from next mission, names of missionaries in charge, amount of annual stipends, number of baptisms, deaths and marriages from its beginning, as well as annually, number of neophytes at the mission, number of cattle, sheep, goats, horses, mules, swine, number of fanegas of wheat, barley, corn, beans, peas, lentils and garbanzos sown and harvested. The Fathers at each mission were to draw up their reports and submit them to the Father President. From these he was to draw up an abstract or general report and submit it to the Viceroy. A copy was also sent to the College of San Fernando and one was retained. The statistical information in reports from Serra's period were in prose form, while subsequent ones contained the information in columnar form under the appropriate headings. The first report in this familiar pattern was drawn up by acting Father President Pal6u for the year I During the Serra period the general report to the Viceroy was not always drawn up by the Father President. In April of I 776, Serra wrote to Father Guardian Pangua that henceforth he would send the individual mission reports to the College and he hoped that the report would be made there. 240 Although this did not become a permanent procedure, the annual report for I 77 5 was made by the Father Guardian, Francisco Pangua. 241 Since California was included in the Provincias lnternas created in by royal decree, reports were diverted to the Comandante General instead of the Viceroy. The creation of the new administrative unit had little practical effect upon California since her base of supply remained in New Spain, but it did occasion some objections by Serra. On August 2 2, he informed the Comandante General that subsequent reports would be sent to him. 242 While official reports were directed to Teodoro de Croix, it is certain that the Viceroy continued to get reports through the College of San Fernando. In 1782 Croix found it necessary to reprimand Serra for his negligence in remitting reports. Serra had not, Croix claimed, turned in any reports on the Alta California missions as he had been obligated to do by the Viceroy and Royal Council in What the Father President found particularly galling was Croix's 239 Estado de las Misiones de la Nueve California, signed by Francisco Pal6u, San Francisco, December 3 1, 1 784, SBMA. 240 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua and Discretorium, Monterey, April 13, 1776, BNM. Canas de Junipero Serra. Phs. in SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, lnforme Del Estado de las Misiones de Monterey hasta principios Del Aiio de 1 776, signed by Francisco Pangua, Mexico, December 9, Certified copy as of March 20, 1777 in AGN. Californias, Vol. 7 2 Transcript in SBMA. 242 Serra to Teodoro de Croix, Monterey, August 22, 1 778, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Torno 121. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, Ill,

86 MISSION REPORTS AND ACCOUNTS 7 3 order that reports were to be submitted to Governor Neve who would forward them to him. 243 Serra's sense of the proper relationship between military and clergy was offended. He cited several problems which prevented him from complying with the order. Croix had requested reports dating back to r 776. Serra had submitted all reports since that date to the College of San Fernando assuming they had been forwarded to him. Another obstruction was an order which he had from the College ordering him not to submit any reports to civil officials. 244 Serra claimed he had neither the strength nor the paper to redo the backlog of reports requested. The Asesor General at Arispe, after receiving Serra's indignant letter rendered his decisions. 245 Serra was obliged to send in reports only from r 78 r on, but they were to be submitted to Neve. Finally in January of r 78 3 Serra received an order concerning the problem from the College of San Fernando. He was told to comply with Croix's requests. To save himself time and trouble, he was to ask the individual missions to file reports in duplicate of which one was to be sent to the Comandante General and the other to the College. 246 A royal decree of March 2 r, r demanded biennial reports. Information was to be included on the number of missionaries at each mission and the stipends which they received; the number of male and female Indians; the number of children and the difference of all of the above from those listed in the previous report. A summary was to be written describing improvements and the general state of the missions. 247 The Father President was prepared to deliver such a report, but was not requested to submit one until r Why the postponement is not apparent. Lasuen had been notified of the necessity of such reports as early as March of r The first Biennial Report was submitted for the years r on March r r, r This ended the list of regular reports on the missions all of which dealt to some extent with economic activity. Other reports were demanded from time to time to deal with specific questions, but none were routine. 243 de Croix to Serra, Arispe, September 2 7, 1781, MNM. Lancaster-Jones Papers. Documentos Relativos a las Misiones de Californias, Vol. 2. Phs. in SBMA. 244 Serra to de Croix, Santa Barbara, April 28, 1 782, AGN. Californias, Vol. II. 245 Galindo Navarro to de Croix, Arispe, August 2 3, 1782, SBMA. 246 de Croix to Serra, Arispe, October 11, 1 782, SBMA. Further light is shed on the entire controversy in Geiger, Life and Times, II, Royal Decree, El Pardo, March 2 1, Printed in Mexico, September 9, 1 787, SBMA. 248 Ugarte y Loyola to Lasuen, Chihuahua, March 24, 1 789, SBMA, and Lasuen to Ugarte y Loyola, San Carlos, July 8, 1 789, SBMA. 249 Biennial Report for the years signed by Lasuen, San Carlos, March 11, 1795, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II,

87 CHAPTER FIVE Mission Economic Relationships with Civilians, Military and Government - -, -,,-crt-1, _ 00 FREQUENTLY AUTHORS HAVE FELT compelled to take one side or the other in the seemingly interminable argument between military and mission authorities in Alta California. Often patterns of conflict have been stressed rather than broad areas of agreement. Perhaps subsequent historians have been too eager to adopt Palau's viewpoint which was understandably pro-missionary. When mission and presidio accounts are closely examined, it is difficult to avoid being impressed by the intimate relations between the two institutions and the many relationships and transactions which elicited no argument. Both recognized their basic interdependence and, although both fought bitterly when it appeared that essential prerogatives were being usurped, neither ever questioned the other's right to exist. Both mission and presidio were integral to a time-proven scheme designed to add to the imperial glory of Spain and this basic fact was recognized. When the monarchy and their role in it was threatened in the 19th century, neither mission nor presidio used the opportunity provided by absence of authority to attack its partner on the frontier. In fact, the reverse was true, the two cooperated more closely to insure their mutual survival which both acknowledged as interdependent. After 181 o the missions could easily have economically strangled the military and yet they did not. Not only were missions dependent upon the military for the small amount of protection which they could offer, but also for legitimate secular authority so necessary to maintain the bonds which saved society from anarchy. Military acted as sub-syndics and in the case of Jose de la Guerra, as factors through which missions were able to purchase manufactured products after r 8 1 o. The mission offered not only food and manufactured products, but also served as the agency through which native peoples could be Hispanicized and controlled. While missionaries grumbled about food ministered to presidios and the military complained about the wealth of 74

88 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 75 the missions compared to their own poverty after 1 8 I o, neither took advantage of the situation. The missions were not unduly molested and military personnel did not starve. Father Vicente Francisco de Sarria typified in a circular letter to the missionaries this spirit of cooperation. You know the state of the nation and the misery and suffering of the monarchy on account of the war. I know it is not good to dispossess the neophytes, but it is essential for the missions to contribute goods and other necessities for the maintenance of the troops and their families as we did last year and which we must do again. It is a patriotic duty. 250 The settlement of Alta California had been conceived of as a cooperative enterprise from the earliest days. In little dissension was apparent. Soldier and missionary were drawn together in a common effort. Once in California the exigencies of sickness, food shortages and potentially hostile natives served to heighten the dependence of all members of the expedition upon one another. Decisions and relationships were personally conducted since military and missionary institutions as yet had no formal organization and areas in which spheres of authority would later intersect and conflict had not been defined. At least in the initial stages of the colony, the military by necessity had the upper hand. The missionaries were numerically inferior and depended upon the soldiers for defense, rations and even the founding of a mission since military escorts were required. Serra himself recognized the necessity of soldiers to defend the fledgling establishments. Frequently he requested additional troops from the Viceroy, both as a labor force and as escorts to the missions. 251 Conflict, when it did begin in 1 771, had an economic basis. Both institutions began to defend areas in which they resented interference from the other. Labor and rations provided fuel for early altercations, since both were desparately needed by each party. As a result of the initial spirit of cooperation, Mission San Carlos and the Presidio at Monterey had been built side by side. In need of laborers, Serra had petitioned and received from Governor Pedro Fages, four soldiers and a muleteer for whom he was to supply rations. Governor Fages soon reneged. He needed the men at the presidio, but because of limited food supplies, he insisted the mission continue to feed them. Henceforth they went to the mission for food but not for work, although the Governor assured Serra that at a later time he would send all his men to work at the mission. A corollary soon developed to the 250 Sarria to the missionaries, Soledad, June 6, 1814, AASF. Phs. in SBMA. Sarria was Comisario Prefecto. This office was created in and Sarria assumed the office in July of As Commissary-Prefect he was the delegate of the Franciscan Commissary General of the Indies in Madrid. This office had full control of all matters pertaining to the temporal management of the missions. Sarria's term of office was six years. See Patente appointing Fray Vicente Francisco Sarria Commissary Prefect of the California Missions. Mexico, July 15, 1812, SBMA. 251 Serra to Francisco Carlos de Croix, Monterey, June 18, 1771, AGN. Californias, Vol. 66. Copy SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I,

89 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION argument which was to persist for years. Who controlled soldiers when they worked for the missions? 252 The question did not involve the escolta or guard assigned to each mission which in the first years consisted of a corporal and up to ten or twelve men. Food rationed to them in keeping with precedents established in Lower California, was not charged to mission supplies. Until the missions reached the point of agricultural self-sufficiency these supplies were usually drawn from the presidia! storehouse and the missionaries were in charge of rationing them to the guard. The Fathers gave the storehouse receipts for rations received and were required to keep an exact record of amounts drawn by each soldier since his rations were charged by the presidia! storekeeper against his salary. 253 In 1772 several other areas of contention developed. Serra found it necessary to voice several complaints to Governor F ages. Serra maintained that he ought to retain control over the sailors and muleteers who were employed at the missions. Fages, he complained, had refused to permit mules from the presidia to transport mission supplies. If he would not permit his mules to be used, he ought to give at least twelve mules to the planned Mission San Buenaventura. Serra also objected to the manner in which provisions were divided. Before I 774, all provisions sent from San Blas were consigned to the governor for his distribution. In the Father President's mind the whole scheme was ill-conceived. He suggested to F ages that provisions rationed to the missionaries, servants and Indians should be accounted for separately from those for the corporal, soldiers and couriers who received sustenance at the missions. Secondly, the account for the escort ought to be kept by the corporal rather than the missionaries. Appealing to Fages' self-interest, he pointed out that this would allow him to keep closer watch on the stock of provisions. Thirdly, he recommended to Fages that if soldiers of the escort wished to have a servant, the presidia should supply one so the constant pestering of the missionaries would cease. 254 By October of 1 772, Serra was becoming impetuous for the founding of Mission San Buenaventura and was disgusted with Fages for, as he viewed it, dragging his feet. Fages was equally disgruntled. He attempted 252 Serra to Father Francisco Palau, Monterey, June 2 1, 1 771, BNM. Carras de Junfpero Serra. Trans. in ibid., I, Serra, I, / bid. San Gabriel for example was given an escort of ten soldiers at its founding on September 8, On September 1, 1772 San Luis Obispo was given only two leather jacket soldiers and three Catalonian Volunteers as an escort. 254 Serra to Fages, San Diego, September 22, 1 772, BNM. Carras dejunipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I,

90 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 77 to delineate for Serra what he considered the proper spheres of authority for each of them. As he wrote to Serra : I do not doubt that as much as it belongs to the illustrious and apostolic college of San Fernando in Mexico, the missions are entrusted to your Reverence and in spiritual matters as well as what is encompassed within the missions in regard to Indians, cattle belonging to them and the administration of them. However, your Reverence cannot be oblivious to the fact that all political and military matters, as well as the establishment of missions belong to me in accord with your Reverence, as are stated in the orders of His Excellency, the Marques de Croix. 255 The Governor allowed that someone else could be assigned to ration food to the guard, but he said, he had no servants to provide for the soldiers. Serra responded by reiterating his pleas for more mules, saying that without them Mission San Gabriel could not continue to exist. If supplies did not reach there before the rainy season, the mission would be in a dire situation since after that the roads would be impassable. Mission San Diego did not have sufficient mules to do the job and San Gabriel had only eight pack mules. Serra capitulated, saying that if it was necessary, the missionaries would take temporary charge of provisions ministered to the guard. This was conditional upon two premises. First, henceforth in each mission there would be built a separate warehouse to keep supplies for the King's account; second, a clear line of demarcation had to be drawn between goods provided to the escort and supplies for the rest of the mission. 256 Fages was also upset with what he considered to be Serra's irresponsibility in allowing large numbers of neophytes to be baptized at Mission San Diego. Serra's total trust in God fit poorly with Fages' view of harsh reality. Ultimately, he knew the feeding of so many would be his responsibility. "Why," he muttered, "have the Fathers baptized so many?" It was indicative of poor planning in his mind to accept the responsibility of feeding so many mouths before having sufficient harvests to fill the need. Serra confided to Viceroy Bucareli: "His idea in making these complaints must surely have been b cause he feared we would ask him for provisions for the converts." Serra, by this time in Mexico, scoffed at Fages' cautiousness. In his estimation, Fages' worries were groundless since two supply ships lay in the harbor at San Diego. The new Christians had not "cost him (Fages) one spoonful of pinole or atole. " 257 Over 255 Fages to Serra, San Diego, September 2 2, 1 772, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Phs. SBMA. 256 Serra to Fages, San Diego, October 2, 1772, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I, Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua. Mexico City, May 2 1, 1773, SBMA. Trans. in ibid., I, In August of 1773, both the "San Antonio" and "San Carlos" dropped anchor at San Diego.

91 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION the course of the next year the position taken by F ages was vindicated. The last months of I 77 3 and I 77 4, until arrival of the "Santiago" at San Diego in March, brought the struggling colony close to starvation. Serra's Representacibn to the Viceroy in the spring of I 77 3 outlined his complaints against Fages and he was eventually able to secure the removal of the stormy Catalan. 258 The Father President insisted that henceforth members of the mission escoltas had to be under the authority of the missionaries. Further, he specified the number of soldiers who ought to be assigned to each mission. Next he entreated that the missionaries should be allowed free choice of a majordomo or overseer from among the soldiers assigned to the mission guard. This man should not be removed without cause and he must not be complelled to take guard and sentinel duty. Serra impressed upon the Viceroy the importance of the majordomo and his economic significance by stating: This measure is of great importance for the advancement of the temporal affairs of the missions, for the Father cannot attend personally to everything, nor would he know how to direct all the manual work that comes up, for at the monastery they did not teach him this. 259 Fages was accused of refusing to provide rations for the Indians and of living in luxury while poverty was the lot of the Fathers. Further, the only blacksmith and forge in the province was withheld by Fages at the Monterey Presidio. The zealous Father President accused the Governor of having deprived Missions San Carlos and San Diego of mules assigned to them from the beginning. The mules were being used by the presidia for superfluous tasks. Bucareli was implored to order Fages to release to the missions cattle and their increase which were assigned for Missions San Francisco and Santa Clara. The missionaries, Serra allowed, would take better care of them. While Serra was in Mexico, Fages remained in California unaware of the exact charges being pressed against him. He was able to make only a feeble attempt at self-defense since he could only guess at Serra's accusations. 260 He had done everything within his power to supply food for the missions when supplies were short. In I 77 I and I 77 2 when food supplies were low, he had aided the missionaries with more than fifteen tercios of flour, weighing ninety-five arrobas. Because cattle were scarce and could be used only for breeding, he had conducted his famous bear hunt. The 268 Serra's Representacibn to Bucareli, Mexico City, March 13, Bolton, Pal6u's New California, Ill, Ibid. 26 Fages to Bucareli, Monterey, November 30, 1773, AGN. Californias. Vol. 66. Four letters of Fages to Bucareli under this date are in volume 66 and all contain pertinent information. Phs. SBMA.

92 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 79 provisions brought on the "San Antonio" and "San Carlos" were distributed with all equity possible between mission and presidio. It had been left to him to make a distribution of cattle and mules brought by Captain Rivera y Moncada's party from Lower California in I 769 and he had done it as fairly as possible. 261 He and Serra agreed that when more cattle arrived, a similar distribution would be made, but despite repeated entreaties to Governor Barri to send more, none had arrived. Fages then explained the regulations which he had promulgated for the governance of the mission guards. Serra's success in Mexico City in itself redressed the balance of power between military and missionary in Alta California and one can only assume that this was Bucareli's intention. The missionaries were granted absolute power over removal of members of the mission guard whose conduct they found unbecoming. In a sweeping statement, it was decided that : the management, control, and education of the baptized Indians pertains exclusively to the missionary Fathers, it was declared that it ought to be thus in all economic matters, just as a father of a family has charge of his house and of the education and correction of his children, and that the governor of California should be advised to preserve harmonious relations and communication with those missionary Fathers. 263 The Echeveste Reglamento further settled the question of the proper relationship between mission and presidio. 264 Each mission was assigned a corporal and five soldiers as an escort. Guards for new missions were to be taken from the more secure missions so as not to cause additional expense to the government. As the capstone to his achievements in Mexico, Serra secured the removal of Fages because he had prevented the spiritual and temporal advancement of the California establishments. 265 Fages' replacement was to be Captain Fernando de Rivera y Moncada of the leather jacket soldiers. The provisions of the Echeveste Reglamento were reiterated in Bucareli's instruction to Rivera y Moncada. 266 He was charged with maintenance of harmonious relationships with the missionaries in all 281 ror a list of the animals brought north by Rivera, see Bolton, Pa/6u's New California, I, Decision of His Excellency and the Royal Council, Mexico, May 6, Bolton, Pal6u's New California, III, Ibid. 28 ' Regulation for the Peninsula of California, Juan Jose de Echeveste, Mexico, May 19, Ibid., III, Ibid., 111, lnstrucci6n que debe observar el comandante nombrado para los nuevos establecimientos de San Diego y Monterrey, Mexico, March 20, 1777, AGN. Californias, Vol. 66. Printed in Ernest J. Burrus, Diario de/ Capitan Comandante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada con un Apendice Documental, 2 vols., Madrid, 1967, Vol. 11,

93 80 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION things. Both the military and religious should confine themselves to their proper concerns. The Governor, however, kept his authority over the location and founding of future missions. It was indicative of the conflicts inherent in the Spanish colonization scheme that Rivera was enjoined to see to the supply of water and wood and to inspect the quality of land at new mission sites. Further, he was given instructions as to the actual construction of new missions and to the planting of grains and fruit. It was a clear invitation to further conflict. Serra had succeeded in getting a series of specific requests granted by the Viceroy, but the government, outside of issuing a number of general and conflicting pronouncements, made no effort to redefine the relationship between mission and presidia. As subsequent disagreements over reports, price regulations and supplies prove, this was no more apparent anywhere than in economic relationships. Because the Spanish system of institutional checks and balances discouraged bold action, B ucareli made decisions on specific issues, but refused to make any assertive redefinition. The same inertia immobilized officials in California who did not feel free to define relationships in terms of the frontier situation. However, Bucareli, by acknowledging Serra's request, did further the development of the missions, particularly in economic affairs, autonomously from military control. Serra had failed to have spheres of authority defined. Too frequently the inevitable attacks and counterattacks between military and missionary have been attributed to incompetent military officials rather than acknowledging the feuds as shortcomings of the systems. In the spring of I 774 Serra arrived back in California and found Rivera y Moncada as difficult to deal with as Fages had been. Rivera assumed the governorship at Monterey on May 2 5, r 774 and by July Serra was voicing his complaints to the Father Guardian. The old disagreements regarding the establishment and expansion of missions remained. Serra wished to reduce the escort at San Carlos by three and that of San Diego by six, thus providing a guard for the founding of San Buenaventura. 267 Rivera considered the plan foolhardy and cited the danger of revolt. 268 The problem of mules once more intruded. Serra had received word that Bucareli had responded to his requests for mules by ordering one hundred to be shipped to Loreto and driven up the peninsula. Only eighty-nine were alive after the voyage to Loreto. A year later, in July of I 77 5, fifty-nine of the mules had arrived, although with no certificate of ownership. Who, Serra wrote to the Father Guardian, owned the mules? Serra and Rivera both knew the mules had been sent for the 287 Serra to Father Guardian and Discretorium, Monterey, July 18, 1774, BNM. Cartas de Junf ero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, f.88 Burrus, ed., Diario de/ Capitan Comandante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada, l, 2 7.

94 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 1eir the,lets :i to :i at :ual was nes e of no :ub Dve, 11ps. disbut ized rms ra's r m d to acks uted Is as,und vera July old :ions and San the had :s by sula. r, m 1 no vned r the tas de 7 missions, but the Governor, who also needed pack animals, determined to make use of at least some of them until he should be ordered to do otherwise, although he did release thirty-three of the animals to Serra as early as August of On August rnth the second contingent of mules arrived including twenty-five mules and he-mules. 270 On August 1 6, , Serra wrote to Rivera, asking that seven mules be delivered to Father Lasuen for the founding of Mission San Juan Capistrano. 271 The Governor graciously replied the next, day, agreeing to send the seven mules; three he-mules and two mules from the latest string and a mule and he-mule from the previous. In two letters, one to Serra and a later one to the Viceroy, Rivera justified his confiscation of the mules. 272 In the first to Serra, he admitted the rightful ownership of the animals, but based his action on the need in which the military stood. Of the first shipment, he was keeping sixteen at Monterey and he had authorized the Presidio of San Diego to keep twelve. He assured Serra that thirty-one were being relinquished to him. He continued saying: Those which remain here are of such a great and real necessity that if at the time such a place had been known to me in the province, have no doubt that I would have taken over a hacienda and confiscated the number necessary for the supply of said presidios. 273 While Rivera's actions were abrupt and at first secretive, his need was real. Mules were of paramount importance for both presidio and mission. "Believe me, your Reverence," the Comandante wrote, "in order for there to be missions, it is necessary to have presidios and where soldiers go on foot, there cannot be presidios." Mules, it must be remembered were the backbone of the transportation system. Movement of supplies and people were dependent upon them. Without them, supplies could not be moved to the mission storehouses and fields could not be plowed. Rivera, however, was correct in his assessment. Without mounted soldiers, the missions could not be adequately protected and the mission regimen could not be enforced upon recalcitrant neophytes. Perhaps Serra sensed this since the argument appears to have subsided. Rivera y Moncada was a timorous man, although with reason. His job was a difficult one in the face of numerous shortages, real and imagined, which plagued him and he was as zealous in his solicitude for 269 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, July 24, r 77 5, BNM. Carras de Junfpero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, 11, Burrus, ed., Diario de/ Capitan Comandante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada, I,, Serra to Rivera, Mission San Carlos, August 16, r and Rivera to Serra, Monterey, August 17, Ibid., I, Rivera to Serra, Monterey, June 22, Ibid., I, r Also see Rivera to Bucareli, Monterey, August 23, 1775, AAFH. 273 Ibid.

95 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS missions, but the Governor, who also needed pack animals, determined to make use of at least some of them until he should be ordered to do otherwise, although he did release thirty-three of the animals to Serra as early as August of r On August 10th the second contingent of mules arrived including twenty-five mules and he-mules. 270 On August r 6, r 77 5, Serra wrote to Rivera, asking that seven mules be delivered to Father Lasuen for the founding of Mission San Juan Capistrano. 271 The Governor graciously replied the next, day, agreeing to send the seven mules; three he-mules and two mules from the latest string and a mule and he-mule from the previous. In two letters, one to Serra and a later one to the Viceroy, Rivera justified his confiscation of the mules. 272 In the first to Serra, he admitted the rightful ownership of the animals, but based his action on the need in which the military stood. Of the first shipment, he was keeping sixteen at Monterey and he had authorized the Presidio of San Diego to keep twelve. He assured Serra that thirty-one were being relinquished to him. He continued saying : Those which remain here are of such a great and real necessity that if at the time such a place had been known to me in the province, have no doubt that I would have taken over a hacienda and confiscated the number necessary for the supply of said presidios While Rivera's actions were abrupt and at first secretive, his need was real. Mules were of paramount importance for both presidio and mission. "Believe me, your Reverence," the Comandante wrote, "in order for there to be missions, it is necessary to have presidios and where soldiers go on foot, there cannot be presidios." Mules, it must be remembered were the backbone of the transportation system. Movement of supplies and people were dependent upon them. Without them, supplies could not be moved to the mission storehouses and fields could not be plowed. Rivera, however, was correct in his assessment. Without mounted soldiers, the missions could not be adequately protected and the mission regimen could not be enforced upon recalcitrant neophytes. Perhaps Serra sensed this since the argument appears to have subsided. Rivera y Moncada was a timorous man, although with reason. His job was a difficult one in the face of numerous shortages, real and imagined, which plagued him and he was as zealous in his solicitude for 269 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, July 24, 177 5, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Burrus, ed., Diario de/ Capitan Comandante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada, I, Serra to Rivera, Mission San Carlos, August 16, and Rivera to Serra, Monterey, August 17, 1775.!bid., I, Rivera to Serra, Monterey, June 22, Ibid., I, Also see Rivera to Bucareli, Monterey, August 2 3, 1775, AAFH. 273 Ibid.

96 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION the military as Serra was for the Missions. In his Representaci6n to the viceroy, Serra had requested young men from the neighborhood of San Blas to be taken to California in the capacity of sailors, to serve the missions as farmers, cowboys and muleteers. 274 Such men should serve, at least four to a mission, without the commander of the presidio having the right to move them. During their years of service, they should be paid a sailor's salary from San Blas and free rations at the missions. If at the end of one year's service they desired to return to San Blas, they would be permitted to do so. Bucareli and the Royal Council granted the request. 275 Thus was added a new burden to the California economy, responsibility for which would fall to the Governor. The Echeveste Reglamento elaborated further, stipulating that workers were to receive rations for five years and sailors for two Echeveste then made a cryptic reference to men bringing wives; they should work and labor in the fields so as to become self-sufficient. The Royal Fiscal, Jose Areche clarified the point in his opinion. 277 Sailors were clearly differentiated from families who were to receive rations for five years and pay for two. The question in Alta California concerned the sailors. Were they to receive salaries for only two years, or as Serra claimed, for as long as they chose to remain? If Serra's interpretation were correct, Rivera feared a shortage of supplies for the military. In October 177 5, Rivera wrote to the warehouse keeper, Juan Soler, for an account of maize received in the past year and the amount which had been distributed to date. 278 Soler replied the same day. 279 He had received 43 3 fanegas, 10 almuds, which he began to ration on August 1 8. As of October 2 1 he had distributed fanegas, 11 almuds to the presidio and the three missions in the district. He estimated, with fanegas, 11 al muds remaining, supplies would last until F ebruary of Rivera feared a shortage with reason. The previous year, 600 fanegas of maize had been received and the families had not consumed any until they arrived in November. Less corn had been received in With this in view, he told Serra, he was suspending double rations and reducing the ration of unmarried people by half, to one-half almud weekly. He advised Serra to consider the account rendered by Soler, which he had enclosed. He reminded Serra that the six servants at San "'Serra's Representaci6n to the Viceroy, Mexico, March 13, 1 773, Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Decision of His Excellency and the Royal Council, Mexico, May 6, Ibid, Ill, R eg ulations for the Peninsula of California and the New Establishments of Monterey, Juan Jose Echeveste. Mexico, May 24, 1773, Ibid, III, Opinion of the Fiscal, Mexico, June 14, Ibid, III, Rivera y Moncada to Senor don Juan Soler, Monterey, October 22, Burrus, Diario de/ Capitan Comandante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada, I, Soler to Rivera y Moncada, Monterey, October 22, Ibid, I, Rivera y Moncada to Fray Junipero Serra, Monterey, October 2 3, r Ibid, I,

97 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS Carlos, five at San Antonio and two at San Luis Obispo, drew rations from the Presidio of Monterey. "It is evident," he said, "that the remaining supplies would not suffice." In such case, would the mission be willing to supply the presidia? If not, he could not guarantee rations for mission servants and Serra could have recourse to the Viceroy. In a second letter to Serra on the same day, Rivera dealt with salaries for mission servants. 281 He claimed the Echeveste Reglamento implied that unmarried servants were entitled to salaries for only two years commencing with the beginning of 1774, hence, 1775 would be the last year in which they were entitled to salaries. Rivera suggested the conflict be sent to the Viceroy for his resolution. On the surface, the question of salaries does not seem to have been Rivera's concern. However, cash salaries were rarely paid in California, so such wages would have been paid in goods from the presidia! store, thereby further depleting already inadequate supplies. The ambiguous Reglamento provided him with a loophole. To discuss at length the intricacies of the argument would be pointless, but a few details will serve to illustrate the conflicting economic needs of mission and presidia. Serra took it upon himself to remind Rivera that Soler did not include fifty or more fanegas of wheat raised on the King's land nor flour left over from the previous year. 282 Also the presidia had in its possession a quantity of hardtack often used as a corn substitute, and Serra guessed there must have been a substantial quantity of beans on hand. Finally, he questioned Rivera about the plentiful supply of corn at the San Diego Presidio. In reply to the question of whether the missions could make up shortages at the presidia if they occurred, Serra answered: In such a case, which, I hope to God will not happen, the missions will do what they have so many times done; they will give for the upkeep of the soldiers all that they stand in need of, and all the missions possess. The Father President then recounted all instances in which aid had been given. In Mission San Gabriel had harvested 1 1 o fanegas which was used to feed mission escorts at San Gabriel, San Diego, San Luis Obispo and San Antonio. In each of these missions livestock had been slaughtered to feed the soldiers. Everytime the pack train from the presidia was delayed, the missionaries gladly fed their escorts. In conclusion, Serra reiterated his willingness to help the military: Even if it may be necessary, for some time, to send the greater part, or all, of our convert Christians who can do so to look for food in the mountains, or on the beach, as they did not many years ago. 281 Rivera y Moncada to Fray Junfpero Serra, Monterey, October 2 3, Ibid., I, Serra to Fernando Rivera y Moncada, Monterey, October 24, 1775, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II,

98 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS Carlos, five at San Antonio and two at San Luis Obispo, drew rations from the Presidio of Monterey. "It is evident," he said, "that the remaining supplies would not suffice." In such case, would the mission be willing to supply the presidio? If not, he could not guarantee rations for mission servants and Serra could have recourse to the Viceroy. In a second letter to Serra on the same day, Rivera dealt with salaries for mission servants. 281 He claimed the Echeveste Reglamento implied that unmarried servants were entitled to salaries for only two years commencing with the beginning of 1 774, hence, 1775 would be the last year in which they were entitled to salaries. Rivera suggested the conflict be sent to the Viceroy for his resolution. On the surface, the question of salaries does not seem to have been Rivera's concern. However, cash salaries were rarely paid in California, so such wages would have been paid in goods from the presidia! store, thereby further depleting already inadequate supplies. The ambiguous Reglamento provided him with a loophole. To discuss at length the intricacies of the argument would be pointless, but a few details will serve to illustrate the conflicting economic needs of mission and presidia. Serra took it upon himself to remind Rivera that Soler did not include fifty or more fanegas of wheat raised on the King's land nor flour left over from the previous year. 282 Also the presidia had in its possession a quantity of hardtack often used as a corn substitute, and Serra guessed there must have been a substantial quantity of beans on hand. Finally, he questioned Rivera about the plentiful supply of corn at the San Diego Presidio. In reply to the question of whether the missions could make up shortages at the presidia if they occurred, Serra answered: In such a case, which, I hope to God will not happen, the missions will do what they have so many times done; they will give for the upkeep of the soldiers all that they stand in need of, and all the missions possess. The Father President then recounted all instances in which aid had been given. In 1774 Mission San Gabriel had harvested I IO fanegas which was used to feed mission escorts at San Gabriel, San Diego, San Luis Obispo and San Antonio. In each of these missions livestock had been slaughtered to feed the soldiers. Everytime the pack train from the presidia was delayed, the missionaries gladly fed their escorts. In conclusion, Serra reiterated his willingness to help the military: Even if it may be necessary, for some time, to send the greater part, or all, of our convert Christians who can do so to look for food in the mountains, or on the beach, as they did not many years ago. 281 Rivera y Moncada to Fray Junipero Serra, Monterey, October 2 3, Ibid., I, Serra to Fernando Rivera y Moncada, Monterey, October 24, 1775, BNM. Carras de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II,

99 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Rivera quickly replied to Serra's letter. The beans were there, he admitted, but they were two years old and had hardly improved with age. The hardtack was not intended to be rationed to the troops, but rather for the voyages of exploration to the Northwest. There were 700 fanegas of corn at San Diego, but with the lack of mules, how was it to be transported to Monterey? This was not the end of the argument, but it degenerated to dredging up past grievances on the part of both. 283 Serra wrote a second letter to Rivera dealing with salaries in which he disagreed with the governor's interpretation of the Echeveste Reglamento, insisting the two year limitation on salaries applied only to families who undertook the voyage to California. 284 The new missions to be established were also entitled to servants under the same conditions. Salaries, in Serra's opinion, were to be calculated from the time when laborers arrived in California, not from the effective date of the Reglamento. Serra knew Rivera would not accept his interpretation and appealed to Viceroy Bucareli for a decision in October of He described the argument and asked for a definitive answer. For the time, at least, no decision was rendered. Serra did not totally comprehend the situation at the presidio and he was unaware that all of the supplies there were not at the disposal of the troops and servants. Rivera, for his part, failed to see why he should provide for persons working at the missions in view of his supply problem. He estimated correctly that the missions could care for those people. The governor considered sending a few Indians away from the missions a more acceptable alternative than depriving the troops. Serra held the opposite viewpoint. His primary objective was the conversion of Indians and the function of the military was to further that goal. Anything destructive of his aim, such as sending neophytes to the hills, was to be avoided at all cost, hence his objection to assuming the obligation of providing rations which Rivera attempted to foist upon him. Despite his threats, Rivera did not suspend rations for the mission servants. On October 3 1, he ordered Soler to deliver flour, beans, corn and meat for the servants at San Antonio. 286 The issue of the cattle for Missions San Francisco and Santa Clara, which had poisoned relations between Fages and Serra, was finally resolved during Rivera's term. The Father President was confident that the decision of the Viceroy and Council would solve the problem, but 283 Rivera y Moncada to Fray Junipero Serra, Monterey, October 2 5, Burrus, Diario de/ Capitan Comandante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada, I, Serra to Fernando Rivera y Moncada, Monterey, October 24, 1775, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra,!!, Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Monterey, October 29, University of Texas, Austin. Stephens Collection. Trans. in Ibid., II, Rivera y Moncada to Seiior don Juan Soler, October 3 1, Burrus, Diario Del Capitan Comandante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada, I, 213.

100 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS Rivera refused to release the cattle without further instructions. 287 As soon as definitive orders from the Viceroy arrived, Rivera sent an inventory to Serra and released the cattle without further ado. 288 The cattle totaled ninety-two head; thirty-seven cows, sixteen calves, four young castrated bulls, two adult bulls, eighteen young females, and fifteen young bulls. 289 Serra's request for majordomos to oversee mission industry and agriculture was passed over by Echeveste in the formation of his regulation, however Serra kept up his pressure to haye them provided. 290 While he had been in Mexico, Fages had allowed an overseer to be chosen in each mission. Serra returned to discover that Rivera y Moncada disapproved of the entire scheme which Serra felt was so essential for the success of the missions. Serra presented his argument to the Viceroy maintaining it would not cost the King one cent, since the majordomo would be chosen from among the six soliders regularly assigned to each mission. All the plan implied, said Serra, was that one soldier would devote himself to the business of the mission while the others took care of sentry duty and horses. Although Serra admitted that he had secured no approval for his plan, he told the Viceroy that he had received letters from all of the missionaries insisting on its necessity. The ever cautious Rivera had informed Serra that a mission escort of six was too few to spare one of them for such duties. The economic management of the missions and relations with the military were altered by a change instituted by the College of San Fernando during Rivera y Moncada's term. 291 Serra was advised that the economic management of each mission belonged to the missionaries of each mission without interference of the Father President, except in exceptional cases. Serra was no longer to be in charge of distributing goods sent from Mexico unless they had no designation for a particular mission. From this time on each mission carried its own account with the College of San Fernando and officials in Mexico, implying that each sent in its own request and received in return an annual memoria. Relations with the military received much attention and most of the changes must have been in reaction to complaints received. Article seven stipulated that the ministers treat the corporal and soldiers with all moderation and prudence, not 287 Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Monterey, July r 9, The University of Texas at Austin. Stephens Collection. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Monterey, September 9, 1 774, AGL Estado 43. Copy in Sutro Collection, San Francisco. Trans. in Cutter, ed., The California Coast; Documents frorn the Sutro Collection, Rivera y Moncada to Fray Junipero Serra, August 16, Burrus, Diario de/ Capitan Corn andante Fernando de Rivera y Moncada, I, Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Monterey, August 24, r 774. The University of Texas, Austin. Stephens Collection. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Fray Francisco Pangua to the California Missionaries, Mexico, February 7, Copy by Palciu in SBMA.

101 86 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION exasperating them with sharp words and bad treatment, and if perhaps it were necessary to admonish them, let it be with religious affability and serenity. Complaints concerning the escolta were not to be made by the missionaries, but were to be transmitted through the Father President. The employment of soldiers' wives or any other women inside the house was to be deplored. The Father Guardian felt too many complaints and reports were being made directly tc Royal officials without adequate control by the College of San Fernando. In the future, all such reports were to be submitted to the College for its approval. In the spring of I 776, Serra made an attempt to defend himself against charges which he assumed instigated the new orders from the College. 292 Great pains were taken in describing aid to the military. Serra reported that Captains Anza and Rivera along with Fray Pedro Font had stayed at Mission San Gabriel for a month and had used up that mission's entire stock of candles and chocolate. Anza had been provided with saddle and pack animals at San Gabriel and again at San Carlos. While he was at San Carlos, he had been provided for with generosity and a calf had even been killed to provide fresh meat. He had been provided with an arroba of chocolate which cost San Carlos fifty pesos and had been forgotten by the Captain. In September of I 774, Felipe de Neve replaced Felipe Barri as Governor of the Californias with residence at Loreto. On August I 6, I 77 5, the capital was removed by royal decree from Loreto to Monterey and in July of I 776, Neve was ordered to remove his administration to Alta California while Rivera y Moncada was to exchange places with him. Neve arrived at the new capital on February 3, I 777. In August he received a request from the Viceroy for a report on missions and presidios, which he did not complete until December of r While Serra described what had been furnished by missions to the military, Neve provided a comprehensive summation of aid given to the missions by the government; much of it directed into the hands of the missionaries through the military establishment. Neve did not state what years his report covered, but it included sets of figures for two years. Internal evidence suggests the years I 776 and I I reproduce in Table 8, expenses directly incurred by the missions. 292 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua and D'iscretorium, Monterey, April 1 3, 1 776, BNM. Carras de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Neve's Report on Missions and Presidios, Monterey, December 29, 1 778, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol Phs. in SBMA. 294 The first year covered in the report includes the missions of San Diego, San Gabriel, San Luis Obispo, San Antonio and San Carlos. The second year adds San Juan Capistrano, San Francisco and Santa Clara which were founded in late 1776 and early See Maynard Geiger, "Important California Missionary Dates Determined," The Americas, Vol. 2, 1946, ; J. H. Bowman, "The Birthdays of the California Missions," The Americas, Vol. 20, 1964,

102 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS TABLE 8 GovERNMENT Sussrnrns TO THE M1ss10Ns For the stipends of the ten missionaries at 400 pesos each.... For double rations conceded to the missionaries and three supernumeraries Freight paid by the government from Mexico to San Blas on 1 20 arrobas.... Sailor's salaries for 30 peons distributed 6 to each mission Value of rations for the peons.... Total For the stipend of the 16 missionaries at 400 pesos each.... Freight paid by the government from Mexico to San Blas on 192 arrobas.... Sailor's salaries for 19 peons.... Value of rations for the peons.... Total.... 4,000 p 1,779 PF 195 p* 3,600 p 2,053 plr I 1,627 6,400 p p 4 r 240 p 2,280 p 1,300 p 2 r 10,220 p 2 r * Jose de Galvez had allowed each missionary 6 arrobas of goods per year free of transportation charges. This was subsequently raised to, 2 arrobas. Charges were computed at a rate of, o reales per arroba. Table 8 does not include other expenses attributable to the missions such as rations and pay given to artisans and the mission guards. Included in the expenses for Presidio San Diego, for example, were two carpenters who were paid annually 3 oo pesos each. Since Neve explains they worked both for mission and presidio, a portion of their cost should have been charged to the missions, but was not. Two blacksmiths in the same category were also charged to the presidio. To each mission was assigned a guard composed of a corporal and five soldiers. A corporal's salary was 400 pesos per year and a soldier's, pesos. On this basis, the expense incurred by mission guards at five missions in I 776 equaled I I, I 2 5 pesos while the following year's total was I 7,800 pesos. It may seem unfair to appropriate expenses in this fashion since expenses incurred by both missions and presidios were covered by the Royal Treasury, with the exception of the annual stipends derived by the missionaries from the Pious Fund. The missions were jealous of and eager to collect every peso owed to them by the military. It seems only proper to point out the services provided by the government through the military which were never charged to mission accounts. To have done so would have been foolish, since in either case the government paid the bills. The missions, however, attempted to receive payment for every service or product given to the military.

103 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS TABLE 8 GovERNMENT Sussrnrns TO THE M1ss10Ns For the stipends of the ten missionaries at 400 pesos each.... For double rations conceded to the missionaries and three supernumeraries.... Freight paid by the government from Mexico to San Blas on 1 20 arrobas.... Sailor's salaries for 30 peons distributed 6 to each mission.... Value of rations for the peons.... Total For the stipend of the 16 missionaries at 400 pesos each.... Freight paid by the government from Mexico to San Blas on 192 arrobas.... Sailor's salaries for 19 peons... Value of rations for the peons... Total... 4,000 p r, 77 9 p 3 r 1 95 p * 3,600 p 2,053 p I r I 1,62 7 p 4 r 6,400 p 240 p 2,280 p 1,300 p 2 r 10,220 p 2 r Jose de Galvez had allowed each missionary 6 arrobas of goods per year free of transportation charges. This was subsequently raised to 1 2 arrobas. Charges were computed at a rate of 10 reales per arroba. Table 8 does not include other expenses attributable to the missions such as rations and pay given to artisans and the mission guards. Included in the expenses for Presidio San Diego, for example, were two carpenters who were paid annually 3 oo pesos each. Since Neve explains they worked both for mission and presidio, a portion of their cost should have been charged to the missions, but was not. Two blacksmiths in the same category were also charged to the presidia. To each mission was assigned a guard composed of a corporal and five soldiers. A corporal's salary was 400 pesos per year and a soldier's, 365 pesos. On this basis, the expense incurred by mission guards at five missions in I 776 equaled r I, I 2 5 pesos while the following year's total was r 7,800 pesos. It may seem unfair to appropriate expenses in this fashion since expenses incurred by both missions and presidios were covered by the Royal Treasury, with the exception of the annual stipends derived by the missionaries from the Pious Fund. The missions were jealous of and eager to collect every peso owed to them by the military. It seems only proper to point out the services provided by the government through the military which were never charged to mission accounts. To have done so would have been foolish, since in either case the government paid the bills. The missions, however, attempted to receive payment for every service or product given to the military.

104 88 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION U mil I 8 10 contributions made to the government by the m1ss10ns without thought of repayment were rare. 0 n at least two occasions before that date, however, free donations were made to the government. In 1779, Spain entered with France in a war against England which was involved in an attempt to put down the rebellion by her North American colonies. While England contemplated no attack on Spanish California, repercussions were felt in that distant province. Although Spain had gone to war on June 2 3, 1 779, the decree was not published in Mexico until August 1 3, Commandant General Teodoro de Croix wrote Serra in February of the next year requesting public prayers to be said for the successful issue of the contest. Serra received Croix's letter on June 13th and two days later responded by assuring him that the prayers would happily be said. 296 On the same day Serra sent a circular letter to the missionaries admonishing them to pray for the success of Spanish arms. 297 Meanwhile, on August 1 7, 1 780, Charles III of Spain had promulgated a decree for war contributions which the California missionaries were to find more onerous to fulfill. 298 It was decreed "that for once, and in the nature of a donation," every free Indian should contribute one peso and each Spaniard two. The order was communicated by Jose de Galvez to Croix who in turn wrote Serra saying: By Royal Cedula of August 17, 1780 which was communicated to me by Jose de Galvez, it has pleased His Majesty to order that his vassals of America contribute for one time a donation of one peso per Indian and other castes and two for each Spaniard and noble, to sustain the present war... I desire that you com ply with this immediately. 299 Croix told Serra he did not feel that the requested donation would overburden the Indians and suggested the requirement could be met out of community assets. Missions which were poor in assets might be exempted, but the missionaries would have to make formal requests to the Governor who would forward them to the Commandant General. Each mission was to draw up a padrbn or census of all subjects over eighteen years together with the amount of produce turned into the Governor which was to be sold to cover the donation. Paying the donation in cash was impossible for most of the missions and the equivalent value in produce was difficult for some. Mission San Diego, for example, had little cash and in addition was in debt to San Gabriel and San Juan Capistrano for produce. 300 Serra explained the problem to the 295 Verger to Lasuen, Mexico, January 14, 1780, SBMA. 296 Serra to Teodoro de Croix, Monterey, June 1 5, 1 780, SBMA. 297 Serra to the Missionaries of Mission San Antonio and Elsewhere, Monterey.June 15,, 780, SBMA. 298 The King of Spain on War Contributions, San Ildefonso, August 17, 1 780, SBMA. 299 de Croix to Serra, Arispe, August 12, 1781, SBMA. 300 Status of San Di eg o Mission at the end of December, 178 1, by Lasuen, AGN. Documentos para la Historia de Mexico, Ser. 2, Vol. 2. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II,

105 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS Father Guardian. The Indians had never had any pesos and they could not understand why money was needed to make war. All of the missions, with the exception of San Diego and San Juan Capistrano, had been able to meet the obligation on the basis of a plan worked out by the Governor. Money was realized "from the offerings for Masses, which a number of soldiers owed, " and from debts which they had run up at the missions. The Governor, in contrast to his previous policy, allowed soldiers to run up debts at the presidia! storehouses which enabled him to collect the necessary cash. Governor Neve evidently consolidated the amount owed as a donative. After receiving produce from the missions, he in return paid the donation. "His method," said Serra, "worked smoothly and the result has been that the Indians, without their realizing it, have paid throughout the missions the pesos required of them The argument concerning the two missions which had not been able to pay the assessment continued for some time. Hubert H. Bancroft claims all eight missions eventually paid the donative for a total of something less than 1,07 1 pesos. 302 In the process began again with the news that war had been declared between Spain and France. In October news of the war reached California and Governor Jose Joaqufn de Arrillaga informed Father President Lasuen on October 9th. 303 Several weeks later Lasuen sent Arrillaga an acknowledgement in which he assured him the missions would aid with prayers which were the only contributions which they had to offer. 304 At the same time, Lasuen relayed the request for prayers and any other voluntary contributions to the other missionaries. This request was easily fulfilled. 305 The next episode involved a letter from Viceroy Branciforte to Governor Borica in suggesting that each Spaniard donate two pesos and all other white or mixed citizens, one peso, while_ Indians were asked for four real es. 306 Borica, who succeeded Arrillaga in 1794, communicated the letter to Lasuen. 307 Each mission was requested to contribute according to its ability and the amount collected was to be remitted to the nearest Habilitado who would relay it to the Viceroy through the hands of the Governor. Lasuen, upset with the appeal, composed a lengthy financial statement 301 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, July, 7,, 782, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, IV, Bancroft, History of California, Vol. I, 428 fn. For an example of how the donative was determined see Padron of Mission San Carlos, San Carlos, December 22,, Bancroft Library, Prov. State Papers, Benecia. Military. Xerox copy in SBMA. 303 Arrillaga to Lasuen, Monterey, October 9,, 79 3, SBMA. 304 Lasuen to the Missionaries, Santa Barbara, October 28,, 79 3, SBMA. 3os I bid. 306 Viceroy Branciforte to the Governor, Mexico, June, 7,, Copy as of October 7, 1795, Monterey sent to Lasuen, SBMA. 307 Borica to Lasuen, Monterey, October, 6, 1795, SBMA.

106 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION on the missions, justifying his position that no donative sh.ould be asked of the missions. 308 In addition, he pointed to contributions the missions were already being called upon to make to the military. First, he said, of the thirty missionaries in California, only twenty-six received stipends. After the pittance which the Fathers lived on was deducted, the rest was devoted to the maintenance and progress of the missions. For this purpose all alms which the missions received from natives and sailors were set aside along with any other monies donated or earned. Missionaries served the four presidios without salary or remuneration of any kind. The Fathers performed all of the functions of chaplains, which if paid, would cost the government over 2,000 pesos per year. Officials in Mexico City had previously allowed that at one of the presidios payment for these services should be made, but no reimbursement had ever been received. "I have maintained silence," he commented, "and I would not have spoken now unless I heard that the present crisis confronts me with the question: What are you doing for the royal service?" The Indians did not have all of the food and clothing which they needed and all mission income was devoted to providing those things and the implements necessary to produce them. Lasuen also said that At the present time, if steps were taken to withdraw part of the resources, funds, products of industry or other means of support, and to deflect them to some other obj ective, it would assuredly bring but little benefit to the latter, and result in much hardship in our work, which is highly esteemed by the King. The thrust of Lasuen's argument was, since the missions served to support and extend the conquest, they in fact constituted a geniune royal service. For this war the missions offered Masses and prayers, while civilians and military contributed 3,88 I pesos. In November of r 798, the call again went out from Bishop Francisco Rouset of Sonora for war contributions. 309 Lasuen sent the letter as a circular to all missionaries asking them to append a statement of what each mission was able to contribute. None of the missionaries offered material contributions, stating they would offer prayers, or that they lived only by alms of the King. In response to the Bishop's letter, Lasuen offered an abridgment of his earlier letter to Borica. 310 The King, he concluded, expected no other temporal contributions beyond those already being made. The issue was consequently dropped. Father President J unipero Serra apparently made a conscientious and honest attempt to collect the war contribution ordered in August of r 78 r. 308 Lausen to Borica, San Carlos, October 18, 1795, SBMA. 309 Bishop of Sonora to the Missionaries, Zacatecas, November r 3, r 798, SBMA. 310 Lasuen to Don Fray Francisco Rouset de Jesus, San Carlos, March 4, r 799, SBMA.

107 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 91 There was a peculiar difference between this request and those made later of Father Lasuen. The first was an order, while the others were requests, which may account for the less than enthusiastic response. It would appear, in fact, that Lasuen and the missionaries could have made a contribution had they been willing. Mission credits in Mexico were carefully controlled by the missionaries themselves. Warrants in favor of the missions drawn on the presidios were carefully counterbalanced by the requests for goods remitted by the missionaries to the College. In consequence, the balance of any mission in Mexico was zero, or in some instances, a slight deficit. Throughout the period, increasing purchases from the missions by the military financed a better standard of living for the missions as is evidenced by building programs and increased purchases from Mexico. At any time, purchases could have been reduced without danger of starvation, thereby releasing surpluses which could have been donated. The Monterey presidia! accounts serve to illustrate mounting mission credits. 311 In 1795 the account with Mission San Carlos held a balance in favor of the mission of 1,740 pesos, 5 reales, including a balance brought forward from the previous year. Of the total owed to the mission, 1,200 pesos were remitted to Mexico in a warrant against the H abilitado General payable to San Carlos. The requested contribution was one-half peso per Indian which usually applied only to males over eighteen years of age. In Mission San Carlos counted 444 males of which a proportion must have been under eighteen. 312 However, assuming a ridiculously high figure of 400 liable persons, the total contribution asked for would only have been 200 pesos. In December of 1796 there was a balance in favor of the mission of 1, pesos, 7 real es and in the account was balanced because four warrants in favor of the mission were drawn up. 313 Total credits in warrants remitted to Mexico for the mission were 2,873 pesos. In accounts were again balanced, but with the help of 7, 200 pesos in warrants sent with the account to the Habilitado General. The balances were corroborated by the accounts of Mission San Carlos. 314 Interestingly, in 1 799, the year in which the second donation was requested, the mission owed the presidia 166 pesos, 3 reales. This debt is 311 Monterey Presidio Account, signed by Jose Arguello, December 3 1, 1795, AASF. Phs. SBMA Zephyrin Engelhardt, Mission San Carlos Borromeo, Santa Barbara, California, Monterey Presidio account, signed by Jose Perez Fernandez, December 3 1, 1 796, AASF. Phs. SBMA and Monterey Presidio account, signed by Hermenegildo Sal, December 3 1, 1 797, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 314 Monterey Presidio account, signed by Hermenegildo Sal, December 31, 1798, AASF. Phs. SBMA., and accounts of Mission San Carlos signed by Fathers Francisco Pujol and Baltasar Carnicer, December 1, 1798, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

108 92 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION deceptive, if not considered in context with the large warrants remitted in previous years. 315 The deficit was temporary, since in the following year the presidia owed the mission 904 pesos, 7 reales, including the previous year's balance. 316 The same phenomenon, although not as pronounced, was obvious between Mission Santa Barbara and the Santa Barbara Presidio. From 1794 through 1800 the mission collected 4, 205 pesos in warrants against the presidia, but even with this extra income, the mission failed to cover its purchases and found its Mexico City account 2,200 pesos in arrears. 317 The apparent explanation is the low volume of trade with the presidia compared to Mission San Carlos. The accounts with the presidia suggest that because the mission had been in existence for a little more than a decade, its surplus of manufactured items needed by the presidia was limited. San Carlos supplied quantities of items such as shoes, barrels, adzes, gunsights and skilled laborers, while Santa Barbara sold mainly agricultural goods. 318 However, even this mission could not live by the alms of the King alone, since its income increased over two-thirds annually by drafts against the presidia. While it appears that Lasuen rejected the pleas for donations on a principfe important to the missionaries, it is also apparent, in some cases, that the donative was well within the realm of financial possibility. Contributions were again solicited from the missions in and 18 IO in response to Napoleon's depredation of the Iberian Peninsula. During his abbreviated term, Viceroy Pedro de Garibay ordered contributions to be collected from all classes of citizens to aid mother Spain. The viceregal order was released in the fall of 1 808, but it was not communicated by Governor Arrillaga to Father President Ta pis until February of Tap is informed Arrillaga that he had notified the missionaries of the request and exhorted them to offer "the spiritual assistance which concerns us and is most appropriate to our Franciscan state of life." 320 Further, he had asked each one to cede a portion of the annual stipend in proportion to the financial status of their mission. However, Tapis also indicated a technical problem which made him hesitant to order the missionaries to make financial donations. A donation of money by one of 315 Monterey Presidio Account, signed by Hermenegildo Sal, December 3 1, 1 799, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 316 Monterey Presidio Account, no signature, December 3 1, 1800, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 317 Memorias for goods remitted to Mission Santa Barbara, , signed by the Procurator of the College of San Fernando, SBMA. 318 Libra de quentas que esta Mision de Santa Barbara riene con la Habilitaci6n de este presidia de el mismo nombre y arras varios particulares, , SBMA. 319 Arrillaga to Tapis, Monterey, February 6, 1809, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 320 Tapis to Arrillaga, San Carlos, February 10, 1809, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

109 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 93 the missionaries implied ownership of it which contradicted Franciscan canons and belied the communal ownership of the mission by resident neophytes. While the response was short of overwhelming, evidence shows that at least two Fathers were willing to donate their annual stipends. Fathers Mariano Payeras and Geronimo Boscana wrote from Mission Pudsima to the Procurator saying:... the two fathers of this mission of Purisima Concepcion in Alta California, undersigned, because of the grave present emergency of the Spanish Monarchy, for ourselves and in the name of all the neophytes who comprise this town, cede in your favor for only one time, the amount of our sinodos which is 400 pesos. 321 Contributions were solicited again in 181 o, but no response appears to have been made. Tapis struggled with the same question that had evidently disturbed Lasuen; namely, how could the missionaries legitimately make donations when technically they owned nothing? Tapis left the problem to the consciences of the individual missionaries for resolution. Boscana and Payeras observed caution in stipulating that contributions were made in the name of the neophytes. The inefficiency and sporadic nature of the San Blas supply service gave impetus to plans for civilian pueblos which were intended to supplement military supplies. For this purpose, San Jose de Guadalupe was established in November of I 776 near Mission Santa Clara. As potential competitors, the missionaries viewed the pueblos with suspicion. Serra soon expressed his misgivings to Viceroy B ucareli. The stated purpose of such settlements was to contribute provisions to the Royal warehouses, thereby relieving military dependency upon the supply service. Serra maintained this could have been better implemented by giving aid to the missions. 322 In this fashion the military supply problem would be solved and in doing so, the spiritual function of the missions would be enhanced. Serra quickly recognized the significance of future contracts for military supplies and predicted that either the missions or pueblos would survive, but not both since they were direct competitors. "Let these pueblos be established, well and good, if the authorities approve of the plan; and let the missions disappear," he said. In a letter to Teodoro de Croix he became eloquent and adamant. Missions, my lord, missions- that is what this country needs. They will not only provide 321 Payeras and Boscana to Vii'ials, Mission Purisima, March 28, 1809, AGN. Historia de Mexico. Primera Serie, Torno 2. Engelhardt, Missions and Missionaries, 11, and Bancroft, History of California, II, 88. Both imply that no money contributions were made by the m1ss10ns. 322 Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Monterey, June 30, 1778, AGN. Bucareli, Torno 113, Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, IV,

110 94 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION it with what is most important-the light of the Holy Gospel-but also will be the means of supplying foodstuffs for themselves and for the Royal Presidios. They will accomplish this far more efficiently than these pueblos without priests. 323 Serra's entreaties, as might be expected, were in vain. Governor Felipe de Neve was in the process of formulating his new Reglamento which provided comprehensive regulations for the establishment of civilian settlements. 324 The pueblos were to engage in tilling, planting, stock-raising and progressively in other areas of industry. In the course of a few years the hope was that their produce would suffice to supply the post garrisons with food and horses, thus relieving the Royal Treasury of these costs. Produce could be purchased from civilians at prices established for the province, but payment had to be discounted for coin, riding beasts, flocks, tools, seeds and other items advanced to them on credit by the Royal Treasury. Pursuant to the new regulations, Pueblo Los Angeles was founded in September of I 78 r with forty-six persons, two of whom claimed to be of pure Spanish background. The third civilian settlement, Branciforte was founded in I 797 in hopes of stemming possible foreign invasion. 325 Serra's fears were never realized since the pueblos never managed to compete effectively with the missions for the business of the presidios. Several problems plagued these first California towns: the inhabitants were often retrieved from the jails of Guadalajara; the missions regarded them as adversaries; no outside trade was allowed to stimulate production and an inability to compete with the Indian labor of the missions hampered effective competition. Instead of a real threat as envisioned by Serra, they became impotent irritants. In cases where civilian settlers had grain to sell, it was purchased by the presidios, but never in large enough quantities to seriously challenge the pre-eminent position held by the missions. It appeared to the missionaries that the civilian settlers were capable of nothing but games of chance, music and dancing, and chasing Indian women for immoral purposes. An ex-california missionary, Father Isidro Alonso Salazar, made his impressions clear to Viceroy Branciforte in May of I 796. The two towns founded twenty years ago have made little progress. The residents are a group of laggards. The Indian is errand boy, cowboy and manual laborer for them-in 323 Serra to Teodoro de Croix, Monterey, August 22, 1778, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Torno 121. Trans. in ibid., IV, Provisional Reglamento of Neve, Monterey, June 1, It bears the title: "Reglamento Provisional Para la Peninsula de Californias formado por su Gobernador el Coronel de Cavalleria Don Phelipe de Neve en virtud de superior orden, Aiio de " AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol Trans. by Lummis, "Regulations and Instructions." 325 Branciforte, named for the Viceroy, was founded in the summer of with landless colonists from San Jose and Los Angeles together with vagrants and minor criminals from Guadalaj ara. Due to lack of funds and the character of the inhabitants, the settlement was gradually abandoned. See Bancroft, History of California, l,

111 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 95 fact, general factotum. Confident that gentile Indians are working, the young men ride on horseback through the Indian villages, soliciting the women for immoral acts. 326 Father Jose Sefian, temporarily in Mexico, substantiated Salazar's account. The solution, he felt, was the introduction of a better sort of colonist. The settlers had little avocation for work and were more likely to be seen with a deck of cards than a plow and because they used Indians as laborers, they debased the native peoples. 327 San Jose and Los Angeles were hardly worthy to be called towns for they remained formless and embryonic. The crux of the problem, Sefian claimed, was the inability of the colonists to enjoy the fruits of their labor or to make a profit therefrom. "Their lack of interest in their work," he said, "should not be surprising, since they regard most of it as fruitless." The civilians were plagued with the same economic problem to which missions were subjected. Only one outlet for surpluses existed; sale to the military. Theoretically, the colonists were to purchase essential articles of Mexican manufacture from the presidia storehouses in return for agricultural products. In fact, desired items were seldom available or they were reserved for use by the troops. Available items were sold at exorbitant prices while settlers received a pittance for their produce. The revolution of 181 o enhanced the significance of civilian and military dependence upon missions. Retired soldiers turned settler and colonists appear in mission accounts. For example, Pedro Cordero and Jose Roman, both settlers, appear in the account books of Mission Puri sima. Evidently the pueblos often went in debt communally to the missions. A notation in the Purisima accounts in specified that the pueblo (presumably Los Angeles) owed the mission twenty-four pesos which was to be paid in cattle. Purchases were made by colonists and soldier settlers from a long list of goods including blankets, scarves, boots, cheese, saddles, flour, funeral shrouds, coffins, woolen and cotton cloth, cash, peas, beans, repair work, thread, shawls, brandy and Indian labor. Such items were frequently bartered for and paid in goods rather than in scarce cash. Missions often accepted eggs and lard on individual accounts as well. as saddle frames and horses. These were hardly items lacking at the missions, but ones which could always be used profitably. As smuggling with foreign ships by missions grew after 1800 the missions became a source of cash. A servant, Patricio Pico, was advanced thirty-five pesos in 326 Fray Isidro Antonio Salazar to Viceroy Branciforte, Mexico, May,,,, 796, SBMA. Father Salazar arrived in California in, 79, and was assigned as one of the first two missionaries at Mission Santa Cruz by Lasuen. In, 775 he left California and was back at the College of San Fernando by March of Father Jose Seiian to the Viceroy, Mexico, May, 4,, 796, SBMA. Seiian interrupted his service in California with an interlude from, spent at the College of San Fernando. See Maynard Geiger, Franciscan Missionaries in Hispanic California, San Marino,, 969,

112 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION I 8 r 2 for ten young bulls and twenty-five steers to be delivered at some undetermined future date. 328 Such transactions were typical after r 8 r o and indicate the integral and pervasive role played by the missions after r 800 and particularly after r Early in the history of Hispanic Alta California, the missions began to assume the role of supplying the military from agricultural surpluses. As early as the spring of r 774 San Gabriel harvested r 10 fanegas of corn which enabled the mission guards of that mission and of San Diego to subsist until supplies arrived from San Blas. This mission, because of ideal climate and fertile lands, was the first to exhibit its future potential. In r 774, 90 fanegas of wheat were harvested, 240 of corn and 3 o of beans. Production in r 77 5 was much the same, but in r 776, harvests declined except for corn which soared to 440 fanegas. 329 Governor Rivera y Moncada recognized San Gabriel as a supply source in and let his thoughts be known to Viceroy Bucareli. The presidios were having difficulty raising crops and it appeared to him that San Gabriel could best be relied upon to aid the military without prejudice to Indian neophytes. Already the Monterey Presidio had borrowed grain from the mission. 330 Fray Pedro Font, with the Anza expedition of r 776, testified to the flourishing agriculture at San Gabriel. 331 The r 78o's saw an increase in exchanges between missions and presidios, although in an unorganized and haphazard fashion. In r Father Guardian Pal6u received a request from the Intendant General, Fernando Joseph Mangino, to deliver information on the ability of the missions to provide foodstuffs for the military. To increase Royal revenues, the Crown sought to reduce expenses by encouraging California's selfsufficiency. Mangino's request was accompanied by an order of Council of War and Exchequer that ordered Pal6u to furnish details and give his opinion. Pal6u enthusiastically accepted the scheme since it implied an informal contract with the military for agricultural supplies from the missions. It was an admission that plans for pueblos to function as military suppliers had failed. Serra's earlier fears that the missions would be ruined by civilian competition were being belatedly allayed. On November 2 r, Pal6u wrote to Mangino surveying the production of the m issions. The aforementioned grains go to maintain the neophytes who are the only workmen and 328 Account book of Mission Purisima, Transcribed by Lewis G. Thomas and Trans. by Lewis G. Thomas and Elmira Osuna. Berkeley, WPA Project, p. 143, SBMA. 329 Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Monterey, February 5, 1775, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Torno 166. Phs. SBMA. 330 Rivera y Moncada to Bucareli, San Diego, August 20, Private Collection, Mexico City. Phs. SBMA. 831 Herbert E. Bolton, ed., Font's Complete Diary. Vol. IV. Anza's California Expeditions. 5 vols. Berkeley, o, p

113 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 97 laborers, and if any mission is not able to produce enough because of lack of water or another misfortune, they aid it immediately as sons and daughters of the same Father, who is God, with that with which they edify the new Christians, and the missions which produce a surplus, deliver it to the supply officers for the troops, in exchange for cloth to help clothe the Indians; but up to the present the missions are still not in position to help and provision so many people, but they have always helped according to the ability of each mission, each in its time is able to provide much help, would to God that the missions would be able to help the presidios at all times, by which great benefit would be brought to the King, eliminating, at least, the expense of maintaining one ship, since with only one they will be able to provide wearing apparel and implements for presidios and missions, which at present, because of scarcity of provisions, two ships have been necessary. 332 Pal6u went on to describe benefits that would accrue to both missions and presidios from mutually beneficial exchange. The presidios received good grains and seeds at bargain prices while missions got sufficient clothing for the Indians and tools and provisions for house and field. As an added bonus, the higher standard of living might attract more neophytes to the m1ss10ns. Pal6u was willing to accept increased business from the military establishment, but at the same time he was reluctant to permanently commit any substantial portion of mission resources. Paramount in his consideration was the welfare of the neophytes. Only when they were well taken care of would he be willing to provision the military. Because of fears of drought or accidents of nature, mission sales to the government remained on an informal basis. Missions were free to sell supplies only when surpluses existed. Consequently, it must have been all but impossible for the military to obtain consistently adequate supplies since mission harvests could be anticipated, but not predicted in advance. The logistics of determining what quantities of supplies to order from Mexico beleaguered many supply officers. Exchange between mission and presidio continued in this unorganized fashion to the end of the Spanish period. The following table provides a brief analysis of Mission San Carlos' economic relations with the Monterey Presidio. It is clear that with the exception of one year shown, balances were decidedly in favor of the mission. A total of 29,107 pesos were given by the presidio in favor of the mission, but to this must be added value of sales for years not shown. Sales in those years were covered by warrants since no balances were carried forward. The average sales for the years shown is slightly over 1,500 pesos. For the seven years not available that equals ro,500 pesos for total warrants of 39,607 pesos, over a period of thirty-four years. The figure, however, is hypothetical, as no warrants were paid in Mexico after Pal6u to Mangino, Mexico, November 21, 1787, AGN. Misiones de la Alta California, Segunda serie, tomo 2. Transcript in SBMA.

114 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Warrants pa1d before I 8 Io totaled more than 23,394 pesos which for the years in question yields an annual average of over I 06 3 pesos. Adding the annual stipend of 800 pesos, an approximation of annual revenue is I 86 3 pesos. This is substantially less than the actual figure since it does not include revenue from goods such as tallow sent to Mexico nor does it provide for revenue derived from illicit trade with foreigners. Intermission trade probably balanced and had little overall effect on annual revenue. TABLE 9 DEBTS OF MONTEREY PRESIDIO TO M1ss10N SAN CARLOS * op p (929) p p oop (3400) p , p (3829) p p p (1666) p (2000) p (2101) op p (1200) p (1352) p , p (1711) p (2873) I p agst m. I 8 I p ( I 802) p , p( 1367) p (1663) , p (723) p (2491) , p I I I 705P * Amounts are given to the nearest peso. Blanks indicate no information available. Amounts are calculated after mission purchases from the presidia have been deducted. Balances include previous year's balances unless warrants were issued, in which cases balances undergo wide fluctuation. Amounts in parentheses are amounts given in warrants in that year. The figures are derived from Account of the Habi/itado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, Monterey, for the years cited, AASF. Phs. in SBMA. From the previous table it is clear that the balance of trade between mission and presidio was decidedly in favor of the mission, but this must not be misconstrued as implying that the trade was not to a limited extent reciprocal. Trade goods sold by the presidia! storehouses consisted mainly of luxury items produced in New Spain or Spain. In most instances, items purchased were needed by missions because of lack of space for shipment on transport vessels, underestimated needs, or lack of exchange to pay for them when orders were sent to Mexico. That the military supplied only

115 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 99 limited quantities of luxury goods 1s easily explainable. Economic production was not a function of the military, although attempts at stock raising and agriculture were made. Anything the military produced in California was easily duplicated and even surpassed by the missions, usually at less cost because of economies of scale. Missions had recourse to the military for luxury items only when their own supplies from Mexico proved deficient, although tobacco was an exception since it was a royal monopoly. Mission purchases from the presidia storehouses were supplemental rather than integral to the mission economy. Products sold in presidia stores were not produced in the province and were not subject to provincial price regulations. Their prices were determined by cost at San Blas, subject to variation according to changes in costs of production and transportation in addition to supply and demand. Tobacco, controlled by a royal monopoly designed by Jose de Galvez to produce revenue for the Crown, was an exception and its price was set by the government. The Habilitado of Monterey administered the monopoly for which he was allowed 5 45 pesos annually while Habilitados at other presidios received 5 percent of gross sales. Annual revenue from the sale of cigars, cigaritos and snuff consistently exceeded 4,000 pesos of which a substantial amount was purchased by the missionaries who were particularly addicted to snuff In Jose de la Guerra was administrator of the tobacco monopoly and for a six month period reported sales of 7,943 packages of cigars, 30,488 of cigaritos and 6 ½ pounds of snuff, with a total valuation of pesos, 6 real es. 333 Apparently missions located in proximity to presidios purchased small quantities as needed; perhaps three pesos worth every two months. 334 At the end of each six month period total sales were determined and a warrant on the Habilitado General payable to the treasury at Guadalajara was sent to Mexico. Administration of the mails was a second service rendered by the Habilitado to the missionary. While no charge was made on letters dealing with official business written by the missionaries, all personal letters had to be posted. Revenue derived from this source was substantially less than that produced by the tobacco monopoly. The Habilitados served as postmasters at their respective presidios and were compensated with 8 percent of gross receipts. 335 The standard postage charge 833 Relacion jurada que yo el teniente Don Jose de la Guerra como administrador de la Renta de tabacos de- las Presidios de la Nueva California cloy a la Contaduria de la misma Renta de la Ciudad de Guadalajara que lo perteneciente a los seis Meses de este afio de 1806 que han sido a mi cargo, Monterey, n.d., 1 806, SBMA. 334 See, for example, Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, by Joseph Francisco Ortega, Monterey, December 3 1, 1 788, AASF. Phs. in SBMA. Also Bancroft, History of California, I, Bancroft, History of California, I,

116 I 00 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION for each letter was three reales, with the amount entered in the presidia account with the mission along with tobacco charges. 336 Prices on other items varied widely according to time, place and their quality, which is now indeterminate. Appended below is a list of those items frequently appearing in accounts. 337 There is nothing outstanding about these items. All, or substitutes for them, could easily have been purchased by the missions themselves in Mexico. Presidios served as back-up sources of supply for those items which for a variety of reasons missions ran short of. Also evident in the accounts, as discussed in a previous chapter, were transfers between missions in settlement of debts. Payments went to other missions through presidia accounts in settlement of accounts. chile iron adzes coarse cotton metal platina wool cards chocolate razors Gallegan shoes silk thread TABLE IO ITEMS FREQUENTLY PURCHASED BY MISSIONS FROM PRESIDIOS British cloth Puebla plates axes gunpowder black silk thread wax tapers wine soap English axes willow baskets gunflint panocha paper nails shrimp mescal fine towels cloth from J ala pa white canvas catechisms wool Trade in the opposite direction from m1ss10n to presidia was much more extensive and performed an ever increasing role in providing the military with essentials. The list of items supplied encompassed every item produced by the missions of Alta California, including such diverse items as foodstuffs and clothing, weapons and Indian labor. The trade remained uneventful until after 1 8 IO when the military, deprived of salaries and supplies from Mexico, began to extract what they could from the mission economy. The missionary Fathers, zealous for the welfare of their neophytes, supplied only what they felt was compatible with their primary 336 See, for example, Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, by Hermenegildo Sal, Monterey, December 3 1, 1 799, AASF. Phs. SBMA., and Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, Jose Estrada, Monterey, December 3 1, 18 11, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 337 The list is a composite from Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Missii;>n San Carlos, Monterey, , AASF. Phs. SBMA. Gunpowder was one of the few items with a standardized price which in this case was one peso per arroba.

117 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS IOI function of Christianizing Indians. Undoubtedly, during this period rumors of vast wealth hidden by the missionaries began to spread. The military in straitened circumstances could hardly have understood the unwillingness of the Fathers to subordinate what they considered legal possessions of the Indians to the immediate needs of the troops. Although the missionaries were managers of a diversified economic cooperative, they had no means to store wealth since the supply of money was limited. Hoarding requires a vehicle stable in value and non-deteriorating, such as precious metals or another unit of universally accepted value. There was potential wealth in the form of drafts on the treasury for goods supplied to the military which, however, were never realized. The alleged wealth of the California missions existed only on paper and only as long as there was hope for government payment. To avoid what they felt would be certain rape, the missionaries refused to reveal their exact assets to military authorities. By I 820 grievances between presidia and mission peaked and Governor Sola pressed the Commissary Prefect, Fray Mariano Payeras, for exact information on mission economy. He demanded exact and punctual statements, including invoices, accounts and lists of goods entering and leaving the missions in addition to inventories and explanations of investments. Sola, Payeras was certain, had presented his innovations to higher authority for approval and in order to obtain justice, he presented his objections to the College of San Fernando in hope that they might be heard by the government. In his lengthy letter to the Father Guardian, Payeras reiterated the ancient Franciscan refrain, saying that mission assets were a common fund belonging to the Indians. 338 The rest of the letter was an excellent summary of services and goods rendered to the presidos since I 8 Io. The missions under the direction of the Fathers supported the neophytes and the troops from I 8 Io without payment of any warrants or stipends. The troops were kept in grain, clothing and money to the extent of a half million pesos, as shown in drafts drawn or owed. This was not accompanied with accusations of mismanagement or misappropriation nor with any elaborate and time consuming rendering of accounts which would burden the old and overworked missionaries beyond their capabilities. There had been no reluctance, he continued, on the part of the missions to supply what they could to the troops when requests were properly and 338 Fray Mariano Payeras to Reverend Father Guardian and Venerable Discretario, Mission San Antonio, June 18, 1821, SBMA. Sola's recommendations and Payeras' objections soon became moot for on September 2 8, 1821 the "trigarantine" army formally entered Mexico City and a five man regency was set up headed by Agustin de Iturbide; Mexico was independent and Hispanic California merged into Mexican California.

118 IO 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION formally made through correct channels. In r 8 20, Payeras received requests for 3000 pesos for the artillery arsenal, 800 head of cattle for the Presidio of San Francisco, and an advance of 6,000 pesos to purchase items for the comfort of the troops. As Commissary Prefect, he apportioned requisitions among the missions on the basis of information at his disposal. Each mission then fulfilled its quota to the best of its ability. In proof of the goodwill of the missions he claimed: The missions give what they have, requested through the regular channel of their prelate, on the petition of the Senor Governor; the more than half a million pesos in the four Habilitado's offices, of which some have already given drafts and others have not is incontestable proof. 339 The missions were not rich and kept only enough cash to meet current expenses. Indignant at Soli's implication of peculation on the part of the missionaries, Payeras maintained that: The major part of our missions have in currency no more than a hundred to one thousand pesos. Of three or four of them, they will barely reach four thousand, all of which they need for their daily management, wages of majordomo, opportune purchases, requests from this government, drafts for their shipments and because it is fitting for a well arranged and prudent economy to remember tomorrow today; nevertheless if it were known to who is longing to acquire them it would be the greatest scandal and he would not cease to beg until he had left their owners who have labored so much for them without a cent. 340 If, Payeras warned, one calculated how much each Indian would receive if the assets of the missions were divided up, it would be very little. With one word from higher authority the missionaries would give up management of the temporal affairs of the missions, but in the meantime, Payeras complained, it was unjust for others to criticize and despise the Fathers for the way in which affairs were conducted. In his estimation, they had not done badly. The missions prospered, Indians were being converted and the needs of the military were taken care of. The volume of trade from mission to presidia underwent a predictable, but gradual increase throughout the years of Spanish California. The needs of presidios increased at the same time as the ability of missions to supply them. New missions and increasing productivity of mature ones conjoined to increase labor supply, harvests and products of skilled labor. Of all items supplied to presidios, none became more significant than Indian labor. Neophytes were frequently hired from the missions for all types of duties ranging from servant, field hand, adobe maker, and skilled artisans such as carpenters and blacksmiths. In return the Indian received ass I bid. 340 Ibid.

119 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS food, clothing and a small wage which was credited to the mission account at the presidia. Pay for Indian labor frequently appears in accounts. Wages for an unskilled neophyte evidently became standardized at 2 reales per day plus clothing and food, although there are many instances in which it was reduced to 1 ½ reales. In Indians were loaned by Mission Santa Barbara for 2 reales per day while in a contract was made by the Santa Barbara Presidio for six Indians who were to receive only I½ reales per day. 341 The compensation was determined in most cases simply by what the contractor would pay. Neophytes with skills were paid more. A mason, for example, might get four reales per day, as one did at Santa Barbara in A young Indian neophyte was paid as little as one real per day. At times a neophyte might be hired out with equipment, in which case the missions received compensation for use of the equipment as well as worker. In Mission Santa Barbara loaned the presidia a neophyte with a mule who was to be engaged in moving stones. Compensation was fixed at three reales per day for both man and mule. 342 Indians were hired for all types of repair work at the presidios, work in the Governor's orchard and cutting tule. 343 Individuals hired laborers from the missions for the same chores and at rates determined in the same fashion. At times, expenditures for labor reached substantial mounts. Jose Francisco Ortega rendered a separate account of what the Presidio of Monterey owed Mission San Carlos for wages in only the space of a few months. 344 The total was pesos, 2 reales at the rate of 1 ½ reales per day per man. The presidia had used man hours. As the Spanish conquest progressed, gentile Indians became more difficult to find and neophyte labor assumed significant proportions. Repugnance toward manual labor was as evident in California as elsewhere. Neophytes imprisoned at presidios were used for labor, while many civilians hired Indians, both gentile and neophyte, to farm for them, and in return gave them a half or third of the crop. Employment of neophyte labor apparently began a decline after 181 o. Charges for neophyte laborers were a common occurrence in the accounts of Mission Santa Barbara before 1810, but in the accounts covering the incidence declines. While accounts may have not been as carefully kept after 181 o because of the remote possibility of payment, it is explainable 341 Li bro de quentas que esta Mision de Santa Barbara tiene con la Habilitaci6n de este presidia de el mismo nombre y otros various particulares, Mission Santa Barbara, , SBMA. 342 Book of Accounts of Mission Santa Barbara, Mission Santa Barbara, , SBMA. 343 Monterey Presidio Account, signed by Jose Francisco Ortega, Monterey, December 3 1, 1788, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 344 Monterey Presidio Account, signed by Jose Francisco Ortega, Monterey, October 20, 1789, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

120 I 04 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION by the depressed state of military finances. This is borne out by the partial disappearance from accounts of items other than basic necessities. Employment of neophytes declined, but so did purchases of soap, leather goods and repairs. Throughout the Spanish period, but particularly during the peak years from r 800- r 8 r o, wages for laborers formed a significant portion of income for those missions located near presidios. Table r r is a list of items most frequently sold or donated by missions to the troops. On those items produced locally the provincial tariff or lower prices were generally adhered to. Many of the goods not produced in California were purchased by the missions from foreign vessels. However, the list does underscore the ability of the missions to provide all necessities of life and testifies to the reliance of the military upon them. 345 TABLE I I bread cheese flour peas lard beef mutton milk cows chocolate mescal soap wme tobacco SUPPLIES SoLD BY MissioNs To PREs1mos FooosTUFFS SoLD BY M1ssI0Ns TO THE MILITARY cigars nee sugar corn chick-peas white beans wheat hog lard brandy tallow apples oats panocha lima beans jelly peas tomatoes chile garlic pears potatoes butter pifion nuts salt venison various vegetables candles shoes kerchiefs boots buckles half boots trousers sole leather cotton cloth CLOTHING SoLD BY MISSIONS TO THE MILITARY woolen cloth shawls silk thread serapes socks shepherds blankets gold thread sheepskins blankets deerskins sackcloth sombreros flannel cowhides 345 The following information was gleaned from a number of sources. Accounts of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, Monterey, , AASF. Phs. SBMA.

121 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS TABLE 11-Continued packsaddles rems halters saddles whips EQUIPMENT SoLD BY MISSIONS TO THE MILITARY horse blankets saddle trees stirrups breast plates rump covers saddle pads bridles harnesses spurs lances lance tips lance sheaths leather jackets (5 ply) ARMAMENT AND EQUIPMENT SoLD BY MISSIONS TO THE MILITARY leggings knife sheaths cartridge cases leather sacks gunsights flints springs oval shields leather rainproofs horses hogs goats burros LIVESTOCK SoLD BY MISSIONS TO THE MILITARY oxen sheep mules cows bulls milk COWS chickens chairs sleeping mats flasks knapsacks spoons twine iron hoops & staves MISCELLANEOUS ITEMS SoLD BY MISSIONS TO THE MILITARY tumblers bottles burlap sacks rope, plates keys adzes bolts & locks cushions funeral shrouds wick coffins candles mattresses paper Frequently the Fathers were called upon by both settlers and troops to say Masses for a special intention or for a deceased relative or friend. The Accounts of Mission Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, , , , , SBMA. Account Book of Mission Purfsima, Transcribed by Lewis G. Thomas and translated by Elmira Osuna and Lewis G. Thomas, Berkeley, Fray Jayme Escude to Governor Sola, Santa Cruz, November 26, 1818, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Fray Estevan Tapis to Governor Sola, San juan Bautista, November 17, 1818, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Tapis to Sola, San Juan Bautista, October 2, 1818, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Fray Jose Viader to Sola, Santa Clara, September 15, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Fray Juan Bautista Sancho to Sola, San Antonio, September 2, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Fray Juan Cabot to Sola, San Miguel, August 1 9, 18 16, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

122 I 06 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION standard charge was one peso for a low mass or as high as ten pesos for a chanted one. Considerable revenue accrued to the missions from this source. From the point at which a mission became agriculturally self-sufficient it was usual for its escolta or guard to cease drawing rations from the presidia! store and to substitute mission products. Previously the Habilitado had provided rations which were stored separately at the mission and the missionaries were in charge of their distribution and reported exactly what had been consumed by each soldier to the Habilitado who charged it against the individual's wages. Once missions were able to supply food for soldiers of the guard, a similar procedure was followed. Careful records were kept of supplies rendered to the guard. Periodically the charges were transferred to the Habilitado who credited the total to the mission's account at the presidia and deducted it from the soldier's wages. The standard number of men employed as mission guards was six per mission; five soldiers and a corporal. Yearly charges for their maintenance ranged from 7 7 to pesos. The Monterey presidia was charged pesos, 5 reales for rations subministered to the escolta by Mission San Carlos in I 791. In 1 80 I only 77 pesos worth of supplies were given to the same escolta. 346 Not willing to forgive a peso spent on their own protection, charges were made against Habilitados for the pasturage and grain consumed by the mounts and pack animals belonging to soldiers assigned to missions. In 1789 Mission San Carlos charged the Habilitado of Monterey 6 pesos, 3 reales for the maintenance of animals. 347 As missions became able, it became customary for them to provision supply ships with stores for the return voyage to San Blas. As in the case of supplies for the troops this chore fell most heavily upon missions located in the proximity of the four ports : San Diego, Santa Barbara, Monterey and San Francisco. Supplies for ships consisted mainly of foodstuffs which were charged to the appropriate Habilitaci6n in accordance with the province price schedule. Supplies to foreign vessels putting into California ports for provisions were also charged to presidia accounts. The burden of collecting payment for supplies rendered and bearing the risk of default by foreign vessels was the responsibility of the military. The value of supplies furnished to vessels, Spanish and foreign, varied widely depending on size of ship and crew and length of voyage. Supplies included salt, steers, candles, chickens, lard and all types of grains and vegetables. For example, the Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, Signed by Jose Arguello, Monterey, December 3 r, r 791, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, signed by Raymundo Carrillo, Monterey, December 3 1, 1 789, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 347 Account of the Habilitado for Monterey with Mission San Carlos, signed by Jose Ortega, Monterey, December 3 1, 1 789, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

123 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS 107 Monterey accounts credit Mission San Carlos in I 796 for 24 pesos, 4 reales for supplies given to the "American frigate. " 348 In 1801 Mission Santa Barbara was credited with 18 7 pesos, one real worth of goods given to the supply ships "Princess" and "Conception," including eighteen steers, candles, chickens and lard. 349 All supplies needed by the military could obviously not be procured at the missions after the end of the government support and supply service in r The Habilitados' offices at the four presidios remained in an untenable position. They had neither cash nor did they produce items of value such as iron, brandy, gunpowder, tobacco and fine cloth. It was the missions that filled the void. Tallow was a valuable trade item much in demand, while lard and hemp were used for the same purpose in lesser quantities. Accounts do not note for what purpose tallow, lard and hemp were being purchased by the military, however, the quantities far exceeded domestic demand. That purchases were being made for resale is substantiated by the upsurge in tallow, lard and hemp going from missions to presidios after r 8 r o which was precisely when the presidios were forced to find an alternate source of supply. The Habilitados, instead of allowing debts owed to them by missions to be cancelled by debts incurred by the troops, began to demand payment in saleable commodities. In r 8 r 1 Mission Purisima owed the H abilitaci6n at Santa Barbara 60 5 pesos, 5 reales which normally would have simply been applied against the presidio's running account with the mission. Instead payment was demanded in lard. The mission, however, insisted that the debt be discounted at a substantial rate. The 60 5 peso, 5 real debt was to be satisfied with only 200 arrobas of lard at 9 reales and another r oo arrobas at 8 reales. The debt was to be cancelled for pesos worth of lard. 350 The discrepancy is not as large as it first appears since the normal price of lard was not 8 or 9 reales but r 2 reales, or more per arroba. It was more common for tallow or lard to be requisitioned by the Habilitado and to be charged to the presidio account with the mission. Tallow required for trade with the Russians and Lima ships apparently 34 8 Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, signed by Jose Perez Fernandez, Monterey, December 3 1, The American frigate was the "Otter" under Captain Ebeneezer Dorr. This visit is of special significance since it represents the arrival of the first Boston vessel in Hispanic California. The ship had collected 1,ooo otter skins on the Northwest Coast and was taking them to China via Hawaii. She was provisioned in California with 187 pesos worth of goods; 8 cows, 1000 pounds of meal, rice, beans, butter, tallow, and vegetables. For further light on this interesting topic, see Adele Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade , Berkeley, 1939, Libro de quentas que esta Mision de Santa Barbara tiene con la Habilitaci6n de este presidia de el mismo nombre y otros varios particulares, , SBMA. 350 Account Book of Mission Purisima, Transcribed by Lewis G. Thomas and translated by Elmira Osuna and Lewis G. Thomas, Berkeley, 1938, 39.

124 I 08 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION was willingly provided down to when Governor Sola irritated the missionaries with a call for one ton of tallow for each of the presidios to be traded with the Lima ships for the benefit of the troops. Father Duran wrote a complaining letter to the Procurator at the College of San Fernando. 351 A general meeting was held at Mission San Buenaventura in which the Governor had outlined his demands.. Allowances for the four presidios, he told the Fathers, had to come from the province itself to save royal funds. This was an absurdity, Duran felt, since it placed an impossible burden of 100,000 pesos per year upon the missions. Furthermore, said Duran, the Governor had asked for more than 16,000 arrobas of tallow from the missions which was equal in value to 24,000 pesos. "I don't know," the beleaguered Father admitted, "what will be left," The original demand was reduced by the Prefect Sarria to a donation of pesos which could be paid either in cash or tallow. On September 2 3, 181 8, Father Sarrfa sent a circular letter to the missions informing them of the amounts each was being assessed. 352 The amounts asked of each mission throw light on Sarrfa's estimation of the economic status of each mission. San Francisco, Santa Clara, San Jose, Santa Cruz, San Carlos, Soledad, San Antonio and San Diego were each assessed 50 pesos; San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, Santa Barbara and San Luis Rey, 100 pesos; San Fernando, 1 50 pesos, San Luis Obispo and Santa Ines, 200 pesos each; Purfsima paid 300 pesos; San Juan Capistrano, 3 50 pesos, while San Buenaventura and San Gabriel were to contribute 400 pesos each. Many of the missions chose to pay in cash which was becoming less scarce due to increasing outside trade. Father Payeras of Mission Purfsima responded by delivering 3 oo pesos in silver to Jose de la Guerra who acted as Friar's Syndic. The accounts of Mission Santa Barbara for provide an index to the quantities of tallow and lard sold to presidios. In that year the mission sold a total of arrobas of lard and 1 1 of tallow to the presidia. 353 Other examples suggest that in 1816 both tallow and lard were being sold at 1 2 reales per arroba. At that rate, Mission Santa Barbara sold pesos worth of lard and tallow to the Habilitado. By 1819 the price of lard, because of increasing demand, inflated to two pesos per arroba. In I Mission San Carlos supplied twenty-five arrobas of lard to the presidia of 351 Father Narciso Duran to Father Procurator, Mission San Jose, October 15, Manuscript Collections in the California Historical Society Library. In Francis Price, trans., "Letters of Narciso Duran," CHSQ, Vol. 37, 1958, Sarria to the Missionaries from Soledad to San Diego, San Juan Bautista, September 2 3, 181 8, SBMA. Also see Bancroft, History of California, II, Accounts of Mission Santa Barbara, , SBMA.

125 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS Monterey for 50 pesos. The lard was sold and the proceeds were to repair fire damage to the presidia. 354 Requisitions for staples, trade goods, Indian labor and repair work by the military from the missions became common. The gradual conversion of the missions to a money economy led to frequent requests for cash after I 8 Io. Missions' supplies to the military were totally dependent upon the prosperity of the missions. The documentation reflects that contributions, both in cash and kind, were given by the missions and were never entered in account books and consequently no payment was expected. In I 8 I4 lack of provisions at the San Diego and Santa Barbara presidios occasioned requests of aid in cash. Four thousand pesos were asked for Santa Barbara and 3,200 for San Diego. Sefian wrote to the missions in the Santa Barbara district begging each to contribute 800 pesos. 355 Each evidently contributed the requested donation. A second letter to the missions of the San Diego district asked for 800 pesos from each to relieve the needs of the troops. 356 Only mission San Gabriel declined. Fathers Jose Maria Zalvidea and Joaquin Pasqual Nuez claimed their inability to pay on the basis of a contract for supplies with one of the Lima ships for which they were to pay cash. 357 However, they promised to contribute in kind such items as meat, brandy, tobacco and produce. In payment of these donations there was no obvious rancor on the part of the missionaries. Correspondence between missionary and soldier during the period suggests an attitude of amicability rather than the animosity so often suggested. Conflict does not seem to have been the norm even in this time of stress. In I 8 I 6 Fray Luis Antonio Martinez wrote to Governor Sola sending him a patriotic donation of 200 pesos, blankets, saddles and horses. 358 In I 8 I 9 Father Ramon Olbes wrote to Father Payeras from Mission Santa Cruz informing Payeras that he was not able to provide all of the supplies requested but that he was willing to give I 7 5 pesos which was all he had at the time. 359 In the same year Father Payeras received a letter of commendation from Governor Sola. Concerning the supplication which you made to the nineteen missions in regard to the 354 Account of the Habilitado of Monterey with Mission San Carlos, signed by Jose Joaquin Torre, Monterey, December 3 r, 181 9, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 355 Seiian to the Missionaries from San Fernando to Purisima, San Buenaventura, September 2, 1814, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 356 Seiian to the Missionaries from San Gabriel to San Diego, San Buenaventura, September 21, 1814, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 357 Seiian to the Missionaries from San Gabriel to San Diego, San Buenaventura, September 2 1, 1814, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 358 Fray Luis Antonio Martinez to Sola, San Luis Obispo, January 1 7, 18 r 6, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 359 Father Ramon Olbes to Payeras, Santa Cruz, June 22, r 8 19, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

126 I IO ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION dmy of making a donation to the troops in the name of the communities of neophytes, I notice with particular pleasure the list which the cadet and Hakilitado of the company of Monterey, Don Joaquin de la Torre, has shown me, making a total of 3,633 pesos, 4 reales by which the danger caused by the insurgents to the company has been overcome. 360 Payeras conformed with another request for 3,000 pesos from Governor Sola in 182 r. A circular letter was sent to all of the missions from San Antonio to San Diego. 361 Eleven missions responded affirming their resolve to contribute what was necessary. A similar circular to missionaries from Soledad to San Francisco elicited a favorable response. Soledad and Santa Clara had only twenty-three pesos and twenty-five respectively which they could give, but the rest agreed to provide the quota assigned. Father Duran at Mission San Jose could give only fifty pesos. Father Viader at Santa Clara wrote a personal letter to Governor Sola explaining that he had only twenty-five pesos, but that if it was absolutely necessary, he would try to find the other r 25 pesos of the quota assigned. 362 An almost constant stream of supplies must have been kept moving along the rough roads in squeaking carretas. From the southern missions of San Diego, San Luis Rey, San Juan Capistrano and San Gabriel an estimated 25 fanegas of maize, 5 ½ of beans and r 6 arrobas of lard went to the presidio of San Diego weekly. Annually this amounted to fanegas of maize, 286 of beans and arrobas of lard. Extra rations were provided for prisoners held at the presidio. Missions provided harnesses used for the requa, a string of carts and mules used to transfer supplies. Governor Sola, pressed by the needs of his troops, especially after the Bouchard invasion, asked too much of the missionaries in 1819 when he attempted to quarter troops upon them. Protests were vociferous and the practice was discontinued. Lower California also felt the pinch caused by the chaos in Mexico from 1810 to r The missions of Baja California could not even eke out provisions for themselves much less support the troops in this emergency. The Alta California missions succored both the missions and troops to the south. In r 8 r 5 Father Sarria wrote to the missionaries soliciting alms of cattle, mules, grain, coarse cloth for Mission San Francisco de Borja in Lower California. 363 Supplies from the southern mission went 360 Sola to Payeras, San Juan Bautista, June 2 7, 1819, SBMA. He is referring to the invasion of the Argentine insurgents under Hippolyte Bouchard which attacked Monterey in November of Monterey was sacked and buildings, including the presidia, were burned. 361 Payeras to the Missionaries from San Antonio to San Diego, Soledad, January 10, 1821, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 362 Father Viader to Sola, Santa Clara, January 22, 182 1, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 863 Sarria to Missionaries from Soledad to San Diego, Mission San Carlos, September 25, 181,, SBMA.

127 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS I I I overland, while those from the north were shipped from Monterey. The missions responded with mules, cloth and chickens. Others promised whatever was needed by their Dominican brethern. In I 8 I 8 Mission Purfsima was called upon to supply the Habilitado at Loreto. In September, Purfsima delivered weapons, cushions, knapsacks, packsaddles, horse blankets and sackcloth for which the mission was credited at the Santa Barbara presidio 364 In a situation which presented problems which could have easily lead to constant disharmony between military and religious officials, pleasantries continued to be exchanged. It would seem incredible that conflict was not more frequent and widespread and that Alta California was not divided into two opposing camps. Presents, marks of courtesy and esteem, and numerous letters went between military and clergy promising apples, pears, tomatoes, chiles, venison, pinon nuts and delicacies such as tender young goats. The Fathers also made gifts of choice wines and products of their orchards and gardens. A document written by Father Mariano Payeras in 1820 neatly sums up the relations of Mission Purfsima with the Presidio at Santa Barbara during the decade from 1 8 I O to In the first place, he said, the mission which had received no compensation since 1810 had, upon the request of the Governor, delivered as much cash as it was able to the Habilitaci6n at Santa Barbara. In grain and with its own supply carts it had delivered the greater part of what the Comandante of Santa Barbara had requested. The mission's looms had provided annually most of the clothing needed by the troops: blankets, serge, sackcloth and woolen cloth. The mission had, he claimed, maintained the mission guard completely, furnishing saddles for their horses and often clothing from mission stock. The Fathers had helped in every way possible and provided shoes for the greater part of the company. The truth of his claims was substantiated, Payeras said, by the drafts drawn against the Habilitaci6n in favor of Purfsima. The three presidios of Monterey, Loreto, and San Francisco, he continued, had been provided with some items which they requested and Monterey had been supplied with workers and tools for restoration. During and after the Bouchard invasion the entire mission had been at the disposal of the government; provisions, beasts of burden, horses and other items necessary for defense. Nothing available, including neophytes, was spared. The Indians took up lances and bows and joined the defense being 3 64 Account Book of Mission Purisima, Transcribed by Lewis G. Thomas and translated by Elmira Osuna and Lewis G. Thomas, Berkeley, , Payeras to the Father Guardian, Mission la Purisima, July 3, 1820, AGN. Historia de Mexico, Primera serie, Torno 2.

128 I I 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION I 8 I I 1813 I 819 Totals TABLE I2 DRAFTS IN FAVOR OF M1ss10N PuRiSIMA I I 9 Pesos 2, I 7 I 2,149 3 ' I 8 3 2,364 10,688 20,558 Rea/es Granos* IO 4 One peso equals 8 reales which equals 96 granos. made by Sergeant Carlos Carrillo against the enemy who were attacking the Rancho def Refugio. Neophytes aided in moving the belongings of the troops and civilians to huts built for them about half a league away without pay of any kind. Many times the mail service, usually provided by the government, had been provided by the neophytes efficiently both alone and accompanied by soldiers always on animals belonging to the mission and maintained by them with no payment of any kind. Without regard for payment the mission had also clothed many civilians from the small supply which remained in its warehouse. The experience of Mission Purisima was by no means unique. In 1820, Father Prefect Payeras directed a circular letter to the missionaries requesting information on what each mission had supplied for the military. The replies of several of the missions, including San Gabriel, are extant. Father Joaquin Pascual Nuez's reply from San Gab'riel is particularly complete. 366 In 1814, he replied, over 1,000 pesos worth of cloth had gone to the troops at San Diego and other vassals of the King, and in succeeding years the mission had supplied blankets, woolen goods and a variety of other items. In 1 8 r 6 and the Fathers supplied not only inhabitants in their own jurisdiction, but those of all four presidios with 5,000 pesos worth of foreign goods bought with cash supplied by the mission and not only items such a grain, tallow and soap produced domestically. All this was necessary because of the extreme want prevalent in the province. As an example of poverty and the motives which compeled charity, Father Nuez described the situation at the Pueblo of Los Angeles. 366 Father Joaquin Pascual Nuez to Father Prefect Mariano Payeras, San Gabriel, June 5, 1820, HL. Stearns, Gaffey, McPherson, Monterey, Vallejo and California File Collection. Phs. SBMA.

129 MISSION ECONOMIC RELATIONSHIPS For the families of the Pueblo of Los Angeles did not come to mass because they were nearly naked and we were the sorry observers of their want, and even the older girls went without shirts for lack of them and with no way of obtaining any. From I 8 I 7 through I 8 1 9, 12,000 pesos or more of products from the mission were furnished to troops and civilians alike. Father Nuez continued by reminding Payeras: No mention need be made of the continued succor to the troops of his majesty in Lower California, furnished not only at the instance of our prelates but by the ministers themselves, so moved by compassion, that they have remarked that this mission was the handkerchief that wiped their crying need. Pressure upon the mission economy after r 8 r o to satisfy all necessities of life encouraged specialization by each individual establishment. The end of supplies and salaries deprived both missions and military of shipments from Mexico. This forced the military, as has been discussed, to turn to missions as a source of supply which in turn stimulated missions to meet this new demand; however, it also forced missions to turn to each other. Climate, skill, geography and accidents of development determined that not all missions could produce the same items at reasonable cost and of good quality. Some missions were particularly adept at production of leather goods. Others had good wheat crops, excellent orchards or plentiful livestock. This interchange between missions was not entirely new. It had been customary for a mission in need to appeal to its nearest neighbor for aid. Likewise, once missions developed surpluses, they were called upon to support the foundation of a new mission until it was self-supporting. Specialization and exchange between missions did not reach its peak until after r 8 r o. The accounts of Mission Purisima exhibit extensive exchange with other missions and a high degree of specialization. Although not the most productive mission, it was by no means poor and its stock of cattle, sheep and production of wheat and corn were among the best. According to the report on the mission drawn up by Father Mariano Payeras at the end of r 8 r 8 the mission herds included 9,000 head of cattle and 12,000 head of sheep. 367 In that year it harvested 3,ooo fanegas of wheat and 1,ooo of corn. By r 82 r totals had risen considerably with the exception of corn and sheep. Herds included r r,ooo cattle which was exceeded at only four other missions and 4,000 fanegas of wheat were harvested which was among the top seven harvests of that crop. 368 As one would suspect the mission specialized in cattle and leather by-products in addition to the growing of 367 Report of this Mission of La Purisima Concepcion made today, December 3 1, 18 18, Father Mariano Payeras, SBMA. 368 Estado de las Misiones de la Alta California sacado de las ynformes de las Misiones en fin de Deciembre de 1821, Father Jose Seiian, SBMA.

130 I I 4 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION wheat. In Purisima gave 500 head of cattle to Mission San Antonio whose herd was less than a half of Purisima's. Mission Purisima kept a running account with Mission Soledad which consisted mainly of leather goods. 369 Trade with wealthier missions, such as San Fernando, ran against Purisima, since it had little to offer that San Fernando did not have in larger quantities. However, San Fernando was able to provide Purisima with wine, lemons, oranges and olives. The trade balance favored Purisima in exchanges with poorly endowed missions. Santa Ines received corn, boots and cash. Harnesses were sent north to San Francisco and San Juan Bautista. Wheat was sent as a gift to San Luis Obispo while harnesses were sold to Santa Cruz and San Miguel, a poor mission, was the recipient of leather.bags, grain, peas, lima beans, corn and seeds. The mission's charity extended far south to the missions of Lower California. To San Francisco de Borja in 18 16, 2 r 5 lambs went overland and the following year 3 50 lambs were sent to San Y gnacio de la Antigua. Six mules were sent to the presidia! company at Loreto in r and 200 head of cattle were sent north to the San Francisco presidio. It was natural that the presidios should turn to Purisima to supply leather goods because of her large livestock herds. Orders included leather rainproofs at 5 pesos; saddle pads at 4 pesos, 4 reales; knapsacks at 2 pesos; packsaddles at 1 2 reales and leather jackets at 2 r pesos. Also provided were boots, shoes, harnesses, cinches, sacks, tailpieces, leather straps, buckskins, leather reins, and saddle bags. Purisima was not unusual. To a greater or lesser extent all of the missions tended to specialize, although always with attention to maintaining self-sufficiency in the production of basic necessities. The last decade of Spanish California emphasized the cooperation between mission and presidio which had been equally essential in the first decade. Fate, however, reversed the roles of the two institutions by the end of the period. Earlier, mission supplies had been funneled through the military establishment. Additionally, labor and protection provided by the troops were essential for the fledgling missions. But by the decade after 181 0, the military was reduced to poverty, dependent upon missions for sustenance. Despite periods and areas of conflict, the essential characteristic of Hispanic California remained cooperation, now out of military necessity and dependence upon the stronger missions. 369 Account Book of Mission Purfsima, 1806-, Transcribed by Lewis G. Thomas and translated by Elmira Osuna and Lewis G. Thomas, Berkeley,, 9 3 8, SBMA. The statistics which follow are on pages

131 CHAPTER SIX Trade with the Outside World.,,..., ' :t A LTHOUGH THE MISSIONS OF ALTA CALIFOR 111. 'f!i, nia were "outposts of empire" they did not escape the strictures of the prevailing system of Spanish mercantil- l ism. The wealth of Spain, so the theory ran, demanded,,-. that her colonies be kept in a state of total dependency. ""--"!:: - Before 1786 Alta California remained in a perfect state of economic dependency upon New Spain and indirectly upon Spain herself. No trade was allowed with any vessels, Spanish or foreign or by private persons. Only official trade arranged through proper channels with the San Blas supply vessels existed. The effect of such restrictions on the economy of the time was negligible. Missions produced no significant surpluses before that date and hence could not have taken advantage of opportunities for trade. While California existed in splendid isolation, events were taking place which would begin the integration of California into an international economy. Russian expeditions had long been making private forays into the Aleutian Islands and sea otter in the area were rapidly being depleted. In 1784 a Russian fur trading settlement appeared on Kodiak Island and fifteen years later Sitka was established on mainland Alaska. In r Russian otter hunting had reached the Farallon Islands, closeby the Golden Gate. The English commercial approach was spearheaded by three voyages of Captain James Cook, his third voyage being of particular significance. Cook picked up furs from the natives of the Northwest coast, transported and received such good prices for them in China, that the eyes of English merchants were opened to the lucrative trade. With the Declaration of Independence of 1776 by England's Atlantic colonies, the English advance became in part American, although not until r 796 did the first American commercial expedition touch settled portions of Hispanic California. Spain, meanwhile, under the liberalizing impetus provided by Charles III ( ) began relaxing mercantile restrictions on colonial trade although never during the Spanish period was trade with foreigners legal in California. Down to 1786, California had exported nothing, receiving only vital sustenance from the San Blas lifeline. In two schemes appeared which allowed export of California products m1'j,..:., - ; '. '

132 I 16 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION The first was a proposal made by Vicente Vasadre y Vega to overcome the insufficient and irregular supply of quicksilver for the silver mines of New Spain by exchanging California sea otter pelts for quicksilver in the Orient. This, the promoter maintained, would head off the advance of the Russians and English and would provide a return cargo for the San Blas supply vessels. The moment for such a project was opportune. The importance of the fur trade had been revealed to Spain by the publication of Cook's voyage of In January of the plan received the approval of Viceroy Bernardo de Galvez and Governor Fages and Father President Lasuen were informed. 370 In August 1786, Vasadre himself arrived in California aboard one of the supply ships. As was customary, Vasadre had been granted a monopoly of the entire business along with substantial financial backing. After familiarizing himself with the instructions brought by Vasadre, Governor Fages made the scheme public on August 29th. 371 These instructions, in effect, made the missionaries Vasadre's agents in California, although he was to be the ultimate recipient of all pelts. Pelts were to be collected by neophyte Indians and the Fathers were given a monopoly on this source. No soldiers could bargain secretly with the neophytes under penalty of confiscation. Informers got one-third the value of any pelts seized as a result of information given. Skins collected by the Fathers were to be handed over to the Comandante of the nearest presidia. The set prices ranged from ten pesos for first class skins, which had to be of at least 1 ¼ varas, black in color and cured, to two pesos for those of the third class, skins of three-quarters of a vara, brown and raw. During his three month stay, Vasadre collected rn6o pelts, some of which came from Lower California. 372 The promise of an expanding fur trade created optimism among Spanish inhabitants of Alta California. In 1 786, Governor Fages told the French naturalist explorer, La Perouse, that 50,000 pelts could be collected annually, and added that if the China trade supplied a demand for 30,000 pelts per year, two or three settlements could be established north of San Francisco to procure them. 373 There was reason to be optimistic. The demand for skins, stimulated by Vasadre's project, caused prices to soar from two reales per pelt to a maximum of ten pesos. In March 1787, however, the Royal Audiencia suspended payments to the missions for pelts since it was felt prices agreed upon by Vasadre and Fages were too high. Father Lasuen, in September 1787, made his 370 Bernardo de Galvez to Lasuen, Mexico, March 1, 1786, SBMA Bancroft, History of California, I, Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, Jean F. G. De la Perouse, A Voyage Round the World Performed in the Years 1 785, 1 786, 1787 and by the Boussole and Astrolabe, 2 vols., New York, 1968, Vol. I,

133 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD II7 displeasure over this known in a letter to the Audiencia. 374 Missions continued collecting and exporting pelts, noting size and color for future payments. Foreigners along the coast paid more for the pelts than the price which the Audiencia felt was too high. The French and the Filipinos, Lasuen said, paid a considerably higher price for the pelts than the legally fixed one and the French were not likely to make mistakes in business matters. 375 Furthermore, the collection of pelts placed a burden upon missions which was entitled to compensation. Support for neophytes assigned to the hunt, in addition to rafts, nets and canoes were all provided by the missions. Lasuen also appealed to the self-interest of the Crown, claiming that a higher price would induce more efficient collection of pelts. The water along the coast was colder than to the south, thus compounding danger for Indians. Also, the pelts along the coast were larger than those specified in the schedule. The following year, Vasadre collected sixty-four pelts from the missions of Alta California and paid them 41 r pesos. Fallowing the usual procedure, the missions were not paid in cash, but Vasadre promised to purchase "articles proper and suitable" for the Indians and to deliver them to the College of San Fernando so they could be forwarded to San Blas and shipped to California. Vasadre's collection had declined notably from the previous year. The ardor of the Fathers was cooled by delayed payments, lowered prices and increased freight charges. By r 788, the supplies due from otter sales of the previous year had not been shipped from New Spain. 376 The sea otter trade, welcomed as a unique opportunity, became a source of constant conflict between mission and presidia. The prohibition against soldiers and settlers trading for furs proved to be unenforceable. Military and civilian were guilty of cheating the natives of furs or simply seizing them. They would then bring the furs to the missions, demanding payment and claiming they had hunted them themselves. In such cases the Fathers were obliged to pay seven pesos for pelts which legally already belonged to them. Even when such pelts had been legally hunted, the missions lacked the necessary cash reserves to pay-for the pelts. It did not seem reasonable to Lasuen for missions to have to assume risks of accident, losses incurred in transit as well as expenses of storage, packing and crating associated with furs from which missions had little hope of profit. 377 A m Fermfn Francisco de Lasuen to the Royal Audiencia, San Carlos, September 24, 1787, BL. Phs. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Lasuen to the Missionaries, San Carlos, September 18, 1 787, SBMA. 376 Lasuen to Don Manuel Antonio Flores, San Carlos, July 30, 1788, BL. CC- 16. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Lasuen, Consideration submitted to Reverend Father Guardian, San Carlos, 1790, AAFH. Trans. in ibid., I, 215.

134 I I 8 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION temporary twist to the scheme in aggravated Lasuen further. Pelts were to be turned in to the Habilitados for better storage and would receive immediate payment. Goods given to Indians in payment were often of poor quality and excessive price and missionaries felt that Indians were being cheated in order to line the purses of the Habilitados. 378 The price paid for furs was determined in Mexico while payment was made in goods at inflated California prices. In the entire project was dropped by royal decree. Vasadre had been blocked in Manila by the self-interest of the Philippine Company which had a monopoly on trade with China. Quicksilver would have to be paid for from other sources, although small quantities of skins continued to be shipped to San Blas for transshipment to the Philippines. There were numerous problems both in California and New Spain hampering the trade from the beginning. Because the natives lacked the requisite skill and the necessary implements, furs were not as numerous as had been expected. The missionaries lost their enthusiasm because they felt the quest for pelts lured neophytes from the missions and that payment was not commensurate with effort and resources expended. The processing of furs after they left California was time consuming, expensive and inefficient. After reaching San Blas pelts went overland to Mexico City to be dressed. Skins then were treated by experts at the capital, placed in pitch-covered boxes to preserve them from moths, and then moved over the mountains to Acapulco to await the Manila Galleon for transportation to the Philippines where Chinese junks completed the last leg of the journey by carrying them to the mainland. The Californians, however, eventually learned the value of pelts and acquired the necessary techniques. In addition to granting Vasadre's monopoly which was designed to benefit the Crown and not the missions, a liberalization of rules forbidding private trading via the San Blas vessels allowed trade goods to be carried when there was room. The sole restriction forbade the introdution of foreign goods to California. Officers and crew members brought articles on their own accounts for barter with soldiers and missionaries. This concession was renewed in for a decade. By 1803 it became evident that the original intent of the concession was being subverted. Officers and crews monopolized cargo space on the transports, making private consignments from mission or pueblo impossible. A viceregal decree in April of 1803 prohibited officers and crews from trading or refusing to carry goods consigned by private persons. 379 At the same time the decree stipulated that all shipments of private goods, with the exception of official 378 0gden, The California Sea Otter Trade, Viceroy lturrigaray to Governor of California, Mexico, April 30, Copy as of June 20, 1 Bo 1, Loreto, signed by Arrillaga, SBMA.

135 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD 119 mission and presidio supplies, were to pay freight. Apparently the Father President apportioned available space among the missions for all exports. Space on the cargo vessels could be traded between missions. Cargo space was allotted according to the number of cattle possessed by the mission and this suggests that tallow and hides were expected to be the primary export. 380 This minor concession to the spirit of free enterprise fell far short of the needs of the burgeoning California economy. Missions found it altogether inadequate for the quantities which they had available for export. Further constricting cargo space was official encouragement given to hemp production on royal account. This was to be used primarily for the manufacture of cordage in demand for shipbuilding on the western coast of New Spain. Not until were official orders for the cultivation of hemp issued, but as early as experiments had begun. During the summer of , Alejandro Malaspina, an Italian naturalist explorer in the service of Spain, took note of the beginnings of hemp culture. It appeared to the explorer that the experiment would lead to success. The problem was neither the quality of the hemp, which he pronounced excellent, nor the quantity, which appeared abundant. The stumbling block was local technology. No one was familiar with the culture of hemp and the Indians had proved inept. As a consequence, said Malaspina prematurely, such experiments had been stopped. He suggested they grow fl.ax instead of hemp. 381 Archibald Menzies, naturalist with the Vancouver expedition, substantiated Malaspina's assessment of the hemp crop a year or so later. In November he noted that at Mission Santa Clara, "they also rear hemp, which flourishes well and is of a good strong quality. " 382 In 1793, the Viceroy ordered the Father Guardian of the College of San Fernando, Fray Tomas Pangua, to instruct the California missionaries to begin the culture of hemp. Lasuen remonstrated, claiming that the cultivation of cereals to meet basic needs did not allow time or labor for the cultivation and care of hemp. However, he conceded, since the Viceroy had made the request, it would be complied with. 383 As Malaspina and Menzies testified, small quantities of hemp had been sown before 1795, but not until the spring of that year did the experiment assume large proportions. In that year, enough seed arrived to supply the twelve extant missions. Cultivation at the northern missions was a disappointment. At San Carlos the hemp grew well, but never reached the stage where it could be made into rope. 380 Tapis to the Missionaries, San Carlos, June 30, 1806, SBMA. 381 Donald C. Cutter, Malaspina in California, San Francisco, 1960, Alice Eastwood, "Menzies California Journal," CHSQ, Vol. 2, 1924, Lasuen to Fray Tomas Pangua, San Diego, December 16, 1793, AGN, OHM, ser. I, Vol. I. Trans. in Keanneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, 206.

136 I 20 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Early shipments of hemp to Mexico encouraged authorities there to promote its cultivation by providing what California lacked; skill and technology. Accordingly, in 1 802, Joaquin Sanchez, marine sergeant and expert in the cultivation of hemp and flax, arrived in California. As an added inducement, California hemp would be valued at 3 pesos, 4 reales per arroba even though all agreed its actual value was 2 pesos. Sanchez distributed eleven fanegas of seed to San Luis Obispo, Purisima, Santa Ines and mission San Jose. 384 The industry under proper direction flourished and by 18 1 o production had outstripped the capacity of the supply vessels. In that year San Gabriel shipped 15,582 pounds; San Fernando, 7,600 pounds; San Luis, 2,044 pounds; San Diego, 44,78 1 pounds and Mission Santa Barbara shipped 4,58 3 pounds. The year 1810 was the last in which hemp was shipped on royal account because after that year there was neither money with which to pay for it, nor ships with which to transport it. 385 The decade from r 79 5 to r 80 5 was crucial in the development of Hispanic California. The fertility of soil and climate was becoming evident and products of value for export were discovered including sea otter, tallow, hides, hemp,,and grains. Although California remained in the background while Spain was concerned with more imminent problems, there were those who saw its economic potential. In the early r 79o's a Spanish naturalist, Jose Longinos Martinez visited Alta California and determined that: All the Spanish crops that have been tried have yielded in the greatest abundance. One of the crops which would promote commerce in that country is flax and hemp. With this, and with tallow, flour and furs, the Spaniards would make a beginning; other activities would be promoted; people would come, mines would be worked, and the nations that frequent those coasts for the single purpose of getting furs (not having our numbers) would be astonished. 386 The resources of California were in Martinez's view being wasted. In the Northwest, seal skins had to be paid for with effects costing six to eight pesos, while in New California they did not exceed two pesos, and even at that price, he continued, there was no one to purchase them. He had seen great lots of them spoil for want of purchasers and because of this, few were interested in hunting. The royal engineer, Miguel Costans6, corroborated Longinos Martinez in r He enumerated the items which California had for 384 Bancroft, History of California, II, /bid., I 80 fn. 386 Lesley Byrd Simpson, trans., California in ; the Expedition of Jose Longinos Martinez. San Marino, California, 1938, lnforme de Don Miguel Costans6 al Virrey Marques de Branciforte, Sabre El Projecto de Fortificar los Presidios de la Nueva California, Mexico, October 1 7, 1 794, BNM. Ms. 19, 266. Transcribed in Jose Porrua Turanzas, ed. Noticias y Documentos Acerca de la Californias, Madrid, 1959,

137 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD I2I export adding a variety of fishes, dried meat and various grains. Free trade was badly needed and was essential, otherwise the area might be abandoned since the inhabitants would have no way in which to feed themselves. The obstruction, he correctly determined, came from the merchants of Cadiz who feared competition would injure their monopoly. The Crown was spending money needlessly on supply ships and losing revenue from imposts which could have derived from private commerce. In a concise argument, he pressed for liberalization of trade. All considered, it would be of ma j or importance to promote shipping on the coasts of Sonora, Nueva Galicia and the Californias and generally on all the coasts of the South Sea, embraced in the extension of this viceroyalty; encouraging their inhabitants in the construction of small ships conceding exemption from duties to them and free commerce among them, considering that all have a mutual need, that all are brothers and vassals of the same sovereign and that navigation and commerce ought to be the poles about which revolve the population and prosperity of the entire colony. It is sad to consider that in the whole length of the Pacific Coast of North America the King does not have a single vassal who is owner or proprietor of a sloop, schooner or other vessel As late as I 8 I 4, naval lieutenant Don Francisco de Paula Tamariz argued that San Blas ought to be completely given up and Californians ought to be encouraged to build ships and engage in commerce. The prosperity of any establishment depended on significant maritime commerce which California lacked because of exorbitant costs and poor quality of shipments. 389 The missions continued to utilize the restricted space aboard the supply vessels for exports of pelts, hemp, tallow, foodstuffs and hides and received shipments of the usual goods in return. Because of expanding production and trade, men such as Jose de la Guerra y Noriega began to handle financial affairs of the missions. 390 As Friar's Syndic he became their intermediary with Mexico and shipments from the College of San Fernando were consigned to him if they were not a part of the annual memoria paid for with stipends and drafts on presidios. These shipments were paid for with profits earned on exports. Perhaps some of the monies used as payment were derived from illegal sales of foreign ships. Most of the items remitted to De la Guerra fell in the category of luxury goods : blue cloth, silk, fancy buttons, and fully equipped side saddles Ibid. 389 Memoria que presenta al Rey N.S. el teniente de navio D. Francisco de Paula Tamariz, sob re mejoran el sistema de gobierno de la Alta California, San Fernando, May 20, Archivo y Bibleoteca de la Secretaria de Hacienda Coleccion de Documentos Historicos, Toma II. Transcribed in Las Missiones de la Alta California, Mexico D.F. 1914, For a biography of Jose de la Guerra, one of the foremost Californians of his time, see Joseph A. Thompson, El Gran Capitan; Jose De la Guerra, Los Angeles, El Senor Don Jose de la Guerra y Noriega por la siguiente que lo tengo remitido por encarga y conducto del R.P. Fr. Jose Vifials por Don Esteban Velez de Escalante, Mexico, January 1 7, 1 809, DGC. Accounts and Business Papers, SBMA. Escalante was the syndic for the College of San Fernando in Mexico.

138 I 2 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Tamariz, in his memorial, also discussed problems affecting the export of mission products. Quantities of foodstuffs were going to waste for lack of a legal outlet. He noted that weekly the missions butchered, for the maintenance of the neophytes, 3 50 to 400 cows and in only one year the missions slaughtered close to I 9,000 head of cattle. An equal number of hides were available for export, in addition to twenty-six or thirty thousand arrobas of tallow and fat. The hides were discarded since they lacked a market and the tallow and fat sold for only four to six reales per arroba. He estimated that annually 2,500 to 3,000 furs came into the hands of the missionaries, but few of them were remitted to San Blas because China bound "Boston Men" appeared each year and paid better prices with no delay. 392 The problem of a limited market was a recurrent theme. The tribulations of Father Sefian at Mission San Buenaventura illustrate the problem dramatically. Delays in payment for goods remitted was a constant thorn. In I 806 Father Sefian complained that during the year, I 3 2 skins of tallow weighing 741 arrobas, 200 dressed cowhides and 64 sheepskins had been shipped to Mexico but the mission account with the agent had not been settled in two years. 393 In he claimed mission production had been so great that it was impossible to ship at a profit. San Buenaventura had, in the year, produced 200 skins of tallow weighing I,428 arrobas which were sold to an un-named purchaser in Mexico who was to pay the syndic at Tepic. The same purchaser had also contracted for fifty skins of lard weighing 3 2 I arrobas. The lard and tallow had earned the mission I,956 pesos, 4 reales. 394 Even hemp, which was produced by order of the King to provide cordage for ships, ran into the problem of inadequate transportation. In 1 8 ro Sefian complained that 450 animal skins remained unsold and they should have brought the mission 3,000-4,000 pesos. 395 The missionaries continued to ship furs to San Blas, although reluctantly, since risks incumbent upon shipping and storage were borne entirely by the missionaries. Fray Martin Landaeta, at Mission San Francisco, complained that a shipment of furs remained in the hands of the commissary because they had not been registered. What doubly disturbed 392 Memoria que presenta el Rey N.S. el teniente de navio D. Francisco Tamariz, 1 oo. Some of what Tamariz says is suspect since he made but one short voyage to California and much of his evidence is not first hand. 393 Seiian to Father Jose Viiials, San Buenaventura, November 5, 1806, DML. Trans. in Nathan and Simpson, Letters of Seiian, Berkeley, 1961, Seiian to Father Jose Viiials, San Buenaventura, November 3, 1808, DML. Trans. in ibid., Seiian to Fray Jose Guilez, San Buenaventura, November 6, 1810, DML. Trans. in ibid., 49

139 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD him was the possibility that they would be treated poorly while in storage. 396 Sea otter pelts were often pilfered before they reached their destination. After the expiration of Vasadre's contract, Lasuen informed the missionaries that they should continue to collect furs since there was no lack of private persons to purchase them. Furs should be sent to the syndic,... but arranged in such a way that he alone may know what is being sent him. For this purpose, something else might be mixed up with them so that the official on board to whose kindness they are entrusted, and all others, may think they are something else, something that has little or no attraction for them, such as burial shrouds. 397 The attractiveness of smuggling in such a situation could not have remained hidden long from the discerning eyes of the Fathers. In 1803 Fray Landaeta warned his superior of the attractiveness of trade with the Americans. He explained that he was remitting four sea otter pelts, but that three American ships had cast anchor during the summer and they were willing to pay eight to ten pesos per pelt. Discreetly he added, "even if they had paid much more, I would not have engaged in smuggling. " 398 The missionaries would have been perfectly willing to keep to the legitimate channels of trade if it had been expanded to suit their needs. Many Fathers made good faith attempts to find sales for their surpluses in Mexico and were largely unsuccessful because of lack of transportation and high costs when it was available. Cost of transport was particularly onerous overland from San Blas to Mexico City. In 1810 Father Mariano Payeras, at Mission Purisima, suggested to the College that he be permitted to send consignments of goods to them for sale in Mexico City. His mission, he reported, had chamois of smooth deerskin, otter pelts, well turned clay items and other goods which could not be sold in California and were worth little in San Blas. He was making this proposal because one of the Fathers at the College had written him that white chamois was valued there at five pesos, which would provide a substantial profit. Such a scheme would go far toward covering the cost of the annual supplies. 399 Trade via the supply service emanating from San Blas never met the expanded needs and completely ceased after 181 o. 181 o did not mark the end of legitimate trade in California as has sometimes been supposed. Spanish vessels continued to move goods between ports both in New Spain and Peru. That year marked the end of 396 Fray Martin Landaeta to Fray Tomas de la Pefia, Mission San Francisco, July 20, Biblioteca Mexicana de Obras lneditas, Vol. 22 Noticias Acerca de{ Puerto de San Francisco, Mexico, 1949, Lasuen to the Missionaries, San Carlos, July 22, 1791, SBMA. 398 Fray Martin Landaeta to Fray Tomas de la Pefia, Mission San Francisco, August 30, Noticias Acerca de{ Puerto de San Francisco, Payeras to Fray Josef Guilez, Purisima, November 5, 1810, AGN. Historia de Mexico, Primera serie, tomo 2. Transcript in SBMA.

140 I 24 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION government subsidies for the missions and the end of support for both the supply service and the military. The Hidalgo Revolt of r 8 1 o marked the end of regular government support of the California enterprise, but it did not mean the isolation of California, rather it gave added impetus to the internationalization of the province. Smuggling became a necessity rather than simply a way of supplementing income. Opportunities for legitimate trade after 1 8 IO were more numerous than before. At least twenty Spanish vessels made port in California between 1810 and Since these ships carried no government provided supplies, their purpose was to trade entire cargos for products provided primarily by the missions. California was not injured by the disappearance of trade on the San Blas transports nor was mission revenue wiped out by the lack of stipends. Economic hardships derived only from the lack of military salaries and the replacement of those by the missions never worked undue hardship. Legal foreign trade consisted mainly of tallow and involved substantial trust by the missionaries of the men with whom they were dealing. Captain Jose Arce, of the brigatine "El Mexicano" was the first private trader to arrive in California after 181 o. His ship evidently carried little in the way of trade goods. The missionaries, eager to make a sale, were willing to trust him to make port at Acapulco and deposit cash to cover his cargo of tallow. Father Jose Viader of Santa Clara entrusted a load of tallow to Arce at eleven reales per arroba with no second thoughts, but Father Duran at San Jose was skeptical, although he sold Arce 1489 pesos worth of tallow. 401 He informed the Procurator at the College of San Fernando to be on the lookout for Arce since according to his contract he was supposed to make payment at Acapulco. However, he said, Arce had a poor reputation and might have sailed directly for his home port of Guayaquil. In October of 181 1, "El Mexicano" was off Santa Barbara where Arce offered only eight reales per arroba of tallow: No deal was completed since the Fathers insisted the ship take all their fats, both tallow and lard. 402 High prices for items of foreign origin and the willingness of foreign traders to offer only low prices characterized trade of this period, panic- 4 0 For an incomplete list o( ships visiting California during this period, see William Heath Davis, Seventy-Five Years in California, San Francisco, Father Viad er to Procurator, Santa Clara, September 29, 181 1, HL. Stearns-Gaffey, McPherson, Monterey, Vallejo and California Collection. Photostat SBMA. Narciso Duran to Procurator, San Jose, September 3 o, r 8 r r. Collection of California Historical Society and Duran to Procurator, San Jose, June 2 7, r 812. Collection of California Historical Society. Trans. in Francis Price, "Letters of Narciso Duran." CHSQ, Vol. 27, 1958, Sefian to Fray Jose Guilez, San Buenaventura, November 3, r 8 r r, DML. Trans. in Nathan and Simpson, Letters of Seiian,

141 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD 125 ularly the Lima trade which began with the arrival of the "Flora" and "Tagle" in The supercargo of the "Tagle" circulated a letter to the missionaries of which Father Sefian complained: Her supercargo has circulated to the several missions a very long letter full of honeyed words and flattery. At last he came to the point, offering to buy our tallow at 8 reales the arroba and listing the goods he wanted to sell us at exorbitant prices. We hear he later changed his tune somewhat, raising to 12 reales his bid for tallow. He wants 50 pesos the hundredweight for his iron, r 4 pesos for vermicelli, etc., etc. 403 Despite Sefian's resentment of prices, he was thankful for any opportunity to trade. Later he expressed his feeling to the Procurator. The Limefinos had promised to return with badly needed articles from Lima, "and thanks be to Divine Providence for bringing us these Peruvian ships," Sefian wrote, "which we have never before seen on these shores. "God," he said, "must have arisen in this Province." 404 Despite complaints about prices, the Lima traders were willing to extend credit to the missions. Captain Nicolas Noe of the "Flora" had given goods to Mission San Gabriel with the agreement that on a subsequent trip he would be paid in tallow and cash. 405 The Lima ships adequately took over the functions of the San Blas service. They not only functioned as traders, but also conveyed goods to Mexico for a freight fee which was approximately six reales per arroba, although it varied according to what missionaries were willing to pay. Fees were paid by the syndic when the cargo, the bulk of which was usually lard, hides and tallow, was deposited at Acapulco. On return voyages to California the traders transported items purchased by the College for the missions for a freight fee, although as special favors for missionaries, small items were often delivered gratis. In the absence of supply ships, the mail service was handled by private vessels and included warrants, official and personal correspondence. Official mail service continued to be provided, but it took a slow and laborious route down the peninsula to Loreto to await passage across the Gulf of California for which reason the Fathers preferred to communicate by sea and were hard years. The missions were unable to sell surpluses since no trading ships arrived. Buenos Aires' insurgents had blockaded Callao and Guayaquil, thereby interdicting trade to the north. The only ship to arrive in was the "Paz y Religion", a private trader 403 Senan to Fray Jose Guilez, San Buenaventura, April I 8, I 8 I 2, DML. Trans in ibid., Fifty pesos per hundredweight was at least double the usual price. 404 Seii:in to Father Juan Norberto de Santiago, San Buenaventura, December 7, 181 3, DML. Trans. in ibid., ' Fathers Zalvidea and Nuez to Seii:in, San Gabriel, September 24, 1814, AASF. Photostat in SBMA.

142 I 26 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION which transported the new Governor, Pablo Vicente de Sola. According to Father Jose Viader at Mission Santa Clara, the ship wished to sell dearly and to trade for tallow. He was aghast at the forty pesos demanded for a pair of wool cards. 406 In 1816 arrived the only ship of the decade to carry official supplies. The shipment aboard the "San Carlos" was prompted by fear of insurgent attack and contained mainly war stores and little for the missions. 407 In 18 r 7 three foreign trading ships, the "San Antonio", "Hermosa Mexicana" from Lima and the "Cazadora" from Panama were off the California coast. Father Narciso Duran exclaimed from Mission San Jose that, "they fleece us by high prices." In a reference to smuggling he commented, "the foreigners are always cheaper but they will receive only sea otter pelts or money...." 408 The trade in this year was of large proportions. Mission Purisima supplied arrobas of tallow, delivering some of it at Refugio and the remainder at Santa Barbara. The price varied from r 2 reales to 2 pesos per arroba and the mission derived a total revenue of pesos, 6 reales including 1 50 pesos worth of provisions sold to the ships. 409 The revenue was totally expended on goods and for satisfaction of debts. Governor Sola, desperate for supplies, requisitioned 16,000 arrobas of tallow, 4,000 arrobas to be collected from missions in each of the four presidio districts. This he traded with the "Hermosa Mexicana" for provisions. 410 Sola later informed Jose De la Guerra that he had purchased a number of items from the "San Antonio", some for his own use and the others for the presidios of San Diego and Santa Barbara. The total purchase amounted to 1,280 pesos which was 40 percent over cost of the goods in Lima It was also common during this period for trading vessels to conduct some coastal traffic in California. In r 8 r 8 Mission Santa Cruz had cut a number of beams for Santa Barbara which were deposited at the embarcadero in Monterey. It was expected that "La Mexicana" would move the beams south. 412 The Californias, having learned their lesson, soon discovered how to 406 Father Viader to Father Norberto de Santiago, Santa Clara, September 20, 1815, HL. Stearns-Gaffey, McPherson, Monterey, Vallejo and California File Collection. Photostat SBMA. ' 07 Father Geronimo Boscana to Governor Sol:i, San Juan Capistrano, February 21, 1817, AASF. Photostat SBMA. And Father Dur:in to Procurator, San Jose, October 28, Collections of the California Historical Society. Trans. in Price, "Letters of Duran," Dur:in to Procurator, San Jose, October 15, Collections of the California Historical Society. Trans. in ibid., List of debts of Mission Purisima, Santa Barbara, November 1 7, 1817, SBMA. Refugio was located west of Santa Barbara and was the site of the Ortega Rancho. It was a center of contraband activity throughout the period. 410 Sol:i to De la Guerra, Monterey, August 2 3, 1817, DGC, SBMA. 411 Sola to De La Guerra, San Luis Obispo, October 29, 18 17, DGC, SBMA. 412 Father Ramon Olbes to De la Guerra, Santa Cruz, July 2 7, and Olbes to De la Guerra, Santa Cruz, October 5, 1818, DGC, SBMA.

143 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD 127 fleece the foreigner. The Christian conscience of Fray Juan Amoros was wounded by these unbecoming acts. He wrote to Jose De la Guerra that it did not surprise him when strangers charged high prices for their goods, but he was amazed that Californians would exact a high price for items which were abundant. He insisted to Governor Sola: Cattle are not r 6, r 2 nor 8 pesos and this doesn't seem to me to be just in this land because they are naturally abundant. Not many days ago I gave an Indian a calf for a pouch of tobacco. We know that the regular price of cattle is 4 pesos and the highest price should not be more than 6 pesos. Now as far as grain is concerned the price should be the same for the foreigner and at least not over 2 real es more. 413 Several inventories of goods received and ordered by Mission San Gabriel provide insight into the character of the trade.and current prices. The inventory of goods remitted from Lima to California for Mission San Gabriel in I 8 I 7 amounted to 2,902 pesos, 2 reales and were to be delivered by the brigantine "San Antonio. " The cargo was delivered to Jose De la Guerra as intermediary and he was to deliver the shipment to the mission. The mission_aries were conceded the right to refuse any part of the cargo which was not to their satisfaction, in which case the unwanted items were to be returned to De la Guerra. He was empowered by the supercargo of the ship to sell such items for the highest obtainable price in silver. If the goods could not be sold for cash he was further authorized to trade them for tallow valued at twelve pesos per arroba. The goods remitted were of a very different character from those of early years. Outside of a few items not produced in California no foodstuffs were included. Two categories, metal and medicines, made up most of the cargo. Copper dishes sold for two pesos each, hoes at twenty reales, nails from four to six reales per pound, iron wire at eight reales per pound and brass wire for two pesos per pound. The invoice contained a wide variety of medicines including cream of tartar, various tinctures, crystals, ungents and balms. Balsm for venereal disease and the pain killer laudanum, which included opium, were sent. Lancets, pots, bottles and scalpels completed hospital supplies. The mission received wool cards at 3 ½ pesos per pair and a variety of cloth items. Foodstuffs included panocha at forty cakes per peso, sugar at eighteen reales per arroba and chocolate at nineteen reales per arroba. 415 De la Guerra delivered the shipment to the majordomo of San Gabriel in December and Claudio Lopez signed the receipt for the 413 Father Juan Amoros to De la Guerra, San Carlos, April 2 5, 1817, DGC, SBMA. 414 Factura del Casto y Gastos de los effectos que remito en el Bergantino San Antonio a los Padres de la Misi6n de San Gabriel en la Alta California, Santa Barbara, November 1 3, 1817, signed by Juan Jose Mayo, DGC, SBMA. 41s Ibid.

144 I 28 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION mission. 416 The total had increased to 3,542 pesos, 6 real es. De la Guerra had added some books, barrels and rhubarb desired by the missionaries, but the bulk of the additional charge was pesos, 2 reales which apparently was surcharged by De la Guerra for handling the transaction. This was not the import duty since that is listed separately. At least a portion of the cargo had been given to San Gabriel on credit and partial payment was made the following April in cash. 417 Cargoes transported to California were either to fill previous orders or for sale upon arrival. Goods not sold were never returned, but were left in the custody of a trusted agent for future sale when the market was not satiated. Don Jose Cavenecia who resided in Peru and owned the "San Antonio'', often had his supercargo, Juan Jose Mayo, consign goods to Jose De la Guerra at Santa Barbara. Such was the case in the items added to the order of Mission San Gabriel described above. After the "San Antonio" had departed the Fathers decided to purchase those items which had been consigned to De la Guerra. 418 Jose De la Guerra also kept a running account with his cousin, Nicolas de Noriega in Mexico City. Nicolas essentially served as Jose's purchasing agent in Mexico City remitting to California goods which had been special ordered or for which Jose anticipated a prospective market. Many of the goods handled in this fashion were purchased by the missions because of their sound credit. Trading with soldiers was risky business since they paid in drafts on the Habilitado General, but sales to the missions were safe investments. They were often able to pay in cash derived from smuggling operations and if not they paid in drafts on the College of San Fernando or in kind including lard, tallow, hides or foodstuffs for De la Guerra's use. 419 Goods being remitted to California on De la Guerra's account were consigned to a private vessel for shipment. Such a contract was made in January of with Don Juan Malarin of the brigatine "El Senoriano" which arrived in California early in the spring. The shipment included hardware, dry goods, panocha, brandy and iron which was always badly in need. 420 In addition to filling special orders, the trade with Lima and 416 Factura de los Efectos que el que subscrive a entregado para cuenta de la Mision de San Gabriel y por aviso de sus Padres Ministros al Mayordomo de la Misma Claudio Lopez, con la Marca y numeros del Margen, Santa Barbara, December 9, 1817, signed by Jose De la Guerra and Claudio Lopez, DGC, SBMA. 417 Fray Pascual Nuez to Sola, San Gabriel, April 25, 1818, AASF. Photostat SBMA. 418 Existentes que quedan en poder de! Sefior Don Jose De la Guerra y Noriega por su Yenta y por cuenta de Don Jose Cavenecia, signed by Juan Jose Mayo, Santa Barbara, November 1 3, 1817, DGC, SBMA. 419 Cuenta Corriente con mi Primo Don Jose Antonio de la Guerra y Noriega Teniente del Presidio de Santa Barbara en las Californias, y es como sigue. Signed by Nicolas de Noriega, Mexico, April 8, 1818, DGC, SBMA 42 Factura de los efectos que con la Marca y Numero <lei margen embarcamos en el' Bergantino Sefioriano con destino a la Alta California a la consignadon de Don Juan Malarin. Signed by Josef Medina, Tepic, January 27, 1821, DGC, SBMA.

145 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD 129 Mexico provided an outlet for mission surpluses and consequent revenue. A stock of goods was available throughout most of the year from which missions and individuals could fill needs and were poor years for trade. Gaspar Illas of the frigate "Hermosa Mexicana" explained the problem to Jose De la Guerra. Trading from Peru was fraught with peril because of revolutionary corsairs. Although he made a trip he was not able to obtain everything ordered and prices were extremely high. 421 In a second letter Illas explained that the Limefios were becoming difficult to trade with since they wanted to be paid only in Peruvian or Mexican silver and would not accept the various provincial coins in circulation because of their doubtful value and more than made up for the dearth of shipments in the previous two years since in those years at least ten legitimate trading vessels made port in California selling and trading goods for credit, cash and tallow. 423 The trade goods brought from Peru and Mexico were gathered and carefully calculated to meet the needs most acutely felt by the missions, but those needs in themselves generally suggest that the pinch of straitened circumstances rested only lightly upon the missions in contrast to the genuine hardship felt by the troops. Father Jose Viader informed the Procurator in 1812 that the needs most acutely felt at Mission San Jose were for wax, wine for mass, clothing, chocolate, Spanish brandy, cream of tartar and other medicines. In 181 7, Father Sen.an submitted a list of articles to the College which he wanted if there was any way to send them. Foodstuffs included panocha, rice, sugar, chocolate, vermicelli and a large assortment of spices. He also needed a variety of medicines and a long list of religious items. Because of a dislike for the rough cloth produced at the mission, habits, cowls and tunics from Mexico were a necessity as was snuff. Amounts of specialized cloth were requested as was a quantity of hardware and implements. 424 The only item frequently in shortage not requested by Sen.an was iron. The trade goods supplied by private shippers did meet shortages claimed by the missionaries and secondly, the desires of the missionaries were not for items basic to survival. After 181 o free trade with other Spanish nationals was the rule. This continued with no restriction or encumbrance until Governor Sola imposed an import and export tax in the summer of This he considered essential since it was the only source of provincial revenue other than 421 Gaspar Illas to Jose De la Guerra, Monterey, September 3, 18 18, DGC, SBMA. 422 Gaspar Illas to Jose De la Guerra, San Gabriel, November 20, 1 8 r 8, DGC, SBMA. 423 Bancroft, History of California, II, Seiian to Father Juan Norberto de Santiago, San Buenaventura, November 6, r 8 16, DML. List of Supplies for r 817 by Seiian, San Buenaventura, November 6, r 816, DML. Trans. in Nathan and Simpson, Letters of Senan,

146 I 3 0 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION cash and goods requisitioned from the missions. The only items exempted were those for direct use of the missionaries or for the church. In August of he ordered that imports pay the same rates as they had paid at ports of exportation as shown on manifests. This was supplemented by a decree sometime in September in which exports were to pay a 1 2 percent ad volorem tax. 425 Sola communicated his plans to De la Guerra in September saying that soap was to pay three reales per arroba in proportion to that which was paid on tallow. All other exported items were to pay a duty which would be stipulated in a forthcoming tariff regulation. "If tallow," he said, "which is valued at 1 2 reales per arroba pays duty of 1 ½ real es, everything else will pay in proportion. " 426 In other words, it was 1 2 percent of accepted value. According to Bancroft, duties were reduced in 1820 to percent on imports and increased to percent on exported tallow. 427 Although there were exceptions, duties were not paid in California, but a draft signed by the shipper was sent to the Habilitado General at Guadalajara. 428 Although the shipper was theoretically liable to pay both import and export duties, the import duties at least were passed on to the ultimate purchaser of the cargo. In , for example, an import duty of 127 pesos on a cargo valued at 2,902 pesos, 2 reales was passed on to Mission San Gabriel. 429 In the Fathers attempted to claim exemption from duties and Sola recognized their protest by allowing them to pay a lump sum supposed to exceed the duties which would be refunded if authorities in Mexico decided the missionaries' claims were valid. 430 The imposition of customs duties encouraged the missionaries to engage in smuggling even with vessels engaged in legitimate trade. In January of Governor Sola found it necessary to warn De la Guerra that he had been informed that the missionaries had been buying goods exempt from duties claiming they were for their own use and then using them for speculation. Further, they were shipping merchandise labeled as gifts which in reality was for sale. 431 The Nootka Sound Convention of internationalized the Northwest, but it established, in international law, the exclusive right of Spain to the coast of California occupied by Spain. Clearly any foreign vessel hunting otter or attempting to trade was in violation of the agreement. 425 Bancroft, History of California, Ii, Sola to De la Guerra, Santa Barbara, September 29, 1817, DGC, SBMA. 427 Bancroft, History of California, II, Sola to De la Guerra, Soledad, March 5, 1818, DGC, SBMA. 429 F actura de los efectos que el que subscrive a entregado por cuenta de la Mis ion de San Gabriel y por aviso de sus Padres Ministros al Mayordomo de la Misma Claudio Lopez, con la Marca y Numeros de! Margen, signed by Claudio Lopez and Jose De la Guerra, Santa Barbara, December 9, 1817, DGC, SBMA. 430 Bancroft, History of California, II, Sola to De la Guerra, Monterey, January 16, 1821, DGC, SBMA.

147 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD Yankee or "Boston Men", in the spurt of economic development after independence were never willing to submit to restrictions placed upon them by others. Their confidence plus the elimination of competitors from the Pacific due to the Napoleonic wars in Europe created a vacuum along the Pacific Coast of America into which bold Yankee traders willingly surged. California's first taste of a "Boston Man" was unsavory. In October of I 796 Captain Ebeneezer Dorr of the Boston ship "Otter" put into Monterey harbor. After explaining that he was taking I,ooo skins collected on the Northwest Coast to China and had run out of provisions, he was royally feted and his ship provisioned on orders of Governor Borica. After having been thus introduced to Spanish hospitality, Capatain Dorr unceremoniously abandoned ten unwanted men and one woman at gunpoint and weighed anchor. 432 In I 799 a second ship, the "Eliza" under Captain James Rowan put into Monterey hoping to exchange its cargo for pelts. Governor Arrillaga suspected Rowan's intentions, allowed him to purchase supplies and sent him on his way. 433 International law and Spanish law required that vessels be provisioned, but Arrillaga would not allow opportunities for hunting or illegal trade. It was customary for American ships to put in at several ports on their way down the California coast and to attempt contraband activity while protesting they were simply seeking to replenish stores of provisions. Despite Father Landaeta's insistence that no matter how much Americans were willing to pay he would not sell them pelts, William Shaler, a true Connecticut Yankee, found them willing accessories in smuggling. From I 80 3 to I 80 5 he was a frequent, although clandestine, visitor to the missions. 434 In his journal of he gave welcome advice to all who would follow: For several years American trading ships have frequented this coast in search of furs and they have left annually in the country about $ 2 5,ooo in specie and merchandise. The missionaries are the principle monopolizers of the fur trade. Anyone acquainted with the coast can easily obtain abundant provisions. 435 Shaler was able to find provisions for his ship, the "Lelia Byrd" and dispose of the remainder of his cargo with remarkable ease. By the time he finished canvassing the missions, some twenty or at least one-half of the pious padres were in his debt. Of these, only four had honored their notes, 482 Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, Ibid., Fray Martin Landaeta to Fray Tomas de la Peiia, San Francisco, August 30, 1803, Noticias Acerca de! Puerto de San Francisco, William Shaler, Journal of a Voyage Between China and the Northwest Coast of America Made in 1804 by William Shaler, Claremont, California, 19 35, 59. On Shaler see Roy F. Nichol's, Advance Agents of American Destiny, Philadelphia,

148 I 3 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION proving to be no more prompt in bill paying than the Spanish government which they later vociferously criticized. The influx of foreigners along the coast of California before r So 3 aroused officials to suspect that a plea for provisions was merely a ruse for contraband trade. Requests to refrain from smuggling were not new. As early as Governor Borica had elicited promises from a number of the missionaries not to engage in clandestine trade. In November and December of that year came promises from several missions, including San Luis Obispo, San Buenaventura and San Juan Capistrano. 436 In March of it was decided to put an end to clandestine commerce by refusing entrance to foreign ships in California ports. A royal order was issued on March 1 9 and was forwarded to presidia! commanders and missionaries. Raymundo Carrillo at Santa Barbara acknowledged receipt of the order. He replied to Arrillaga: I have in my hands the royal order of last March 1 9 which your Excellency copied and to which I will give the desired compliance in all cases which occur so as not to give entrance to any foreign ship in order to avoid clandestine commerce. 437 The effect of the new attitude was to drive contraband activity further underground and to cause hardships for Yankee traders who now found it difficult to trade for skins. The "Hazard" and James Rowan were along the coast again in 1804 but found all ports closed. All supplies, even water, were refused. William Shaler was along the coast in May and claimed he "got abundant supplies of provisions and began trade with the missionaries and inhabitants for furs." 438 He did not attempt a legal entrance into any Spanish port. Shaler was back again in I So 5 with apparent success. Attempts at barter for skins, which was risky with only limited success, was abandoned in favor of the 50/ 50 agreement made by Joseph O'Cain with the Russian, Alexander Baronov, in The agreement with the Russians did not put an end to attempts at contraband trade with the missionaries, Indians and Hispanic residents of California. The "Mercury" commanded by William Heath Davis, engaged in an extensive smuggling operation along the coast of both Upper and Lower California in So 7. The account book of this voyage 436 Fray Gregorio Fernandez and Fray Miguel Giribet to Governor Borica, San Luis Obispo, November 27, 1 794, AASF. Photostat SBMA. Fray Francisco Dumetz and Fray Vicente de Santa Maria to Borica, San Buenaventura, November 29, 1 794, AASF. Photostat in SBMA. Fray Vicente Fuster to Borica, San Juan Capistrano, December 3, 1794, AASF. Photostat SBMA. 437 Raymundo Carrillo to Governor Arrillaga, Santa Barbara, May 4, 1804, AASF. Photostat SBMA. 438 Shaler, Journal of a Voyage, 143. For further discussion of this period, see John Polich, "Intrusions on Spain's Pacific Coast " Unpublished dissertation, University of New Mexico, 1968.

149 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD TABLE 13 Gooos G1vEN BY THE "MERCURY" IN ExcHANGE Penknife... $. 7 5 Knife Powder (pound... r.oo Plates (doz.) Tumblers (doz.) Gun Hammer Corkscrew Powder Flask Horn Flask Cotton Hose Pitcher Mugs Large Dish... r.oo Razor Steel Chisels (doz.) Hatchet... r.oo Cooper's Adze... 1.oo FOR OTTER SKINS Files (dozen) $ 1.50 Blue Cloth (yard) Spermaceti Candles (doz.)... 6.oo Drawing Knives (½ doz.) Hammer Frying Pan... r.oo Chafing Dish Case of Rum oo Tobacco (pound) Razors (doz.) Umbrella Auger Silk Thread (pound)... 8.oo Red Baize (yard) Silk Hose (pair) Button Handsaws (doz.) There were many other sµecialized items, but all fell within the categories of those listed above. Hardware items were by far the largest category, followed by imported cloth and kitchen utensils. provides concrete evidence of the willingness of the missionaries to trade, of otters supplied and items purchased by the missions. 439 In return for goods, the "Mercury" was given primarily otter pelts collected by the missions for such purposes. The prices paid for skins by the Yankees underwent extreme variation from as low as one peso to a high of ten pesos, depending on the size, quality and condition of the pelt. Small amounts of provisions were sold by missionaries to traders, sometimes at inflated prices. These included bullocks at 5 and 7 ½ pesos; sheep at 2 ½ pesos; tobacco at 4 reales per pound; corn at 3 pesos per bag; chocolate at 8 pesos per pound and smaller quantities of onions, eggs and bread. 440 Smuggling was at an ebb from to 18 1 o. Nevertheless, the "Mercury" carried on large scale contraband trade with Missions Santa Barbara and San Luis Obispo. The figures in Table 14 serve to explain origins of cash reserves at missions and suggest the source of cash donations to the military after r 8 r o. It should be noted that contraband activity was not an avocation 439 Account book of the "Mercury", William Heath Davis, Captain. November 26, August 20, 1807, SBMA. 440 Ibid.

150 I 3 4 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION TABLE 14 OTTERS SoLD AND VALUE OF CASH AND Goons RECEIVED IN PAYMENT Mission Santa Barbara San Luis Obispo San Gabriel Otter Skins and Other Provisions Cash Goods 107 skins... $ $ $ sheep oo Flour $ skins... $ $ $ bullocks bags corn... r sheep... r 8.oo $ o 6skins... $ $ reserved for the missionaries. A number of Indians and the names of prominent Hispanic residents appear in the accounts kept aboard the "Mercury." Names such as Francisco Ortega, Antonio Yorba and Patricio Pico appear in the accounts as well as a large number of unidentifiable persons such as "the farmer" or "old farmer." 441 By the Russians began to seek alternatives to the contracts made with Yankees whereby the Russians supplied Aleuts, baidarkas and skill, while Yankees contributed ships and an entrance for sea otter pelts into the Chinese market. Starvation brooded over the fledgling colony at Sitka and the bountiful agricultural production of the California missions was the attraction which stimulated the Russian colonists to attempt establishment of an agreement with the Californians rather than Yankees, who antagonized the California colony. In the spring of I 806 the Russian imperial inspector, Nicolai Petrovich Rezanof determined upon a voyage to California for provisions and with the hope of reaching an accord on fur trading. In April the emissaries, including Rezanof himself and the naturalist Langsdorf, dropped anchor in San Francisco Bay. Despite the illegality of the operation, Rezanof and his cargo of trade goods, which he wished to barter for foodstuffs, were well received. The shrewd Russians whetted the appetities of the missionaries by adroitly displaying their wares. After being so teased, the resistance of the Fathers crumbled, although they insisted upon obtaining the permission of the Governor. Langsdorf wrote, referring to Fathers Jose Ramon Abella and Martin Landaeta at Mission San Francisco : 4 41 Ibid.

151 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD They were much pleased with some coarse and fine linen cloths, Russian ticking, and English woolen cloth, which we showed them. They inquired very much after iron and iron wares, particularly tools for mechanical trades and implements for husbandry, household utensils, shears for shearing and iron cooking vessels. Copper kitchen utensils tinned they did not like. They also inquired for casks, bottles, glasses, plates, fine pocket and neck handkerchiefs, and leather of all sorts, particularly calf-skins and leather for the soles of shoes. We had a number of shoes and boots ready made, and round hats, with different articles of clothing, which were very acceptable to them. 442 Langsdorf noted that the news of their arrival spread through the country and it reached Mission San Jose where Father Pedro de la Cuero agreed to provide 104 measures of the best wheat in return for four pieces of English blue cloth and seven pieces of linen subject, of course, to Governor Arrillaga's consent. "It appeared," the Russian commented, "that this was by no means the first time of his being engaged in trade. " 443 Governor Arrillaga arrived at San Francisco to confer with Rezanof on April 7th. All Rezanof s entreaties met with Arrillaga's sympathy but he insisted that trade was not within his power to approve. He did, however, allow them to be supplied with badly needed foodstuffs furnished by the missions in return for merchandise. Rezanof meanwhile conceived a plan for furthering possibilities of an eventual trade agreement and set his eyes upon the daughter of the San Francisco Commandant, Concepcion Arguello, thus beginning the great romance of thwarted love in Hispanic California. 444 Langsdorf speculated that the Spanish would never agree to Russian cooperation in the sea otter trade and, hence concluded, "if Russia would engage in an advantageous commerce with these parts, and procure from them provisions for the supply of her northern settlements, the only means of doing it is by planting a colony of her own. " 445 At least for this one time, Rezanof was able to obtain the supplies needed to relieve starvation at Sitka. His ship, the "Juno", took on 4, 294 measures of corn, with a large quantity of flour, peas, beans, and maize, together with a few casks of salted meat and a small provision of salt, soap, tallow, and some other articles for which the missions were paid in merchandise worth 24,000 pesos. 446 The missionaries were in favor of expanded trade with the Russians and Father Sen.an hoped Rezanof would succeed in convincing Spanish authorities of the benefits which would accrue to both parties with free commerce. Concerning this, Sen.an wrote to the Procurator: 442 G. H. Von Langsdorf, Voyages and Travels in Various Parts of the World During the Years 1803, 1804, 1805, 1806 and 1807, Part II, London, 1814, Ibid., I bid., I Ibid., 185. Ibid., 215.

152 I 3 6 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION When he returns to St. Petersburg he intends to beg the Emperor's authorization to go to the court at Madrid as Ambassador Extraordinary. Then he will press for reciprocal trade between their settlements and ours. He expects his proposals to be approved, and if they are, this Province will benefit great!y. 447 Although, in 181 2, the Russians established themselves to the north of San Francisco Bay at Fort Ross, friendlier and closer relations were not forthcoming. They were forbidden to hunt otter in Spanish waters and licit commerce was never permitted. Arrillaga had established a precedent with his handling of the cargo purchased from Rezanof in While missions had supplied payment in the form of foodstuffs, the Governor had placed the merchandise obtained from the ship in the presidia storehouse. Apparently this practice was continued on a regular basis after In this way contraband trade with the Russians remained, to a great extent, a monopoly of the military and on both sides it was understood that only on this basis would it be allowed. Governors Arrillaga and Sola used the Russian trade as a means of sustaining the troops. Grain and other foodstuffs needed by the Russians were requisitioned from the missions. Payment was made to missions in drafts on the Habilitado General which were worthless after 1 8 Io. In 181 3, I van Kuskof, in command of Fort Ross sent his clerk to San Francisco with a cargo worth 14,000 pesos which was exchanged for foodstuffs. In the "Suvarov" under Captain Makarof put into San Francisco ostensibly for food and provisions, but ended up selling a large portion of its cargo. The "Ilmen", an American vessel purchased by the Russians, in the years from sent large quantities of grain, 400 otter skins and 10,000 pesos of money to Sitka. In 18 I 7 Hagemeister, who had replaced Baranof, put in at San Francisco aboard the "Kutusof'' with intentions of improving commerce with the Spaniards. Commercial ties were not strengthened, but the Russians were able to exchange their merchandise for approximately 2,000 arrobas of wheat, 142 of barley, 288 of peas and 297 of tallow. Relations were not resumed until 1820 when one, and perhaps two, Russian ships went to Monterey and exchanged their cargoes for grain. 448 From 1810 to the shadows of other Russian ships slipped along the California coast, although their identity is now obscure. Certainly many illegal exchanges took place directly with the missionaries, but without knowledge of authorities who generally managed to conduct this trade for the benefit of the troops. Whether trade was conducted with military authorities or surreptitiously with the missions, it is certain that in the final analysis all was paid for with cash and produce from the missions. 447 Sei'\an to Father Jose Vifials, San Buenaventura, June 6, 1806, DML. Trans. in Nathan and Simpson, Letters of Senan, Bancroft, History of California, II,

153 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD 1 37 Events after 181 o conspired to increase the attractiveness of the California market for prospective Yankee smugglers. Russians, now in possession of ships and in need of supplies for their for trading empire, found it beneficial to sever their partnership with the Americans. Americans, deprived of bases, skills, and laborers necessary for otter hunting, resorted to the risky but lucrative contraband trade. The incumbent dangers are given ample testimony by the number of Yankees subjected to imprisonment in California and Mexico. The interdiction of the San Blas supply service served to further open California markets to the enterprising smugglers who were quick to grasp the opportunity. Understandably, smuggling traffic is difficult to assess since no Californian voluntarily left a record of his participation in illegitimate trade. General outlines and trends are discernible, but an evaluation of the extent and value of the trade is impossible. Some smugglers left clear records of their operations, but these were in a minority. Other vessels remain phantoms whose barest outlines are indistinct. The official attitude in California toward smugglers was ambiguous and was calculated to the advantage of the military. Outwardly Governors Arrillaga and Sola were bound by their office to oppose the trade, but the poverty of the troops mediated their opposition. Adelbert Von Chamisso, the naturalist aboard the Russian ship "Rurik", noted that only the smuggling trade, which Governor Sola attempted to suppress, had been able to supply indispensable articles. Also, he commented: But a little liberty would make California the granary and market of the northern coasts of these seas, and the general resort of the ships which navigate them. Yet California lies without industry, trade and navigation, desert and unpeopled. 449 Governors' pronouncements were intended for public consumption since an official of the Crown could hardly further his career by supporting illegal trade. It also provided a means of controlling and profiting from the trade while gaining the acquiescence of the missions in paying for it. All trade which did not make use of the Governor as a middle man was driven underground and subjected to possible seizure. If the Governor was approached and conditions met, trade was allowed with an informal understanding that no seizures would be made. Such conditions usually insisted that a portion of the cargo purchased by the missions be released for the support of the troops. The missions had no recourse since complaints to higher authorities would reveal their own activities and would put an end to trade on any basis. 449 August Mahr, The Visit of the Rurik to San Francisco in 18'16, Stanford University, , 35. This ship had left Unalaska on September 14 for California in quest of fresh supplies with which to continue the explorations.

154 138 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION A case in point is that of George Eayrs, Captain of the "Mercury" who made voyages to the California coast in and again in His goods were much in demand since his cargo had come from China and included nankeens, silks, crepe, canvas, silk handkerchiefs, rose colored mother-of-pearl, blankets, shawls, rice and pepper. In February of he anchored off San Luis Obispo studiously avoiding contact with presidios and officials. He was able to exchange $1, 384 worth of goods for fifty-eight otter skins, grain and meat. For much of the year, Eayrs traded successfully along the coast as far south as Cape San Lucas. In May of the next year he attempted a repeat performance. At San Luis Obispo the Fathers traded skins, hogs, calves and vegetables for cloth and other China goods. Disaster fell near Point Concepcion a month later when the ''Mercury" was taken by Captain Nicolas Noe of the Lima merchantm<1,n, "Flora. " 450 Eayrs himself provided a clue to his treatment when he explained his predicament to Benjamin Lamb, one of the owners of the "Mercury." The very Comedant (sic) of the place who seems the most devoted and has an active part is the very Government officer, who has not long since received pay to admit me to take on board wheat, beef and other provisions, and did use his indeavours (sic) to get me at Monterey for the purpose of supplying the coast Had Eayrs put in an appearance at Monterey and had he traded with Arrillaga as intermediary, he would have found the risks of contraband trade considerably reduced. Captain James Smith Wilcox of the schooner "Traveller" put in at Santa Barbara on January 20, and had little difficulty with California officials. In his first meeting with Jose de la Guerra he pleaded shortage of provisions. De la Guerra relieved his immediate need but informed him that further trade was contingent upon the Governor's approval. Wilcox obligingly moved up to Monterey where Governor Sola purchased $ 700 worth of cloth which he was commissioned to distribute to the four presidios. Armed with a passport from Sola, he had a free ticket for trade. He was allowed much latitude in movement and he ingratiated himself with the missionaries. He transported grain to Loreto and brought beams to Mission Santa Barbara which had been cut on the Channel Islands during the previous year. The only privilege not extended was permission to purchase sea otter pelts. When the "Traveller" was eventually seized by a Lima ship, Sola went to Wilcox's defense Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, m Eayrs to Lamb, San Diego, March 9, Mercury Case Documents in Los Angeles Public Library cited in Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, 68. A number of Eayrs letters relating to his capture are printed in Charles F. Lummis, "Mr. Eayrs of Boston," Out West, Vol. 30, 1 909, I 59-l Bancroft, History of California, II, Also see Ogden, The California Sea Otter Trade, 77-78, and Otto von Kotzebue, A Voyage of Discovery, London, 182 1, I, 326.

155 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD 139 In r 8 2 r Captain Eliza Grimes of the "Eagle" had a similar experience and gave advice for those who would follow. In September Grimes was at Santa Barbara where he cultivated good relations with Jose de la Guerra. After a sumptous supper, he plied the Comandante with invoices and samples of goods and sold a considerable amount to him. Since Grimes could not now be accused of smuggling without implicating Spanish officials he was free to conduct trade with others. Grimes suggested in his log: It would be advisable at this place to always deal with the Comdt. in the first instance as in that case he will lay no obstacle in the way of trading with others although he requires a duty of 1 2 ½ per cent on all goods not sold to himself. These are free. At this place I sold more goods than I had any reason to calculate on and should no doubt have sold considerable more had I had the articles suited for this market, as many were wanted. 453 Contraband trade was prevalent throughout the last decade of Hispanic California and the missionaries were willing accomplices even though they protested innocence to the end. In r 8 20 Father Pay eras wrote to the Procurator, Fray Juan Cortes, denying any trade with foreigners. It had, he alleged, been many years since anyone had visited the coast and if any had come it was for tallow, nothing more. 454 The evidence, however, proves otherwise. The aftermath of the Bouchard Raid of 1 8 r 8 revealed great quantities of contraband at Refugio including trunks full of silk, boxes of fine cloth, fancy handkerchiefs and piles of silver and gold jewelry. Other eyewitnesses attest to the fact that the padres were urging both Indians and Spaniards to hunt otter as a means of getting needed goods. They taught natives how to build boats and how to capture otters. Trade with Americans was lucrative because they gave thirty pesos exchange value for each otter pelt. 455 An assessment of the extent and impact of contraband trade upon the missions is beyond the realm of possibility. At least twenty American ships as well as a number of Russian vessels previously mentioned were in good position to conduct trade along the California coast between 181 o and Evidence suggests that this would be a conservative estimate since many unidentified ships are mentioned particularly from 1 8 r 7 to r 8 2 I. No estimate of the cash value of contraband activity by the missions would be accurate since the evidence upon which to base such a conclusion is unavailable. Since most illegal trade, including that carried on with the military, was ultimately based upon the economy of the missions, an accurate estimate would have to determine what proportion of military requisitions were for local consumption and which were to be used as trade 453 Eliza Grimes, Logbook of the Eagle,, 8 21-, 822. Original in University of California Library, Berkeley. Cited in Ogden, California Sea Otter Trade, Father Mariano Payeras to Fray Juan Cortes, Purisima, May 22, 1 820, SBMA. 455 William Heath Davis, Seventy-Five Years in California, 252, 200.

156 140 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION goods. Through contraband trade the missions were able to replace their own stipends, salaries of the military and all necessities which had been purchased in Mexico with those funds. It is not true that the end of government financial support and of the San Blas supply service caused the missions to resort to contraband activity. Smuggling was flourishing long before 181 o. The implication is that as early as the 1 79o's when traders began to appear the two annual supply ships were unable to satisfy the needs of the prospering missions. The supply service could not provide the quantities of goods for which mounting mission surpluses could have supplied payment precisely because it could not provide an adequate outlet for those surpluses. Ironically, almost precisely when government supply ships became inadequate for mission needs, smugglers were available to cover the deficit. It is unwarranted to conclude that missionaries were disloyal by taking advantage of the opportunity. They regarded their primary function, which they felt was also paramount in government policy, to be the Christianization and Hispanicization of natives. Since the expansion of Christianity implied the gathering of ever larger communities of neophytes, it was predicated upon the ability of the mission economy to support those communities. Increased mission population was self-sustaining in providing shelter and increased labor for food production, but these alone did not suffice. Also needed were materials and tools such as iron, cloth, furnishings for church and sanctuary and medicines. Stipends alone were not adequate for increased quantities needed. Credits were needed and could be obtained by trade. When the San Blas service proved inadequate the missionaries turned to illegal trade which they felt enhanced their legitimate function and ultimately furthered the Christianization and Hispanicization of the province. The missionaries felt that the dire situation justified the trade as a necessity for the survival of the province. They would have preferred the trade be legitimized. In Father Duran at Mission San Jose regretted that he was not able to send supplies requested by Governor Sola, but he felt the situation could be remedied by opening California ports to foreign trade. I realize that your orders forbid you to give entrance to any foreign trading ships, but it seems to me that they are suspended because of the grave problems. Would it help if all officials and missionaries signed a petition to the Viceroy? Foreign ships would also relieve the economic need of the troops. 456 No missionary ever uttered treasonous sentiments nor did any actively support separation of Mexico from Spain and most vehemently opposed the movement. 456 Father Duran to Governor Sola, San Jose, September 22, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

157 TRADE WITH THE OUTSIDE WORLD r 8 r o did not mark the beginning of contraband trade but it did result in the economic independence of California from New Spain. This independence was possible because of the prosperity of the missions which financed trade for themselves and their military partners and the proximity of Russians and Yankees who needed what the missions had to sell. While missions have been criticized for their parsimonious attitude toward the troops, it was only through their economic success that the province survived.

158 CHAPTER SEVEN Mission Labor : "" - N ADEQUATE LABOR SUPPLY WAS THE.!Iii primary requisite for both the economic and spiritual J5:;;:, : B //\, J success of missions, Mission sites were selected with much 11 ril i l. -.. attention to the number of Indians living in the area. The, labor supply and success in conversion had an integral t:.. 7i-Ji and reciprocal relationship. Reduction of Indians into Christian communities required a food supply adequate for a relatively large congregation of people. Production of sufficient foodstuffs demanded many laborers. The relationships between missionization, foodstuffs and labor functioned smoothly once missions had passed the initial starving period and equilibrium had been established between workers and food supply. In early years the problem was critical since upon arrival of the expeditions of in California there were no congregations of Indians ith agricultural skills so necessary for the support of a mission commun1ty. Before the new missions could begin the establishment of neophyte communities, food had to be available for them. Since supplies from San Blas were expected to suffice only for the colonizers, missionization could not begin until fields had been plowed, seed planted and grain harvested, all of which required labor. This problem was anticipated by Serra himself and precautions were taken to provide workers. Soldiers assigned to missions and neophyte Indians who came north from the Lower California missions were expected to provide the initial labor force. The two detachments of the land expedition under Fernando de Rivera y Moncada and Gaspar de Portola were accompanied by neophytes recruited from the northernmost Lower California missions. Rivera y Moncada's detachment included forty-two neophyte Indians and Portola's forty-four. Disease and desertion had considerably reduced the initial complement before all expeditions reached San Diego. 457 According to Fray Juan Crespi who accompanied the Portola group: 457 Donald Eugene Smith and Frederick J. Teggart, "Diary of Gaspar de Portola During the California Expedition of " Berkeley : Academy of Pacific Coast History Publications, I (19 10),

159 MISSION LABOR 143 The number of California Indians who accompanied the land expedition had also been lessened, for five of them died on the road and many deserted and returned to their native land. Only some fourteen of the forty-four who started with the first expedition and some twelve who went with the second reached San Diego. 458 There was a labor shortage from the beginning. Conflict with the military was exacerbated since mission and presidio competed for labor of the soldiers. It was, in part, lack of workers which prompted Serra's trip to Mexico in r Serra outlined the problems to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua in May of r The missions, he said, did not even have sufficient Christianized Indians for their defense and the few adults who had been baptized were obliged to spend their time combing the fields for food. Mission San Carlos on the Carmel had been built only because the soldiers were willing to work. Baptisms there had been few because there was no food to sustain neophytes. Many neophytes absented themselves for weeks in order to search for food, and cow's milk proved to be an insufficient diet. "And although we had no proper answer to make to their complaints," Serra said, "it hurt us all the same." Work at Mission San Antonio was halted when Pedro Fages removed "those soldiers who had been most zealous in carrying out the work they themselves had begun." Father Jose Cavalier had written to Serra saying "that it could be put down as miraculous that the mission, so devoid of human assistance, was able to continue. If only," the missionary from San Luis Obispo related, "I had a house and some food to give them, I could already have baptized a number of boys and girls. " San Gabriel was blessed with fertile soil, running water and plenty of timber. When there were more hands for farm work the mission would prosper. In the face of necessity and because of the laziness of the soldiers, one of the Fathers there had set his own hand to the plow. Mission San Diego had baptized a number of Indians, but with the disapproval of Fages who felt neophytes were being gathered with no means of feeding them and he feared additional strain on the already overburdened food supply. Finally Serra summed up his analysis of the missions. Most Excellent Sir, the missions, as is clear from what has been said, are still tender plants, and have made little headway, because they are as yet new, and also because they lacked the means. 460 "" Journey of the Second Division of the Land Expedition from Velicata to San Diego; Father Crespf's Diary in Bolton, Palau's New California, II, Serra to Antonio Maria de Bucareli y Ursua, Mexico City, May 2,,, 77 3, SBMA. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, I, Ibid.

160 I 44 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Fray Francisco Pal6u, Father President in Serra's absence, pointed to a lack of labor in his report made to Bucareli in December of Neophytes at San Diego had halted work in order to search for wild food. Neophytes at San Antonio and San Carlos could not stay at the missions because of food shortages. San Luis Obispo and San Gabriel because of fortunate circumstances including fertile soil, plentiful water, neophyte laborers and luck were beginning to solve the deadly cycle of no food; no workers; no mission. One good harvest usually put a mission on a solid basis for future prosperity since the delicate equilibrium between workers and food could be established. San Gabriel had a good harvest in which sufficed to sustain workers for future harvests. "Consequently," Pal6u commented, "they now have enough to make larger plantings, with which to succor the new Christians and feed the heathen." It is perhaps significant that the four missions established before 1772, San Gabriel had the fewest neophytes in conjunction with the best agricultural land. The harvest, necessary for self-sufficiency, was aided by fertile land which implied less work for each harvest while at the same time the size of the needed harvest was reduced by a relatively small population. It was a fortunate conjunction. San Gabriel had reached the take-off point for continuing self-sufficiency and future expansion. Serra, in Mexico, was soliciting laborers to be supported at government expense. More soldiers were needed for defense, Serra claimed, but one suspects he also expected that they would add to the mission labor force without drawing from the mission stores. 462 He requested that peons, familiar with farming be sent from the vicinity of San Blas and that more neophytes be sent from Lower California and that at least two or three families be distributed to each mission. Skilled artisan labor was also necessary. Sharing blacksmiths with presidios had proved unworkable and a source of conflict. Serra requested three blacksmiths and two carpenters with necessary tools. He did not obtain all that he desired, but he did get the peons requested and the blacksmiths and carpenters. 463 The solution of the labor problem after 1774 was due only marginally to Serra's efforts in Mexico. The experimentation of the first few years had produced native Californians with skills necessary for agricultural success. This, in turn, enabled the production of large harvests which served to attract neophyte laborers. Serra's report to Bucareli for confirms 461 Pal6u to Bucareli on the State of the Missions, San Carlos, December Io, In Bolton, Pa/6u's New California, III, Serra's Representacfon to Viceroy Bucareli, College of San Fernando, March 1 3, 1773, in Ibid., III, Decision of the Royal Council of War and Exchequer, Mexico, May 6, 1773 in Ibid., 111, Bucareli to Del Campo Viergol, Mexico, August 4, 1773, AGN. Photograph SBMA.

161 MISSION LABOR 1 45 growing successes. 464 Missions such as San Gabriel and San Luis Obispo which had experienced a series of good harvests were rapidly increasing in population while ones such as San Diego, which experienced indifferent or poor harvests, grew slowly or remained static. Success did indeed breed further success. Serra's trip to Mexico did establish once and for all the right of each mission to a majordomo drawn from the military guard who was to serve as overseer of the work force and as manager of the economic activities of the mission. It was customary in Lower California for the Fathers of each mission to have a soldier of their choice who acted in this capacity and who usually was not removed from the mission except at the request of the missionaries. 465 However, Pedro Fages had developed a habit of removing soldiers who became too devoted to the missionaries. Bucareli granted Serra's request. Henceforth, missionaries were entitled to select a soldier to look after farm work and other tasks who could not be removed without serious cause. 466 In early years there was no specialization in the functions of the majordomo. It was his job to assign Indians their tasks each morning, oversee livestock and agriculture, supervise workshops and report to the missionary in charge of temporal affairs. As missions matured and diversified, civilians were employed to assume some of the functions once performed by majordomos. Artisans were at first provided by the government and later hired by the missions to instruct and oversee neophytes in the development of a particular skill. Geographical expansion necessitated the hiring of men to oversee distant herds and fields while a separate majordomo would be assigned to the house. The contract between majordomo and mission, even though he was a member of the military, was a purely civil contract and its terms were not interfered with by the military commandant. The actual appointment was made by the Governor, but only on the recommendation of the missionaries. Salaries were usually paid in kind plus a stipulated amount of cash, usually 5 to 10 pesos monthly. In the case of military who continued in the service of the mission after their term of enlistment was up, the cash payment was usually increased. The soldier Jose de Santa Ana Avila's employment record at Mission Santa Barbara is typical. 467 Before his retirement from the military in 1 80 I he had served as majordomo on the :"' Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, February 5, 1775, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Torno 166. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Serra's Representacfon to Viceroy Bucareli, College of San Fernando, March 1 3, , in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Decision of the Royal Council of War and Exchequer, Mexico, May 6, 1773, in Ibid., III, Accounts of Mission Santa Barbara, , Mission Santa Barbara, SBMA.

162 146 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION following terms. He was given six steers annually, an arroba of tallow and 4 reales worth of candles monthly and three almuds of corn and an almud of beans weekly. His contract further stipulated that upon his military retirement he was to be paid twelve pesos monthly. In 1801 he began to serve as an invalido, and his problems began. In October of 1802 he had overdrawn 48 pesos, 1 real, 7 granos which was forgiven through the kindness of the missionaries. In 1802 the missionaries negotiated a new contract with Avila which was to his advantage. To his monthly ration was added an arroba of flour and a sheep. As a symbol of his and the mission success he was given a man servant. Senor Avila served the mission at least through It was characteristic of these employees to be perennially in debt to the mission, although no advantage was taken of such a situation by missionaries and it does not appear to have been a calculated policy. Sefior Tomas Espinosa was hired as majordomo by Mission Purisima with a typical contract in and by the end of the year owed 139 pesos, 7 reales. 468 In 18 1 o his debt rose to 178 pesos but he was rehired with the proviso that he could not spend more than he earned and one hundred pesos of his debt was forgiven. All promises were forgotten and by the end of 1812 he owed 1 30 pesos, 6 reales. In that year he left mission employment owing 1 oo pesos. As missions expanded similar contracts were made for all kinds of work. At times people were hired on a year-to-year basis while others were taken on for a specific job or limited time period such as a month. Mission Purisima hired a soldier's widow, Senora Guadalupe Briones, in to nurse the sick for which she was to be compensated with her food and five pesos monthly. 469 In February of 1819 Jose Dolores Ortega served Mission Santa Barbara for one month in return for six pesos and rations. 470 Artisan instructors for the neophytes were unknown in California until This was reflected in the rude state of manufacturing. Outside of the few blacksmiths and carpenters assigned to presidios and missions there were no skilled artisans before 1792, although occasionally a soldier or settler was available who had a skill. A mason was in California in Fray Vicente Fuster at Mission San Juan Capistrano requested Governor Borica's permission for the mason's aid in building a church. In 1789, Viceroy Revilla Gigedo, at the suggestion of Pedro F ages, sent a list of recommendations to the King including a suggestion that blacksmiths carpenters and stonemasons be sent to work at the mis- 468 Account Book of Mission Purfsima, Transcribed by Lewis G. Thomas, Berkeley, 1938, SBMA, Ibid., Accounts of Mission Santa Barbara, , SBMA.

163 MISSION LABOR 147 sions Increasing prosperity demanded more substantial buildings and amenities which only skilled craftsmen could supply. It was these artisans transported and paid at royal expense who imparted to the missions that style which is now so closely identified with them. Buildings were rebuilt incorporating roof tiles and adobe instead of the tule and mud construction typical of frontier California. Fountains, patios, archways and additional rooms were constructed. Even more significant were new wells, irrigation systems, plows and tools. Huts of neophytes were gradually converted to adobe and were fitted with pots, pans, grinding stones and even small ovens for baking. Many were supplied with windows and doors, a luxury envied by presidia and pueblo alike. 472 The bullwork of the renovation was done by the neophytes with the artisans planning and overseeing the work. Neophytes learned to make adobes and the stone and floor tiles used to improve their own huts which La Perouse described as being so wretched that their on7 value was that they could be burned when fleas became unbearable. 47 In I 790 twenty artisans were sent by the Viceroy to be distributed among the missions to teach their respective skills. The artisans were sent on four or five year contracts with a pay scale going as high as 1,ooo pesos per year for some masters and 3 oo to 600 pesos for journeymen. The contingent sent from Mexico included masons, a potter, millmaker, carpenters, tanners, shoemaker, tailors, blacksmiths, weavers, a ribbon maker and two saddlers. It has been specified that all craftsmen should be masters and should bring their tools with them, but upon receiving the list of artisans from interim Governor Jose Arguello, Lasuen discovered that many were journeymen and neither carpenter, tanner, blacksmith, master mason nor stonecutter had brought tools with which to ply his trade. 474 The artisans were to move from mission to mission instructing neophytes rather than attempting prolonged projects themselves. Food supplies were provided by missions but were charged to the nearest Habilitacibn. In I 794 Mission San Carlos charged the Presidio at Monterey pesos for supplies given to artisans. Five artisans; Manuel Rufz, Santiago Rufz, Pedro Alcantara, Antonio Henrfquez and Pedro Gonzales were assigned to Mission San Carlos in r 79 5 from which they drew 340 m Fages' Report on the California Missions, 1787, BL. State Papers, Mission and Colonization, I. Phs. SBMA. Revilla Gigedo to the King, Mexico, November 26, 1 789, AG!, Guadalajara, Lasuen, Refutation of Charges, San Carlos, June 19, 1801, SBMA. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II, La Perouse, A Voyage Round the World, Vol. I, Lasuen to Don Jose Arguello, San Carlos, November 2 7,, 792, BL., CA-54. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, Vol. I, Also see Charles Chapman, "A Great Franciscan in California: Fermin Francisco de Lasuen," Catholic Historical Review, Vol. 5, 1919,

164 I 48 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION pesos, 5 reales worth of supplies which were charged to the presidio at Monterey. The following year the mission provided 19 1 pesos worth of provisions to Manuel Ruiz, a mason who had been assigned to the mission. 475 In 1792, Antonio Domingo Henriquez, master weaver, moved up the coast from San Diego, making spinning wheels, looms, combs and all necessary implements with the exception of wool cards which were ordered from New Spain. Under his guidance, neophytes learned to use the equipment and wove woolen cloth, blankets, and Franciscan coarse cloth. At several missions Henriquez taught Indians to weave cotton shirting. The success of this venture prompted Lasuen to request several more weavers, a few looms and some indigo dye, in addition to a master fuller who could oversee the final finishing of coarse wool and closely woven goods. 476 Henriquez, who had a deserved reputation for heavy drinking, proved to be a valuable asset to the missions. He eventually married an Indian woman from San Diego and succeeded in overcoming his penchant for alcohol. His contract was extended for four years in 1 794, but on July 3, 1797, he asked Governor Borica for permission to retire because of ill health and advanced age and his petition was granted. 477 Other artisans proved to be as successful and invaluable as Henriquez. Master mason Estevan Ruiz was highly praised by Lasuen. He had been assigned to San Carlos in the distribution of artisans ordered by Viceroy Revilla Gigedo in r 792. The mason had been so successful in constructing a church and in teaching his trade to the neophytes that in Lasuen asked Borica to extend his contract for another year and a half. Borica agreed. 478 The effects of the government education program were immediately apparent. In 1792 George Vancouver noted that Mission San Fernando had crude looms which performed tolerably well in the production of coarse cloth made from domestic wool. The cloth produced by the neophytes was good although it lacked fulling. Vancouver went on to note that the processing and weaving of wool was carried out by women and girls who were already clothed in the fruits of their labor. 479 The program did not work out so well in every instance. Mariano 4 75 Monterey. Presidio Account, December, 1794,. signed by Arguello, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Monterey Pres1d10 Account, December.3 1, 179 5, signed _by J\rgiiello, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Monterey Presidio Account, December 3 1, 1796, Signed by Jose Perez Fernandez, AASF. Phs. SBMA. For names of artisans sent in see Bancroft, History of California, I, Lasuen to Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga, San Carlos, December 21, 1792, AASF. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Petition of Antonio Domingo Henriquez, Monterey, July 3, 1797, AGN. Californias Lasuen to Don Diego Borica, San Carlos, December 10, 1794, SBMA. 479 Marguerite Eyer Wilbur, ed., Vancouver in California , Los Angeles, 1951, 42.

165 MISSION LABOR 149 Tapinto and Joaquin Botella, tailors, were so unsatisfactory that Lasuen informed Governor Arrillaga that he was not giving them assignments because "they are not what we are looking for." There was no need of their craft and the little that the Indians would be able to pick up would be quickly forgotten for lack of practice. Lasuen revealed his distaste for the two tailors when he informed Arrillaga that: If you think it advisable, Your Grace may request two or more tailors who are men of good conduct, and suitable for teaching. To them could be assigned a number of missions and a group of boys, on the understanding that they are to travel and move from one mission to another, bringing their apprentices with them. 480 In this fashion every mission could have the benefit of the artisans' work while at the same time boys from each mission would have a prolonged period of training. Generally the efforts of the artisans were successful. By 1795 they had instructed a large number of neophytes in crafts. By the end of six Indian shoemakers and carpenters from Mission San Francisco were assigned as instructors at Santa Clara. Eight neophytes at Mission San Carlos were trained as carpenters, eleven as stonemasons and two as blacksmiths. Weaving, tanning and leatherwork were pursued at all missions except Soledad. 481 Free training for neophytes was not to endure for long. The contracts of the original group of artisans began to expire in 1795 and Governor Borica requested a new contingent from the Viceroy. The Viceroy, pleading financial necessity, supplied only four. The first artisans had been subsidized by the Royal Treasury, but in it was declared that onehalf of the exchange value of the work performed was to be paid to the government. The second was to be divided into three equal parts; one to go to the artisan and the other two to his apprentices. 482 The system was further altered in in order to return more of the expenditures to the treasury. In December of that year new instructions came from the Viceroy. I have determined, in conformity with the opinions of the fiscal of the Royal treasury, that the labor or work of the contract teacher must be paid to the Royal treasury, save that one-eighth should be deducted and paid to the person concerned, because the King does not pay the wages in order that the master mechanic should serve for the convenience of the missions, but that he might have apprentices and so teach Indian neophytes Lasuen to Jose Joaquin Arrillaga, San Carlos, December 2,,, 792, AASF. Trans. m Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Guest, Ferm in Francisco de Lasuen, Lasuen to Jose Joaquin de Arrillaga, San Carlos, June 7,, 794, AASF. Trans. by Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Viceroy Branciforte to Lasuen, Mexico, December 20,, 796, SBMA.

166 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Although the government continued to pay artisans salaries, in fact, missions were expected to return the investment. The only remedy for the missions, which at this time had little or no cash, was to assign artisans to presidios and send neophytes there for instruction. Lasuen found the implication distasteful. The Viceroy had insinuated that the missionaries were using artisans as cheap skilled labor rather than as instructors of neophytes. He informed Viceroy Branciforte in diplomatic fashion that artisans had always been engaged in instructing neophytes. Lasuen was disgusted at the thought of sending neophytes to the presidios, but agreed to comply. 484 Earlier he had told the missionaries to send four boys from each mission to the nearest presidia for instruction, "but with the purpose of disillusioning the government in a practical way so that it may be made clear that the economic project of the Royal Treasury nullifies the objective of the King." 485 The Father President preferred no artisan instructors at all rather than sending neophytes to the presidios. Lasuen refused either to accept artisans at the missions or to send neophytes for instruction. his worst suspicions were confirmed when in lieu of artisan apprentices, Borica requested male and female servants. 486 Lasuen felt that the Governor's real intentions had been revealed. In order to circumvent payments to the Royal Treasury, missionaries apparently made certain that no work was done for missions by artisans and neophytes whether at presidios or missions. All items manufactured in the course of instruction were for military use. Only in this way could missions escape the burden of artisan salaries. Father Vicente Fuster informed Governor Borica of amounts owed by the military for goods produced for the military by the weaver Mariano Mendoza who worked at Mission San Juan Capistrano. Mendoza and neophyte apprentices had produced seventy-eight varas of carpet for the church; thirty varas of cord for sleeves of vaqueros; eighty half-blankets for the Presidio of Santa Barbara; forty blankets; thirty varas of cotton cloth and thirty varas of coarse cloth. 487 Borica refused to assume the burden of payment to the Royal Treasury, although he agreed to pay in a convoluted fashion. 488 The mission would have to make payment in Mexico through the College of San Fernando. Borica agreed to pay the mission with a credit against the Habilitacibn at San Diego. 484 Lasuen to Viceroy Branciforte, San Carlos, April 26, 1797, AGN. Californias, 49, part 2. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lausen, II, Lasuen to the Missionaries, San Carlos, July 28, 1796, SBMA. 486 Lasuen to Fray Antonio Nogueyra, San Carlos, August 21, 1 796, AGN, D HM. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Fray Vicente Fuster to Borica, San Juan Capistrano, March 3 1, Englehardt Transcript, SBMA. 488 Borica to the Missionaries of San Juan Capistrano, Monterey, June 26, Englehardt Transcript, SBMA.

167 MISSION LABOR 151 Miguel Jose de Azanza replaced Branciforte as Viceroy of New Spain on May 3 1, He proposed to settle arguments over artisan instructors to the satisfaction of all. An identical letter was directed both to Borica and Lasuen in which the Viceroy informed them that, "it would be more sensible to send the artisans to the missions in order to teach trades to the neophytes. " 489 Father President and Governor were told to come to a mutually acceptable solution. Borica, meanwhile, had resigned and no replacement had arrived. Lasuen, unable to take any other action, gave the Viceroy his thoughts on the matter. The missions were in the position of having to supply apprentices and raw material to the artisans. Products of artisan labor had no market for sale and yet salaries had to be paid. With this in mind he concluded that perhaps it was not in the interest of the missions to have artisans. In short, artisans were welcome at the missions but salaries could not be paid. 490 The implication of the entire controversy is the unwillingness of missions to pay for services rendered by the Government. It was not so simple. The missions at this stage of development had neither credit nor cash with which to pay salaries of up to I,ooo pesos per artisan. It was the very skills which artisans taught which gradually enabled missions to build up cash reserves and credit. Meanwhile contracts expired and most artisans returned to Mexico, although a few remained. A pool of well-trained neophytes had been created by the program and could be depended upon by both missions and presidios. Skilled instructors from Mexico represented only a temporary, although significant, exception to the otherwise all Indian labor force of the missions. Artisans who remained in California were employed by missions on terms similar to those extended to majordomos. Master carpenter Jose Antonio Ramirez was hired by Mission Santa Barbara in August of He was to be paid one peso for each day he worked, two pounds of chocolate each month and meals were provided. Like other contract labor at the missions, he was always in debt, but for only a few pesos. 491 Senor Francisco Garcia and his wife, Dona Marfa Luisa, were hired by Mission Santa Barbara in 1820 as a husband and wife team, "she to work in the infirmary and he as a locksmith, faithfully to serve this mission, agreeing to do all that is necessary and requested for the mission." They shared an annual salary of 200 pesos and received weekly in addition : four almuds of maize, an almud of beans, six candles and as a monthly stipend they were given a peso of soap, a quarter steer and were provided with a servant. 492 Other missions also contracted for skilled labor. Viceroy Miguel Jose de Azanza to Lasuen, Mexico, September 2 1, 1 799, SBMA. 490 Lasuen to Viceroy Azanza, San Luis Obispo, January 2 2, 1 Boo, AGN. Californias 46, Part 2. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II, Accounts of Mission Santa Barbara, , SBMA. 492 Accounts of Mission Santa Barbara, , SBMA.

168 I 5 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION In April of , Jose Antonio Ramirez removed to Mission Purisima and was employed with a contract. It was stipulated that: He binds himself to assist in making the stone basins, canals and all washing places and drinking troughs after finishing the fountain and besides to direct the carpenter work. He will be paid 200 pesos in silver, with board, three drinks per day and two pounds of chocolate monthly. 493 After 181 o foreigners, mainly Ame_ricans, trickled into California as contacts with smugglers became more frequent. Some who decided to remain possessed skills valuable to the missions and were hired by them although they were cautiously watched by the Governor. Father Luis Antonio Martinez wrote to Governor Sola in March of requesting the services of an Irish weaver named Henry who was being held in Monterey. 494 Martinez was disappointed since the weaver was sent to Mission San Miguel instead of San Luis Obispo. 495 In July of Father Viader at Santa Clara wrote to Sola complaining that "the American, Joaquin, who is engaged at this mission at making wheels for the cart and actually doing that with the work well advanced has been ordered by the Commandant of San Francisco to go there immediately accompanied by a soldier." 496 Sola wrote to the Commandant and ordered that "the American Joaqufn not leave Santa Clara without his permission." 497 An American "Felipe Santiago" was at Mission San Juan Bautista helping to design and build an altar for the chapel at Monterey. 498 Joseph Chapman, captured in the course of the Bouchard invasion, was much in demand at the missions. At various times Chapman passed himself off as blacksmith, carpenter and surgeon. In he was employed as a blacksmith and carpenter at Mission Santa Ines where he was credited with building a gristmill. 499 Numerically white skilled labor was insignificant in Hispanic California. Once they had received training it was the Indians who performed the bulk of the labor, both skilled and unskilled. Indian artisans are mentioned much more frequently in the docu- Account Book of Mission Purisima, , 88-89, SBMA. 494 Fray Luis Antonio Martinez to Sola, San Luis Obispo, March 22, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Exactly who this Henry was is indeterminable. There was one Irishman in California at the time by the name of Juan Maria Romero. See Bancroft, History of California, II fn. 495 Fray Luis Antonio Martinez to Sola, San Luis Obispo, March 31, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 496 Fray Jose Viader to Sola, Santa Clara, July 24, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. I can find no clue as to the identity of the American, Joaquin. 497 Sola to Viader, Mc>nterey, July 28, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 498 Fray Estevan Tapis to Sola, San Juan Bautista, October 1 2, 1818, AASF. Phs. SBMA. Felipe Santiago was most probably Thomas Doak, an American who had been captured with the ship "Albatross" under Captain William Smith. See Bancroft, History of California, II, fn. In the same volume see Pioneer Register and index, Fray Francisco Xavier Uria to Sola, Santa Ines, December 19, 1820, AASF. Phs. SBMA. See Bancroft, History of California, fl, 7 57.

169 MISSION LABOR 153 ments than Anglo, Irish or Hispanic craftsmen. Although motifs drawn from Spain and New Spain were incorporated into mission construction, there is no doubt that missions were primarily the creation of Indian neophytes. Indian influence and creativity extended beyond the confines of the mission and it was their labor which constructed presidio buildings and private residences. Without them the economy of Hispanic California would have remained at a bare subsistence level. After 18 1 o Indians supported themselves in the missions as well as supporting the military establishment. All of the manufactured products sent from missions to presidios were products of Indian labor. The arts practiced by Indian neophytes encompassed most of those in New Spain. In 1816 Mission San Juan Bautista had carpenters, shoemakers, cowboys, blacksmiths, tanners, weavers and tilemakers. 500 By missions of the Monterey district provided eight carpenters and twelve woodcutters for the rebuilding of the presidio. Examples could continue but it is evident that Hispanic California was a monument to the effectiveness and skill of Indian labor. Labor was the key to the economic success of the California missions. Missions with only a few Indians could exist as religious institutions, but not as economically significant enterprises. Mission population statistics suggest that after the beginning of the nineteenth century the neophyte labor supply was in crisis. Table r 5 points to the fact that mission population of 1805 was not exceeded until r 8 r 7, indicating lower numbers of baptisms or neophytes being brought into missions and an accelerating death rate. In 1803 baptisms for the year totaled 4, 259, a figure which was not reached again. From r 80 5 to r 8 2 r baptisms totaled 3 r, 79 5 while deaths were 27,590. Population during the same period shows a net increase of only 894 with the discrepancy being approximately accounted for by desertions which became a serious problem. The population problem had two origins, the first of which was that many older missions were simply running out of neophytes to baptize. Declining baptisms combined with the high death rate insured that by r 8 2 r only six missions, San Diego, San Luis Rey, San Gabriel, San Jose, Santa Clara and San Juan Bautista had not passed the peak of their populations. From an early date, the end of the missions as religious and economic institutions could have been seen. 501 The experience of Mission Santa Barbara vividly illustrates this unintentional life cycle. As early as r 801 Indian villages in the immediate vicinity of the mission had disappeared due to neophytes brought into the mission and deaths. The last Indian from the Goleta area was baptized in 50 Father Estevan Ta pis to Governor Sola, San Juan Bautista, May 15, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 501 Figures were derived from State of the Missions for the years , SBMA.

170 154 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION TABLE 15 MISSION POPULATION * Deaths/ 100 Year Baptisms Deaths Living Living , , , , , ,750 6 I 79 I 1,527 8, , ,03 l I, , , , , I I, ,307 1,090 I 1, ,790 1,700 I 2, , , ,469 1,301 13, ,906 1, , ,485 I, , ,41 9 l,50 I I 5, , 259 1,600 I 8, , 695 1,740 l 9,o , I 55 r, , ,648 3,265 I 8, I,380 1,466 I 8,7 ' ,954 1,403 I 8, r, , ro 1, , I 1,536 2, ,677 l I ,898 1,602 20, ,464 1, , I, ,395 19,678 7 I 8 I 5 1,720 1, , , ,690 19,862 8 I 8 I 7 2, I 3 l 1,695 20, I ,682 1,673 20, ,86 I 1,475 20, I,9 3 I 1,492 20,473 7 I 8 2 I 2,316 1, , Figures were derived from State of the Missions for the years Annual Reports give only totals of baptisms and deaths from the founding of each mission. Annual totals were derived by subtracting totals to date from previous year. Since the report for is missing, no figures are available for that year or Figures are not consistent from year to year because of desertions and inaccurate record keeping. I 3

171 MISSION LABOR r 80 5 which hence marks the year in which this old and large Indian center was extinguished. By all Indians along the coast between Rincon and Gaviota had been drawn to the mission, those of the mountain country by 1822 and those of the Channel Islands by By 1828 all Indian villages of the area had ceased to exist and the task of missionization accomplished forty-one years after the founding of the mission. After the number of baptisms per year began to decline at Santa Barbara and in the population of the mission began an unending period of decline. Declining baptisms were a major factor in declining population. 502 The second factor was the accelerating death rate. Various factors have been blamed for high infant and adult mortality. The mission system itself has been blamed. It has been claimed that due to a nutritionally deficient diet, Indians were subjected to malnutrition which led to a weakening of them physically and to a high susceptibility to disease and a lowering of the birth rate. 503 No information exists to unequivocally refute or confirm this hypothesis. While faulty nutrition may indeed have been present, its existence is not essential for an explanation of the high rate of mortality. European diseases to which Indians had little or no resistance must take the blame. Indian populations in all parts of the Americas were reduced drastically by disease after conquest and plenty of evidence exists to suggest the same phenomenon in California. The effects of any epidemic were magnified many times by communal contact among Indians living at missions. In and 1805 a physician, Jose Maria Benites, was sent to California to report on diseases responsible for the alarming death rate. 504 Benites outlined diseases and causes and submitted them to,the Viceroy. The most deadly were dysentery, fevers, pleurisy, humid climate with fog and cold, too little blood, pneumonia, viruses and last, but perhaps most important, syphilis. The appalling mortality was noticed by visitors. According to William Shaler in 1804, the padres didn't seem to know even the rudiments of medicine. 505 In Langsdorf commented upon the lack of adequate medical knowledge. The only physician and only surgeon in the province were assigned to the military at Monterey. The Indians of the missions were without medical assistance and were often 502 Maynard Geiger, The Indians of Mission Santa Barbara, Santa Barbara, 1960, See for example, Sherburne F. Cook, "The Conflict Between the California Indian and White Civilization," Ibero-Americana, Vol. 21, 1943, Expediente on diseases of the Indians by Jose Marfa Benites, Monterey, January 1, 1805, SBMA. 505 Shaler, Journal of a Voyage,

172 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION attacked with fevers and were of such weak constitutions that great numbers died. Further, he said: It is very possible, that in their former mode of life they were rarely ill, but the great change in their habits, the different kind of nourishment they now take, their being constrained to labour much more constantly than before, with other circumstances, may have operated powerfully upon their constitutions. The ecclesiastics complain that upon the least illness the Indians become wholly downcast and dejected, and giving themselves up to this depression of spirits, will not observe the diet or anything else recommended for their recovery. 506 Smallpox, Langsdorf noted, was not prevalent. This he attributed to the widespread cowpox which was used for innoculation. Dr. Benites had meanwhile made his report to the Viceroy who relayed orders through Bishop Rouset of Sonora to the effect that all help should be given to alleviate the sickness of the patients. Father President Tapis promised to cooperate fully with the doctor. 507 Despite concern and good intentions, diseases continued to run rampant. In I 806-r 807 a particularly deadly epidemic of measles decimated the neophyte population. Father Mariano Payeras wrote from Purisima that many Indians were dying from a violent dysentery associated with measles.508 A few months later he commented that, although the wheat harvest was mediocre: It is not so bad since the measles with its results has cleaned out the missions and filled the cemeteries. Here it carried off from us 1 50 lndians. 509 In his biennial report made in r 807, Father Tapis commented that 3 72 Indians had died from measles, a disease which had been unknown in California until r Since then it had ravaged both gentiles and neophytes.51 0 When Indian workers were requested for work at presidios, a common reply became that there were not even enough healthy neophytes to perform necessary tasks at the missions. In r 8 r 6 Adelbert von Chamisso recorded his observation upon Indian mortality. "The Indians," he said, "died in the missions, in an alarming and increasing proportion. " He found no medical assistance except bleeding which was used on every occasion and was "more fatal than advantageous." Chamisso referred 506 Langsdorf, Voyages, Bishop Rouset to Tapis, Culiacin, September 26, 1805, SBMA. Tapis to Rouse!, Soledad, December 2, 1805, SBMA. 508 Payeras to Fray Tomas de la Pefia, Purisima, March 1, 1 806, AGN. Historia de Mexico, Primera serie, Torno 2 Transcript SBMA. 509 Payeras to Fray Josef Vifials, Purisima, July 2, 1806, AGN. Historia de Mexico, Primera Serie, Torno Noticia de las Misiones by Fray Estevan Tap is for , San Carlos, March 13, 1807, SBMA.

173 MISSION LABOR 1 57 cryptically, but unmistakeably, to venereal disease which carried off its victims without opposition. It was also common among Indians not resident at missions, although they were not dying with such rapidity. Meanwhile, white population was able to naturally increase. 511 In the same year Father Sarria noted widespread outbreaks of venereal disease. 512 Governor Sola informed the Viceroy of this disease which was of epidemic proportions. 513 Fray Francisco Sufier attempted to discover causes for diseases of neophytes. Part of the problem, he suggested, was natural indolence which caused them to act sick. He felt that wool garments were not conducive to good health. He was probably right since clothes were rarely washed and wool was home for many disease carrying vermin. Fornication was cited since it naturally communicated venereal disease. Overall he blamed generally filthy conditions. 514 In 1820 Father Payeras wrote a remorseful letter to the College of San Fernando in which he expressed his inability to understand why Indians experienced high mortality. The Indian population is declining. They live well free but as soon as we reduce them to a Christian and community life they decline in health, they fatten, sicken and die. It particularly affects women. It is the sorrowful experience of sr years that the Indians live poorly in the missions. Even when they remain healthy the women lose fertility and their sterility can scarcely be determined from annual reports because in most areas of the province they are still baptizing gentiles, one is confused with the other and the total always increases. In all missions they have built hospitals, have bought potions and have acquired medicines from the surgeons of the province, and from books. They have procured the best curanderos and curanderas. It all forms a somber calculation of dimunition. The decline of the population has seemed so notable since I have not known in twenty-four years more than two epidemics among the race, that of and the measles of A letter written by Payeras to Fray Baldomero Lopez, Guardian of the College, in which he echoes a plea for medication for syphilitic neophytes suggests that venereal disease was a prime cause for debilitation of Indians. 516 Syphilis, introduced by single soldiers, was probably the major cause of mortality and declining birth rates since it caused sterility and was passed on congenitally. In addition, lead extract, often used as a curative, caused illness and death over a prolonged period. 511 August C. Mahr, The Visit of the "Rurik" to San Francisco in 1816, Stanford University, 1932, Fray Vicente Sarria to Sola, Pruisima, June 28, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA Sola to the Viceroy, Monterey, August 2 1, 1816, SBMA Fray Francisco Sufier to Sola, Santa Barbara, August 6, 1817, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 515 Payeras to the College of San Fernando, Purisima, February 2, Engelhardt Transcript, SBMA Payeras to Fray Baldomero Lopez, Purisima, July 26, Engelhardt Transcript, SBMA.

174 I 58 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION While missions appeared to prosper between 1800 and 182 I, expansion was no longer possible since the labor supply could not be increased due to high mortality. Outwardly prosperity undreamed of by Serra brought Hispanic California to the peak of its development. Artisans provided amenities of life while foreigners provided those things which could not be produced. In the mortality of Indians was the germ of future decline. As soon as the rate of baptisms declined, which it did, the missions would be broken as economic institutions.

175 CHAPTER EIGHT Mission Agriculture f!;j ;,,: N , THE FINA :EAR OF HISPANIC CALI - -, I forma, the twenty m1ss10ns harvested 79,740 fanegas of, -ti- wheat, 14, 141 of barley, 22,084 of maize, 4,850 of beans, 264 of chickpeas, 1,277 of peas and 763 of kidney /. f beans. Mission herds included 14,973 cattle, 193,234.,,,..._-=--..,..,,.. C. l sheep, 1,469 goats, 1,633 swine, 14,058 mares and colts, 5,772 tame horses and 2,0 11 mules. 517 Certainly this was an impressive total for fifty years of labor. Successes in agriculture and livestock production were the foundations which supported mission expansion into other areas of economic endeavor. Trade, industry and manufacturing would have been impossible without firm support from agricultural and pastoral success. A food surplus was necessary to release workers for other tasks and trade required excess products which could be traded for ones having more utilitarian value to inhabitants of Alta California. Not only did these successes support further mission expansion, but they also made the continued existence of Hispanic California possible after The statistics of 1821 could not have been forseen nor predicted by the hardy pioneers of to whom survival was a daily struggle. A scant supply of seeds and a few animals were not conducive to an overly optimistic beginning. Alta California's small initial endowment of livestock and seed was determined by Jose de Galvez who ordered in that the expeditions were to take seeds of all kinds. The Baja California missions were called upon to supply 200 head of cattle in addition to mules and horses. The first land expedition left V elicata under the command of Captain Rivera y Moncada on March 24, 1769 and was burdened with the bulk of the supplies and livestock ordered by Galvez which included 187 mules, 53 horses and 204 head of cattle with an uncounted number of calves. 518 The first vessel of the colonizing expedition, the "San Antonio", arrived off the California coast in April of 1769 and in May all four 617 Estado de las Misiones de la Alta California sacado de las ynformes de las Misiones en fin de Deciembre de signed by Jose Sen an, SBMA. 618 Expediente of Articles and Animals taken from the missions of Lower California to those of Upper California, Loreto, January 7, Copy as of May 8, in AGN. Californias Vol. 43. Phs. SBMA. A somewhat variant list is contained in Bolton, Pal6u's New California, I,

176 I 60 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION components were united at San Diego. The settlement for which such auspicious beginnings had been hoped for remained a tenuous outpost until 1774, Livestock presented little problem as they multiplied rapidly on the extensive pasturage available. Cattle were apportioned to missions founded and planned. Each received nine cows, one bull, two heifers and six small calves. 519 Small animals were added gradually; a few arriving on each supply vessel. These included sows, boars, piglets, chickens and even turkeys. 520 There was disagreement over whether military or missionary should have custody of livestock assigned to future missions. The argument was significant in light of chronic food shortages since cow's milk was an important source of food. In 1773 Viceroy Bucareli stipulated that stock assigned to missions San Francisco and Santa Clara should be delivered to Serra "since it will be better cared for at the missions than at the presidia, and the friars will have somewhat more milk with which to support the Christians." 521 The first report made on the state of the missions in December of 1773 testifies to the rapid increase in livestock. Cattle at the five existing missions totaled 20 5 head. 522 This represents a percent increase over the eighteen head originally assigned to each. Sheep herds totaled ninety-four and the missions possessed sixty-seven goats. Sixteen hogs received in had increased to 102. Mission San Diego had four donkeys and divided between five missions were sixty horses of all kinds. The missions held seventy-seven mules which were crucial for transportation of supplies. Ever present chickens were never mentioned in reports, but must have multiplied rapidly. Cattle, except for milk, were not a significant food source in these early days, It was essential that they be allowed to increase and oxen were crucial as work animals. Not until the 178o's did meat form a permanent part of the staple diet, although mutton at least was served to members of the Anza Expedition of The diarist and chaplain of the expedition noted that they were served a gourmet meal of mutton at Mission San Gabriel but appetites were dampened and Anza became nauseated from the filthy kitchen, cooks and eating utensils Report on Missions by Junipero Serra and Mathias Antonio Noriega, Monterey, July 1, 1784, SBMA. 52 For example, see Memoria de lo que he recivido Juntamente con los demas padres, destinados ministros de estas nuevas misiones, signed by Serra, San Carlos, June 20, 1771, AGN. Californias, Vol. 66. Transcript SBMA and Francisco Hijosa to Viceroy Bucareli, San Blas, December 15, 1773, AGN. Historia, Vol. 61. Transcript SBMA. 521 Decision of His Excellency and the Royal Council, Mexico, May 6, Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, State of the First Five Missions by Francisco Palc\u, San Carlos, December Io, Trans. in ibid., III, Herbert E. Bolton, ed., Font's Complete Diary, Vol. IV of Anza's California Expeditions. 5 vols., Berkeley, 1930, p Also see Viceroy de Croix to Pedro Fages, Mexico, November 12, 1779, AGN. Californias, Vol. 66. The Viceroy warns Fages to see that no cattle are slaughtered.

177 MISSION AG RI CULTURE 161 Agriculture to is a story of repeated failure for several reasons. Missions such as San Diego and San Carlos had been located on lands ill suited to cultivation; labor was scarce and most of the missionaries lacked knowledge and skill necessary for success. Mission San Carlos had originally been founded in the proximity of the royal presidio in June of In Serra's estimation, it was a poor choice since it led to conflict with the military and there was no water for irrigation. A garden was attempted in 1771 and all kinds of seeds were planted. Everything grew, but nothing reached maturity. To Serra's chagrin it was discovered later that the soil was ''... at times washed over by the salt water of the bay, and so is fit for nothing but nettles and reeds." At the end of 1771 the mission was moved to a new site on the banks of the Carmelo River where it was hoped that crops would do better. A garden was planted in 1772 but did poorly since no one was available to care for it. Three almuds of wheat were sown in the fall of 1772, but yielded only five fanegas, A half cuartillo of barley sown yielded three almuds and and two almuds of maize produced 4½ fanegas. Beans and peas were also sown but yielded nothing. The ground had been poorly prepared and there had been no way to plow it. Serra had been promised that the river could easily be tapped for irrigation but it had proved impossible. 524 The river ran too low and during the rainy season the current was so strong that it would have washed out any attempted dam. Seasonal crops were feasible with dry farming since the climate was humid and the ground remained damp long after the rainy season. 525 Not until did the mission have a significant harvest. They sowed the previous year's harvest and reaped fanegas of wheat, 2 o of barley, 5 fanegas of beans, 1 50 fanegas of corn and I fanega of lima beans. 526 Mission San Antonio had a similar experience. It was founded on July 14, 1771 on the San Antonio River. The following year after having plowed and planted it was necessary to move the mission because the river dried up. The mission was subsequently moved to an arroyo named San Miguel which had a constant flow. Here an irrigation ditch was excavated, land was plowed and two fanegas of seed wheat were planted in addition to several almuds of corn. Thirty fanegas of wheat were harvested and seventy of corn. 527 The selection of the site for Mission San Luis Obispo, which was 52 4 Report on Missions by Serra and Noriega, Monterey, July 1, 1784, SBMA. 525 State of the First Five Missions by Francisco Palau, San Carlos, December 10, Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, III, Also see Herbert I. Priestley, ed., A Historical, Political and Natural Description of California by Pedro Fages. Berkeley, , Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, February 5, 1775, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol. 66. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Ibid., and State of the First Five Missions by Francisco Pal6u, San Carlos, December IO, Trans. in Bolton, Palau's New California, III,

178 I 6 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION founded on September 1, 1772, reflected experience gained in selection of locations for older missions. The mission was located on a hill around which a stream well suited for crop irrigation flowed. Nearby an arroyo flowed with adequate water to support another field. Although not located in the immediate vicinity of an Indian village as had been customary, its site had been chosen with an eye to good land, water, timber and pasture. Governor Fages was ecstatic over the mission's potential when he visited it in November of Abundant water is found in every direction, and pasture for the cattle, so that no matter how large the mission grows to be and however great the number of Indians reduced, the land promises sustenance, without prejudice either to the mission or the Indians, and for many settlers as well, who may desire to establish themselves here. 528 His assessment proved correct the following year. In the mission planted four fanegas of wheat and got back two hundred fanegas; from three almuds of corn, eighty fanegas were harvested; half an almud of beans yielded three fanegas and two almuds of chickpeas gave three fanegas. 529 Mission San Gabriel, another mission whose site had been selected wisely, was founded September 8, There was plenty of land and water which could easily be diverted. Because of conflicts with soldiers and lack of labor, little was done in the first year. The first planting of any substance was made in 1773 and from eight almuds of corn they harvested 1 30 fanegas. Four almuds of beans yielded seven fanegas. The following year revealed the potential of the mission. Six fanegas of wheat yielded 90, 1 3 almuds of corn garnered 240 fanegas and a fanega of beans yielded 30, proving this to be one of the most productive missions. 530 San Diego, the first of the missions, was founded on July 16, Its chronological advantage did nothing to make up for its natural deficiencies and it remained for all time among the poorest of the missions. There was abundant pasture, but no water for irrigation. The first year's crops were washed away by the river which overflowed its banks during the rainy season. The following year seeds were sown farther from the river and the rains failed before seeds had germinated. 531 In August of 1774, the mission was moved to a new site because of poor land, lack of water, and proximity to the presidia. It was hoped that more arable land and water would be available at the new site which was approximately two leagues up the valley from the old one. Seven fanegas of wheat, which yielded only thirty, 528 Priestley, A Historical, Political and Natural Description, Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, February 5, 1775, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol. 66. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, / bid Priestley, A Historical, Political and Natural Description, 10.

179 MISSION AGRICULTURE were sown at the old mission in r 774. The new site proved to be little better than the old one due mainly to lack of water. 532 The year r 77 5 improved upon the trend toward adequate harvests established in r proving that the basic problem of survival had been overcome. In that year the five missions harvested a total of 974 fanegas of maize and 1,029 fanegas of wheat. Only Mission San Diego had no maize harvest and was forced to purchase 8 o fanegas from the p residio. 533 Similar quantities of barley, beans and peas were also harvested. Several factors were responsible for the growing agricultural success of the missions, one of course being the additional laborers which Serra was granted by Viceroy Bucareli in r 77 3; however this is not a sufficient explanation. Locations of missions were readjusted in light of experience, adaptions were made to season and climate and rudimentary irrigation systems were begun. A mistake had been made in early years by concentrating heavily upon cultivation of wheat. Since the climatic conditions and latitude of Alta California approximated those of Spain, it seemed only reasonable to attempt cultivation of the same crops. Only slowly did the padres accept evidence that humidity and spring rains often caused wheat to rot in the stalks. Wheat did not yield as large a harvest per quantity of seed sown nor did it produce as much per acre as maize. Wheat sowing at each mission rose little between r 77 r and r 77 5 but quantities of corn planted rose significantly. In r 77 5 wheat yielded an approximate average of 3 7 to r, while maize gave an average of r 82 to r. Maize production was only an expedient adopted to overcome hardship for when food was plentiful in later years the Spanish preference for wheat was allowed to determine which crops were sown. Gardens, regarded as a diet supplement source, never received full descriptions as did harvests of staple crops. Fray Pedro Font of the Anza Expedition noted vegetables which were doing well. San Gabriel produced celery, lettuce and a parsnip-like plant. At San Carlos, gardens tended diligently by Father Pal6u were surrounded by flower beds and cauliflower; various vegetables and herbs were growing in profusion. All were raised without irrigation since manpower was lacking to dig a channel from the river. Plants were watered at transplantation with water laboriously carried in gourds. 534 From scattered references it is certain that the following began to be produced about this time : cauliflower, melons, peas, 532 Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, February 5,, 775, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol. 66. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, lnforme del estado de las Misiones de Monterey hasta principios del aiio de, 776, Father Guardian Francisco Pangua, Mexico, January,, 1776, AGN. Californias, Vol. 72. Transcript SBMA. 53 Bolton, Font's Diary, I ,

180 I 6 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION founded on September 1, 1772, reflected experience gained in selection of locations for older missions. The mission was located on a hill around which a stream well suited for crop irrigation flowed. Nearby an arroyo flowed with adequate water to support another field. Although not located in the immediate vicinity of an Indian village as had been customary, its site had been chosen with an eye to good land, water, timber and pasture. Governor Fages was ecstatic over the mission's potential when he visited it in November of I Abundant water is found in every direction, and pasture for the cattle, so that no matter how large the mission grows to be and however great the number of Indians reduced, the land promises sustenance, without prejudice either to the mission or the Indians, and for many settlers as well, who may desire to establish themselves here. 528 His assessment proved correct the following year. In 1774 the mission planted four fanegas of wheat and got back two hundred fanegas; from three almuds of corn, eighty fanegas were harvested; half an almud of beans yielded three fanegas and two almuds of chickpeas gave three fanegas. 529 Mission San Gabriel, another mission whose site had been selected wisely, was founded September 8, There was plenty of land and water which could easily be diverted. Because of conflicts with soldiers and lack of labor, little was done in the first year. The first planting of any substance was made in 1773 and from eight almuds of corn they harvested 1 30 fanegas. Four almuds of beans yielded seven fanegas. The following year revealed the potential of the mission. Six fanegas of wheat yielded 90, 1 3 almuds of corn garnered 240 fanegas and a fanega of beans yielded 30, proving this to be one of the most productive missions. 530 San Diego, the first of the missions, was founded on July 16, Its chronological advantage did nothing to make up for its natural deficiencies and it remained for all time among the poorest of the missions. There was abundant pasture, but no water for irrigation. The first year's crops were washed away by the river which overflowed its banks during the rainy season. The following year seeds were sown farther from the river and the rains failed before seeds had germinated. 531 In August of 1 774, the mission was moved to a new site because of poor land, lack of water, and proximity to the presidia. It was hoped that more arable land and water would be available at the new site which was approximately two leagues up the valley from the old one. Seven fanegas of wheat, which yielded only thirty, 528 Priestley, A Historical, Political and Natural Description, Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, February 5, 1775, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol. 66. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, Ibid. 531 Priestley, A Historical, Political and Natural Description, IO.

181 MISSION AGRICULTURE were sown at the old mission in The new site proved to be little better than the old one due mainly to lack of water. 532 The year improved upon the trend toward adequate harvests established in proving that the basic problem of survival had been overcome. In that year the five missions harvested a total of 974 fanegas of maize and 1,029 fanegas of wheat. Only Mission San Diego had no maize harvest and was forced to purchase 80 fanegas from the presidio. 533 Similar quantities of barley, beans and peas were also harvested. Several factors were responsible for the growing agricultural success of the missions, one of course being the additional laborers which Serra was granted by Viceroy Bucareli in 177 3; however this is not a sufficient explanation. Locations of missions were readjusted in light of experience, adaptions were made to season and climate and rudimentary irrigation systems were begun. A mistake had been made in early years by concentrating heavily upon cultivation of wheat. Since the climatic conditions and latitude of Alta California approximated those of Spain, it seemed only reasonable to attempt cultivation of the same crops. Only slowly did the padres accept evidence that humidity and spring rains often caused wheat to rot in the stalks. Wheat did not yield as large a harvest per quantity of seed sown nor did it produce as much per acre as maize. Wheat sowing at each mission rose little between 1 77 I and but quantities of corn planted rose significantly. In wheat yielded an approximate average of 3 7 to 1, while maize gave an average of 1 82 to 1. Maize production was only an expedient adopted to overcome hardship for when food was plentiful in later years the Spanish preference for wheat was allowed to determine which crops were sown. Gardens, regarded as a diet supplement source, never received full descriptions as did harvests of staple crops. Fray Pedro Font of the Anza Expedition noted vegetables which were doing well. San Gabriel produced celery, lettuce and a parsnip-like plant. At San Carlos, gardens tended diligently by Father Pal6u were surrounded by flower beds and cauliflower; various vegetables and herbs were growing in profusion. All were raised without irrigation since manpower was lacking to dig a channel from the river. Plants were watered at transplantation with water laboriously carried in gourds. 534 From scattered references it is certain that the following began to be produced about this time : cauliflower, melons, peas, 632 Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, February 5, 17.75, AGN. Provincias lnternas, Vol. 66. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, II, lnforme del estado de las Misiones de Monterey hasta principios del aiio de r 776, Father Guardian Francisco Pangua, Mexico, January 1, 1776, AGN. Californias, Vol. 72. Transcript SBMA. 534 Bolton, Font's Diary, ,

182 I 64 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION pimentos, lettuce, beets, carrots, cabbage, cucumbers, squash, watermelon, chili, pumpkins, gourds for drinking cups and assorted herbs. Missions founded after r 775 went through the usual developmental stages, but progressed through them much more rapidly. Because of the caution and care with which sites were selected, experimentation was kept to a minimum. Exact planting times and best suited crops still had to be determined but with the aid of past experience in other locations. Lean years were generally reduced to one or two and because of aid rendered by established missions, starvation was never a real threat. Three missions, Santa Clara, San Francisco and San Juan Capistrano were established in r These three missions prospered from the start. Each was well provided with livestock plus natural increase which had been held in trust and with foodstuffs provided by missions. San Luis Obispo provided eleven fanegas of maize and one of chickpeas for San Juan Capistrano and twelve fanegas of maize for Santa Clara. Livestock held for Santa Clara at San Luis totaled r 07 head. Only six months after the first of the three had been founded and little better than a month after the founding of Santa Clara, Serra assured the Father Guardian that there was no reason to fear that any would have to face severe hardship. 535 San Francisco and Santa Clara had what was necessary and San Juan Capistrano had enough to live on. Based on information from the College of San Fernando, Melchor Peramas, Bucareli's secretary, noted in July of I 777 that the three new missions were firmly established and prosperous and that gentiles were being attracted to them. 536 In the first year of its founding Mission Santa Clara reaped a harvest of maize and beans, albeit a small one. Four and a half almuds of maize were sown and forty fanegas harvested. A half fanega of beans yielded five fanegas. 537 The yield of maize was over r oo to r, indicating decent soil and climatic conditions. Essential buildings had been constructed and the livestock herd was increasing. In r 778, two years after its founding, the harvest at San Juan Capistrano was among the best, with 200 fanegas of wheat and 750 of maize being reaped. 538 The experience of these two missions contrasted sharply with that of the first two, San Diego and San Carlos. The prosperity of the new missions continued. Governor Neve was able to write the Comandante General in r 78 r telling him that the three new missions were prosperous enough to maintain neophytes without 535 Serra to Father Francisco Pangua, Monterey, February 26, 1777, BNM. Cartas de Junfpero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, III, Noticias de Californias, Mexico, July 2 7, 1777, AG!. Guadalajara 515. Phs. SBMA. 537 Jnforme de Santa Clara, Fray Jose Antonio Murguia and Fray Tomas de la Peria, Santa Clara, December 30, 1777, SBMA. 538 Informe de San Juan Capistrano, Fray Pablo de Mugartegui, San Juan Capistrano, April 18, 1779, AGN. Colecci6n de Documentos para la Historia de Mexico. Segunda serie, Vol. 2.

183 MISSION AGRICULTURE want since harvests had been bountiful for two years. Fields had been expanded and water was plentiful. Livestock was thriving under the diligent Fathers and prospects for the future were bright. 539 Although Palau says that Galvez equipped the expedition of with "seeds for vegetable, flowers and flax," there is no evidence that attempts were made at this early date to provide fruit trees or grape vines. 540 In Serra wrote to Bucareli saying that he and Governor Neve had discussed means of making California more prosperous and the two had concluded that, "some improvements could easily be introduced from California, such as obtaining additional livestock, grafts from fruit trees, for instance fig and pomegranate trees and grapevines. " 541 Neve must have made arrangements quickly, as Serra was certain he would, since as early as I 779 grape culture was reported at the missions. In the spring of that year Father Mugartegui at San Juan Capistrano reported that vine cuttings from Baja California had been started. By I 784 vines were growing at San Diego and San Juan Capistrano was producing table wine. By I 798 Lasuen noted that San Diego, San Juan Capistrano, San Gabriel, San Buenaventura and Santa Barbara had grapes to eat and were making wine. 542 After the turn of the century grape culture expanded to include all missions from San Diego to Santa Barbara. To the north it was risky, since grapes frequently failed to ripen on account of the fog and shorter growing season. At San Luis Obispo, San Miguel, San Antonio, Santa Clara and San Jose grapes were grown and wine produced if the weather was not too intemperate. 543 The first fruits produced were peaches because of their rapid maturation. They were being grown at Mission San Gabriel in r 779 and probably also at a number of other missions. 544 During his visit of r 786 the French naturalist, La Perouse, confirmed that as of that date fruit trees were scarce, although he pronounced the climate suitable. As his contribution to the much romanticized orchards, La Perouse gave a variety of fruit tree cuttings including pears, peaches and plums. Malaspina, visiting California in r 79 r, observed that seeds left by La Perouse were bearing fruit and he noted walnut and hazelnut in addition to apple and pear Felipe de Neve to Teodoro de Croix, Monterey, January 20, 1781, AGN. Californias. Vol Geiger, Palau's Life of Serra, Serra to Viceroy Bucareli, Monterey, June 1, 1 777, BNM. Cartas de Junipero Serra. Trans. in Tibesar, Writings of Serra, III, Biennial report for the years 1797 and 1798, Lasuen, San Carlos, February 20, 1799, SBMA. 643 Biennial Report for 1809 and 1810, Father Estevan Tap is, San Luis Rey, May 25, 1811, SBMA. 544 Status of San Diego Mission at the end of December, 1779, Lasuen, AGN. DHM., ser. II, tomo II. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, La Perouse, A Voyage Round the World, I,

184 I 66 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION In r 792, the Englishman, George Vancouver, paid his first visit to California. He and his companion, Archibald Menzies, were more observant of fruit and vegetable culture than any foreigners who preceeded them. Menzies was amazed at the garden at San Buenaventura, as was Vancouver. The garden of Buena Ventura far exceeded anything I had before met with in these regions, both in respect of the quantity, quality, and variety of its excellent productions, not only indigenous to the country, but appertaining to the temperate as well as the torrid zone; not one species having yet been sown or planted that had not flourished. These having principally consisted of apples, pears, plums, figs, oranges, peaches, and pomegranates together with plantains, banana, coconut, sugar cane, indigo, and a great variety of the necessary and useful kitchen herbs, plants and roots. 546 Prickly pear was cultivated both for its fruit and cochineal. San Francisco was disappointing; the garden was poor although some figs, peaches and apples were thriving. Santa Clara had an excellent garden and orchard. 47 Although elaboration and expansion of orchards took place after r 800, most species had been introduced and were producing before that date. Vegetable gardens were also expanded to ind de potatoes introduced by La Perouse, sweet potatoes and rice. 548 In r 8'16 chestnuts were produced for the first time and in r 8 20 Mission Santa Barbara was growing sweet oranges. 549 In r 806 the Russian, Langsdorf, claimed that Santa Clara had only a few stunted fruit trees which scarcely bore any fruit, most certainly because of climate. 550 At Mission San Jose he pronounced the garden well laid out and in good order. The fruit trees which he saw were still very young but all things considered their produce was quite good. Some vines had been recently planted and gave an excellent sweet wine. 551 Orchards and gardens provided dietary supplements and dried or preserved, their produce was available throughout the year, but they were never in a position to replace staple crops. The dynamic expansion in mission agriculture occurred after the death of Junipero Serra in r 784, The end of frontier California was marked by the succession to the Presidency of the missions of Fermin Francisco de Lasuen in During this period ( ) the foundations were laid upon which the following "Golden Years" were to rest. By the time of his death in r 802 annual harvests of staple crops had increased sevenfold, thereby assuring the survival of Spanish California. 546 Wilbur, Vancouver in California, , Ibid. 548 Father Jose Sefian to Jose de la Guerra, San Buenaventura, December 30, 1816, DGC, SBMA, and Jose Sefian to De la Guerra, San Buenaventura, August 8, 18 16, DGC, SBMA. 549 Father Vicente Sarria to Father Mariano Payeras, San Carlos, November 8, 1816, SBMA and Father Antonio Ripoll to Governor Sola, Santa Barbara, January 19, 1820, SBMA. 550 Langsdorf, Voyages, /bid., 193.

185 MISSION AGRICULTURE 167 TABLE 16 PERCENTAGE OF WHEAT IN M1ss10N HARVESTS OF STAPLE CROPS * Tota/ Harvest Wheat Harvest Percentage Year in Fanegas in Fanegas of Wheat ,op 4,669 51% ,460 9, I 58 49% ,056 I0, % , ,689 69% , ,857 71% ,864 42,770 69% ,558 43, % , ,628 65% I 1 5,965 79, % Figures were derived from Annual Reports on the State of the Missions for the years cited, SBMA. Part of this prodigious increase can be explained by the productive capacity of nine new missions founded which doubled the number of such institutions geared to staple crop production. 552 Varying mixtures of wheat, corn and barley made up the staple crops of the Alta California missions. Time, place, diseases, weather and personal preferences influenced the size of harvests and the percentage of each gr in in the total crop. Conclusions concerning the relative importance of each factor can be no more than tentative since much detailed knowledge is lacking. Exact information on then existing weather, rainfall and soil fertility would improve such an analysis but obviously are not available. Wheat, the most important staple, was the preferred grain and as missions matured its significance increased. Wheat proved to be readily adaptable to the semi-arid California climate and with the use of both winter and spring varieties, would yield two crops annually. Winter wheat was planted in November or December depending on climate. Most statistical reports do not differentiate between the two varieties. 553 Consequently it is impossible to determine what ratio of winter and spring wheat composed the total harvest. Some analysis has been done of the plant content of adobe bricks, revealing at least two types of wheat grown by the missions. 654 Propo wheat (Triticum vulgare graecum) and Little 662 During Lasuen's presidency the following missions were founded: San Jose, San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, San Fernando, San Luis Rey- 1797; Soledad and Santa Cruz- 1791; Santa Barbara lnforme del estado de las Misiones de Monterey, Fray Francisco Pangua, Mexico, December 9, 1776, AGN. Californias. Vol. 72. Transcrip_t SBMA. George W. Hendry and Margaret P. Kelly, "Plant Content of Adobe Brick with a Note on Adobe Brick Making," CHSQ, Vol. 4, 1925, See also, George W. Hendry, 'The Adobe Brick as an Historical Source," ]AH, Vol. 6, 1931, r r r-1 13.

186 I 68 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Club Wheat (Triticum Compactum humboldtii) were found in adobe samples and their cultivation has persisted. A side benefit of wheat cultivation was the stubble left in the fields after harvests which could be used for grazing purposes. The overwhelming factor favoring wheat as the primary staple crop was the European bias in favor of wheat brought across the Atlantic from Spain with the Franciscans who were to supervise mission agriculture. An analysis of mission harvests confirms this preference and a concentration on wheat cultivation is evident. A gradual, although irregular, increase in wheat as a component of total harvests is perceptible in the above chart. Declines in the percentage were generally due to a lack of rainfall, insects, birds and diseases which destroyed portions of the crop and were beyond control of the Fathers. Table 17 illustrates that attempts to increase wheat harvests were conscious policy. 555 Every year in which the wheat harvest declined was followed by increased sowing of wheat. In the case of maize and barley the reverse was true and obvious attempts were made to curtail production. Wheat yields illustrated in Table 1 7 indicate its reliability as a staple. Wheat did not fluctuate as widely in productivity as either corn or barley implying that harvests were dependable. The lowest yield of heat occurred in when it gave eight fanegas for each fanega planted. This is attributable to drought which effected the missions in 1794 and Father President Lasuen noted that was a year of grain scarcity and he explained that the I 794 harvest had fallen off by 5300 fanegas as compared to the preceeding year , he wrote to Father Guardian Antonio Nogueyra, was a year of extreme dryness; I 80 7 through I 809 were also years of serious drought. In both and yield of wheat was only 10: I while in 1808 it was a mediocre I 3: I. Father Mariano Payeras noted in I 807 that because of drought Mission La Purfsima had been forced to buy 400 fanegas of grain most of which was supplied by Mission Santa Barbara. 557 Bitter experience had prompted plans for an irrigation system which was begun in 1 807; 558 I 809 was another year of extreme hardship and in April Father Jose Senan wrote from San Buenaventura that: We had no rain here since November 25th, not even a drop. This means, of course, that it has not rained at all thus far this year. You can well imagine the inevitable hardship caused by the resulting lack of fodder, and the severe damage to our crops. This is especially true where there are inadequate facilities for irrigation, a prime necessity in situations of this kind Amounts in Table 17 were derived from Status of the Missions for the years cited, SBMA. All quantities are in fanegas. Figures for amounts harvested and yield are for one fanega sown. 556 Lasuen to Father Guardian, San Carlos, July 30, 1795, AGN. DHM. ser. 1. vol. 1. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I, Also see Lasuen to Don Diego de Borica, San Carlos, Aug. 16, 1795, BL., CC-12. Trans. In Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, I,

187 MISSION AG RI CULTURE 169 Year l I I 8 I I TABLE 17 S0w1NGS, HARVESTS AND YIELDS OF WHEAT, BARLEY AND CoRN Sown ,130 1, ,407 1,4 8 7 I, 703 2,006 1,905 2,190 2,08 9 2, l 7 3 2,509 2,539 2, ,941 2, 626 2,528 2,726 2,642 2,744 2,740 2,65 2 2, ,8 75 2,997 3,02 3 2,933 3,002 3,665 Wheat Harvested 4,669 5,8 37 8, ,600 9, I 58 I 5,377 I 5,27 I I 8,540 I 5,006 10, , , ,060 31, , ,024 33,576 30, , , ,601 3o, , , , ,496 44, ,680 33, , , , ,795 44, ,628 79,740 Yield 15: I I 5 : I I 8 : l I 5 : I I 2 : I I 7: I 17: I 19: I 13: 1 8 : I 1 6 : I 20: I 1 2 : I 15: I 15: I 14:1 I 6 : I 13:1 l 7: I I 6: I I 7: I IO: I 13:1 IO: I I 5: I I 8 : I I 6 : I I 6 : I l 2 : I I 5: I 14: I I 8 : I I 7: I I 5: I 13 :I 2 I:I Barley Corn Sown Harvested Yield Sown Harvested Yield :I 37 3, :1 59 : I 7 2 : I 91:1 70 I, : I 71 4, ,577 33:1 65 3, ,350 24: I 68 4,935 2,876 20: I 70 6, ,943 24: I 7 8 7, , 28 2 I 7: I 106 I I, , : I 7 6 6, ,622 I l : I 8 3 6, : I Bo 6, , 6 35 I I : I 8 5 4, , 889 l 5: I 3, , : I 73 5,II ,58 I 2 7: I 6, ,795 l I : I 105 9, ,612 I I : I I I 2 9, , :I 66 4, ,859 I 7: I 73 7, , :1 85 9, , : I 93 9, ,0IO I 7: I I I 2 10, , : I 106 7, ,674 I 7: I 75 7, ,703 9: l 88 7, ,091 14: I 74 9, ,468 l 8 : l , I 2 I ,170 14: I , , : , ,644 l 6 : l , ,622 I I : I 85 10, , :I 1 05 I 5, I 93 9o7 13, : I l I 5 22, ,054 I 5: l I 3, I I, I :1 91 I 3,44o ,268 6 : I 106 I 7, I 4, 141 I 7: I I I 5 22,084 93: I 97: I I I l : I 84: I 82 : I 84 : I 54 :1 39 : I 70 : I 86 : l 9 3: I 82 : I 70 : I 108 : l 109 : l 9 6 : I 9 6 : I 71 :1 9 8 : I 82: I I 2 I : I I 77: I IS5: I I 8 5: I 1 6 1: I l I 8 : l 144: I I 8 I : l 194: I 147: I 1 64: I 192 : Father Mariano Payeras to Fray Jose Viiials, Santa Barbara, October 13, 1807, AGN, Historia de Mexico, Primera serie, tomo Father Mariano Payeras to Fray Jose Viiials, La Purisima, January 28, 1807, AGN, Historia de Mexico, Primera serie, Torno Father Jose Seiian to Fray Jose Viiials, San Buenaventura, April 4, 1809, DML. Trans. in Nathan and Simpson, Letters of Seiian,

188 MISSION AG RI CULTURE 169 TABLE I 7 SowINGS, HARVESTS AND YrELDS OF WHEAT, BARLEY AND CoRN Wheat Barley Corn Year Sown Harvested Yield Sown Harvested Yield Sown Harvested Yield , 669 I 5 : I :1 37 3, : I , : I 70 I, : I 71 4, :l 2, , : I , : I 96 2,350 24: l : I ,158 I 2 : I 143 2, : I 70 6, :l l 5,377 l 7: I ,943 24: l 78 7,625 97: l I 5,27 l I 7: l 191 3,282 l 7: I 106 l I, 85 3 l I l : I 33:1 65 3,845 59: I 4, ,540 19: l , : l 76 6,436 84: I ,1 30 I 5,006 13:1 1,622 l l : I 8 3 6, : l 1795 l, ,368 8: I : I 80 6,794 84: I , ,270 l 6 : l , 6 35 I l : I : l ,487 30,038 20: I 185 2, 889 I 5 : I 84 3,313 39: I 1798 I,703 22,060 I 2 : I , : I 73 5, I : I , , : I 205 5,58 l 2 7: I 74 6, : I ,905 28,689 I 5 : I 242 2,795 I I : I 105 9, : I , , : I 398 4,6 1 2 I I : I I I 2 9, : I ,089 33,576 16: I ,408 13:1 66 4,66 I 70 : I , I , l : I , 859 I 7: I 73 7, : I ,509 44,57 I I 7: I , :1 85 9, : l , ,857 16: I 489 7, : I 93 9, : l , 8 7 I 51,601 l 7: l ,010 l 7: l I I 2 10, : I ,941 30, 255 IO: l 476 6,338 13: , : , ,058 13: ,674 I 7: I 75 7, : I ,528 IO: I ,703 9: I 88 7, : I , ,770 15: I ,09 l 14: I 74 9,003 I 2 I : I 1 8 I I 2,642 48,496 I 8 : I , : I ,12 I 177: I ,744 44, : l , : , : I ,740 45,680 16: I 644 8, :1 n 1 3,338 I 85 : I ,652 33, : I ,644 I 6 : I , : I , ,834 I 5 : I 654 7,622 I I : I 85 10,082 II8 : , ,089 14: , : I 105 I 5, : , 20 1 I 8 : I 9o7 I 3,843 20: I I , I: I ,023 54,795 l 7: I ,054 I 5 : I 74 I 3, : I ,4 1 3 I 5 : I 860 I I, I :1 91 I 3, : I ,002 40, : I , : I , : I ,665 79,740 2!:I , 141 I 7: I I I 5 22, :1 2,997 2, , Father Mariano Payeras to Fray Jose Vifials, Santa Barbara, October 13, 1807, AGN, Historia de Mexico, Primera serie, tomo Father Mariano Payeras to Fray Jose Vifials, La Purisima, January 28, 1807, AGN, Historia de Mexico, Primera serie, Torno Father Jose Sefi:in to Fray Jose Vifials, San Buenaventura, April 4, 1809, DML. Trans. in Nathan and Simpson, Letters of Seiidn,

189 I 70 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Maturity, labor, resources and drought combined to provide experience, ability and the stimulus for the missions to construct extensive irrigation systems. The success of irrigation works was revealed between r 8 1 o and 1820 when a relatively high yield of wheat was sustained. Wheat was not, however, the ideal crop. Its average yield was only 1 5: 1 while maize had an average of r 09 : 1. The maximums illustrate the point even more graphically. In r wheat gave an average of 2 r fanegas for each sown while corn yielded 1 9 2: 1. This implied that only 1 percent of the corn harvest had to be saved as seed for the next year's crop, while close to 7 percent of all wheat harvested could not be consumed. The low yield of wheat also made it essential that more labor be available for sowing. Almost seven fanegas of wheat had to be sown to reap a harvest equal in size to that produced by one fanega of corn. Wheat was not a universally successful crop at all of the missions. Particularly at the northern coastal missions yields were poor because fog and excessive humidity often caused the grain to rot in the stalk. Wheat harvests at Mission San Carlos, for example, were erratic and usually below the average for all the missions. At southern missions and at those located away from the coast wheat was at its best. In the dry climate wheat had an advantage over maize since it could withstand drought for longer periods and it did not have a critical stage, as maize did, during which adequate moisture was essential for proper maturation. Maize was the second most important staple, exceeded in value to the mission economy only by wheat. Its culture demanded more exacting conditions but when its requirements were met returns far surpassed anything possible from wheat. The California growing season was sufficient in most areas but crops failed or yielded poorly at missions such as San Diego and San Luis Rey because the air was not humid enough to allow pollination. August, the month during which corn reached maturity was crucial, since lack of moisture at this period would stunt growth and prevent the crop from fully ripening. 560 Soil depletion accompanied corn cultivation since the plant fed heavily upon the nutrients in the soil and rapidly consumed them. Sustained harvests of the crop required fertilizers and crop rotation, the principles of which were poorly understood in Hispanic California. Despite limitations, maize had the advantage of giving extremely high yields. This gave missions which met its conditions a dependable and high yielding crop which was of particular value in the lean years of any new mission. Seaside missions such as San Buenaventura, Santa Barbara and San Gabriel, with high humidity, long growing seasons and extensive systems of irrigation were exceptional producers of 560 Harold K. Wilson, Grain Crops, New York, 1 948,

190 MISSION AGRICULTURE I 7 I maize. Other m1ss10ns were able to improve harvests as systems of irrigation were constructed. The effect of irrigation on corn cu_lture can be discerned in Table r 7. The prodigious increase in corn yields after r 8 ro was in large part due to the construction of irrigation works in the previous decade as a reaction to devastating drought. Because of high yields maize was well adapted to the needs of new missions. Providing adequate water was available either by rainfall or irrigation, maize could be relied upon for large harvests with minimal labor. La Purisima, established at the end of r 787, planted no wheat in r but one fanega of corn sown yielded r 44 fanegas, while Mission Santa Cruz founded at the end of r 79 r harvested 2 50 fanegas of corn and only r 20 of wheat in its second year. TABLE 18 Year I 82 I PERCENTAGE of MAIZE IN M1ss10N HARVESTS OF STAPLE CROPS * Total Harvest in Fanegas 9,op 18,460 18,056 4i,3o9 59,734 61,864 61,558 62, ,965 Maize Harvest in Fanegas 3,500 6,426 6,794 9,825 9,008 9,003 10,820 17,469 22,084 Percentage of Maize 38% 34% 37% 23% 15% 14% 16% 28% 19% * Figures were derived from Annual Reports on the State of the Missions for the years cited, SBMA. The percentage of corn in the total harvest was exactly half in r 8 2 r of what it had been in r There was, however, a rise in the percentage of corn after r 8 r o which apparently was a response to supplying the needs of traders, military and civilians following the end of government salaries and support after r 8 r o. Documentation suggests that when foodstuffs were requisitioned by the military the missions most often responded by supplying maize. This was to their advantage since with extensive irrigation systems corn was easily cultivated and the missionaries preferred to keep the wheat for their own consumption. Irrigation which was a response to drought was responsible for the startling increase in corn yields after r 8 ro which are illustrated in Table r 7. Most missions, including San Diego, had extensive irrigation systems

191 I 7 2 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION in the last decade of Spanish control, which enabled maize to be grown more extensively and with better results as the figures indicate. Corn production was adjusted according to demand and the Fathers did not attempt to indiscriminately increase harvests. Table 1 7 illustrates that in a number of years, corn plantings were reduced. Corn plantings were also a function of harvests of other grains, principally wheat. If wheat did poorly it was natural that in the following year not only increased quantities of wheat would be sown, but also, as added insurance, increased quantities of corn. Barley, the third staple, was used as feed for both humans and livestock. The variety was Coast Barley (Hordeum vulgare pallidium typica) which corresponds to present day North African and Spanish varieties and was an obvious direct import from the Old World. 561 It was well equipped to withstand drought and, hence was often sown as insurance against failure of wheat and maize due to inadequate moisture. Missions prone to prolonged dry spells often excelled in its cultivation. Mission San Diego, for example, outstripped many more richly endowed missions. Frequently fertile missions such as San Juan Capistrano, San Gabriel, San Fernando and Purisima cultivated no barley since harvests of wheat and maize rarely failed to the extent that food supplies ran short TABLE 19 PERCENTAGE OF BARLEY IN M1ss10N HARVESTS of STAPLE CROPS * Total Harvest Barley Harvest Percentage Year in Fanegas in Fanegas of Barley ,o % I ,460 2,876 15% 18, % ,3 9 2,795 6% ,734 7,869 13% ,864 I0,091 16% 18 I 5 61,558 7,622 12% ,365 4,268 6% I 82 I I 15,965 14, % * These figures were derived from Annual Reports on the Missions for the years cited, SBMA. With the exception of one of the years listed, barley was outstripped by maize as a percentage of the total crop. Yields of barley (Table 19) remained relatively stable throughout the period exhibiting no discernible George W. Hendry, "The Adobe Brick as an Historical Source," JAH, Vol. 5, ,

192 MISSION AGRICULTURE 1 73 tendency to increase or decrease. Barley sowing also had a distinct relationship to wheat harvests tending to increase following poor harvests of wheat. Drought was not the only threat to agriculture, although it was the most serious. Heavy rains which inundated pastures and fields could ruin livestock and harvests. Fray Manuel Fernandez wrote to Governor Borica from Mission Santa Cruz in that : Cattle have died during the past year because of the heavy rains which inundated the fields so that there was no pasture. The cattle are weak and have grown steadily worse since June. Many cattle went into the recesses of the mountains. 662 Again in and heavy rains had devastating effects on some crops. Ground squirrels, gophers and rats multiplied rapidly as Indians were attracted to missions and no longer hunted them for food. Rodents in fields or storehouses decimated food supplies. Thick mustard stands sometimes choked crops and hid livestock so they could not be found. Fray Luis Jayme wrote Governor Sola from Soledad in late summer of 1816, explaining that it had been necessary to begin "burning thick mustard grass in which cattle hide and cannot be retrieved. " 563 Locusts and birds also frequently wreaked havoc with harvests. In 1810 Father Jose Sen.an complained that birds had been feeding on crops and serious damage had resulted. Missions usually kept poisons containing strychnine for such pests, but Sen.an had run short of those which he considered most effective. 564 Modern farmers appreciate the damage which a horde of locusts can do to crops and they would have had the deep sympathy of California's missionaries. After a particularly hard year in 181 5, Father Sen.an expressed his gratitude in 1816 that "God has not sent the pestilence of locusts which destroy them (crops)." 565 In 1815 acting Governor Jose Argilello wrote from Santa Barbara that crops were good because they had not been plagued, as in former years, with locusts which together with grasshoppers constituted a serious problem. 566 The insects were so numerous at Mission Soledad in 1822 that Father Mariano Payeras complained : 582 Father Manuel Fernandez to Governor Borica, Santa Cruz, September 19, 1 798, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 583 Father Luis Jayme to Governor Borica, Soledad, August 22, 18 16, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 584 Father Jose Seiian to Father Jose Guilez, San Buenaventura, April 5, 1810, DML. Seiian mentions cavalonga, yerba de Puebla and nux vomica, all of which contain strychnine. See Maximo Martinez, Catalogo de Nombres vulgares y cientificos de Plantas Mexicanas, Mexico, Father Jose Seiian to Governor Sola, San Buenaventura, April 9, 1816, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 588 Noticia de las Misiones, Jose Dario Arguello, Santa Barbara Presidio, May 1815, SBMA. On the death of Governor Arrillaga in July, 18 14, Arguello was the ranking officer and hence acting governor. As such, it was his duty to render a report on the missions similar to the biennial report of the Father President of the missions.

193 1 74 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION This year has been most short of water and at present we have a most abundant plague of grasshoppers, or locusts, and as a result there will be little pasture, little grain and little tallow. 567 Although the effects of rodents and insects on crops was at times serious, its overall effect is impossible to measure. Despite droughts which afflicted mission agriculture in 179 5, 1809, and again in 1820, and various natural pests, including rodents, insects and birds, the California missions survived and prospered. In the early days of California such calamities would have caused extreme suffering and neophytes would have been released to fend for themselves. After I 790 California's missions had developed means of protecting themselves from crop failure. The increase in the number of missions decreased the chance that all would simultaneously suffer food shortages. The general productivity of missions such as San Juan Capistrano and San Gabriel insured that surpluses would be available to aid missions with shortages. Systems of irrigation also proved to be hedges against drought. After San Diego experienced droughts in 1801 and work was begun on an extensive system of irrigation. This included a dam with an aqueduct which carried water to the mission and fields. This aqueduct illustrated construction techniques utilized at most missions and consisted of tiles resting on cobblestones in cement and was approximately one foot deep and two feet wide. 568 The third expedient which could be relied upon in lean years was the storage of surpluses from years of plenty. All missions established granaries in which were stored current harvests and surpluses. In I 806 Langsdorf observed that Mission San Jose had granaries which held 2,000 fanegas of wheat and a proportionate quantity of maize, barley, peas, beans and other grain. At Mission San Francisco he noted magazines for storing tallow, soap and ox hides in addition to facilities for the storage of corn, peas and beans. 569 Surpluses not needed by one mission were often transferred to another sometimes on a barter basis but if it was a serious need gifts were made. To facilitate delivery, surpluses were often stored near where they might be needed rather than at the mission which produced them. Mission La Purfsima supplied cattle to San Antonio, received wheat from La Soledad, and fruit from San Fernando while wheat was given to San Luis Obispo. Wheat and leather goods were also given to San Juan Bautista. Purfsima stored wheat and other grains at San Luis Obispo. The grain was thus in a position to aid either San Luis Obispo or San Miguel which on one occasion was given one hundred 567 Father Mariano Payeras to Father Guardian Jose Gasol, Mission La Soledad, June 26, 1822, AGN. Historia de Mexico, Vol. I. 566 Engelhardt, Mission San Diego, rs Langsdorf, V oy ages, 161, 193.

194 MISSION AGRICULTURE 1 75 fanegas of grain, two of peas, four of kidney beans, twenty-five of summer wheat and the rest corn. San Gabriel often performed a similar function in the south together with San Juan Capistrano. 670 In 1783 Mission San Diego had to draw upon surpluses from San Gabriel and San Juan Capistrano. The two missions donated corn, beans and wine The only crop planted with any regularity besides wheat, maize and barley, was the kidney bean which was sown universally with a wide variety of results. In certain instances less was harvested than had been sown while in the same year at other missions it might yield as much as seventy-four fanegas for each one sown. At many missions, however, it did form a significant portion of the diet and was especially important because of high nutritive value and the protein which it added. The small harvests distort its signific:ince as a food crop. A few other vegetable crops supplemented the diet at some of the missions. These included chickpeas, lentils, peas and beans which were by no means universally grown. Experimental crops were attempted, but in the cases of sugar and cotton, results were disappointing. The cultivation of these two crops was a reaction to the end of regular shipments from San Blas. In and 1820 Mission San Diego made attempts at cotton culture. In results were poor and no real harvest was made, but in 1820 Father Jose Sanchez reported to Governor Sola that fourteen arrobas of cotton, including seed, had been harvested. 572 Mission San Fernando was the site of one of the early attempts to grow sugar. Father Pedro Mufioz informed Sola that, "We are growing sugar and they have made some panocha but it isn't as good as that which comes from San Blas and other places. The winters here are too cold and water is too scarce. " 573 At times the founding of new missions put an almost unbearable strain on resources of existing ones was the banner year for the beginning of new missions. In that year five were established and supplies were stretched almost to the point of real shortages despite good harvests. 574 The challenge was met in two ways. Older establishments, anticipating the need to provision the new, attempted to produce surpluses in the immedi- 570 Account Book of Mission Purisima Transcribed by Lewis Thomas and Elvira Osuna, , SBMA Status of San Diego Mission at the end of December, Fray Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, AGN., Hacienda Series, Mis. Alta California, lnformes. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II, Father Jose Sanchez to Governor Sola, San Diego, January 22, 1820, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 573 Father Pedro Munoz to Governor Sola, San Fernando, April 29, 1817, AASF. Phs. SBMA In 1797 San Jose, San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, San Fernando and San Luis Ray were founded.

195 I 76 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION TABLE 20 PERCENTAGE OF KIDNEY BEANS IN TOTAL MISSION HARVESTS I I 8 2 I * Total Harvest Kidney Bean Percentage of Year in Fanegas Harvest in Fanegas Kidney Beans , % , % I 9,3o % ,988 I, % ,805 1,304 2% ,906 1,344 2% ,667 1,377 2% ,452 2, I 2 7 3% I 82 I 123, I 19 4,850 3% These figures were derived from Annual Reports on the Missions for the years cited, SBMA. Figures for total harvests vary from those in Tables 17, 18, 19 since they include totals for only the three major staples, whereas the figures here include all crops harvested. ately preceeding years. The second, and least desirable solution was to curtail consumption so as to provide a surplus. This could be done either by limiting rations or by sending Indians away from missions. The second alternative was avoided since it defeated the purpose for which missions had been established. It is probable that I 797, a year in which staple crop production reached a new peak, was nevertheless a year ofhardship and shortages. Livestock herds were also decimated to supply new missions. When San Jose was founded in 1797, San Carlos, Santa Clara and San Francisco donated I 2 mules, 42 horses, lambs, 3 8 rams, 60 cows, 2 bulls, 8 heifers and 8 yoke of oxen. All three missions sent neophyte laborers, farm implements, agricultural tools and domestic utensils. Each sent pack mules loaded with grain and other foodstuffs and were expected to continue doing so until the mission was self-supporting. 575 In the same year Santa Barbara, San Gabriel and San Buenaventura donated a variety of livestock and foodstuffs to Mission San Fernando. 576 In the general levy to obtain supplies, certain missions were exempt because of inability to contribute without endangering their own existence. Santa Cruz, for example, was exempted because her church and buildings had been damaged during the winter and large grain losses had been sustained. 675 Lasuen to Fray Pedro Callejas, San Carlos, June 30, 1797, AGN. DHM, ser. 1, Vol. I. Trans. in Kenneally, Writings of Lasuen, II, Lasuen to Fray Pedro Callejas, San Fernando, September 8, 1797, AGN. DHM, ser. 1, Vol. I.Ibid., II, 45

196 MISSION AGRICULTURE Santa Cruz had only been established in 179 r and further depletion of resources could not be afforded. 577 Livestock was integral to the mission economy in numerous ways. Cattle were an alternative food source in case of drought. In I 8 o 7 Father Mariano Payeras at Mission Purfsima purchased cattle from other missions in order to fill the deficit caused by lack of grain. 578 At other times great feasts of beef were prepared, particularly if the mission had an illustrious visitor. As a result of observations made on his voyage to California in r 792, George Vancouver gave a colorful account of beef raising and eating at Mission Santa Clara where a feast was prepared in his honor. Black cattle propagated rapidly and lived in large herds in a semi-wild state on the vast plains surrounding Santa Clara. Preparations for the dinner began when soldiers were sent out to take cattle. Two men lassoed a steer from opposite directions using a leather line with a long running noose. The lines were then wrapped around the saddle po_mmels, while a third person brought the animal down and slit its throat. Twentytwo steers, pounds each were slaughtered, of which eighteen were given to the neophytes. Vancouver was told that twenty-four were slaughtered each Saturday, however, he noted that the Fathers had wisely forbidden the slaughter of any cattle until they had increased sufficiently. Sheep and horses, the Englishmen observed, had increased almost as rapidly due to the same careful management. 579 It was not as a source of food, however, that cattle were most often used. As work animals, oxen plowed the fields and threshed harvested grain. As providers of hides and tallow, they gave missions raw materials for soap, candles and leather goods of all types in addition to exportable commodities whose real value became obvious after r 8 1 o. Sheep were also a primary component of mission livestock and in numbers exceeded cattle. They were the most important meat source and chunks of mutton were routinely added to the various gruels prepared for the sustenance of Indian neophytes. As the source of wool, sheep made mission clothing industries possible. Sheep skin was frequently used for the manufacture of various articles of clothing and skins were often sold by missions to the military. In 1816 Fray Juan Bautista Sancho sent Governor Sola seventy-one sheepskins from San Antonio with which to clothe his needy soldiers Lasuen to Don Diego de Borica, San Carlos, May 5, 1797, AGN. DHM, ser. 1, Vol. I. Trans. in Ibid., II, Father Mariano Payeras to Father Jose Viiials, Santa Barbara, October r 3, 1807, AGN. Historia de Mexico. Primera Serie. Torno Wilbur, Vancouver in California, Father Juan Bautista Sancho to Governor Sola, San Antonio, September 2, 18 16, AASF. Phs. SBMA.

197 I 78 ECONOMIC ASPECTS OF THE CALIFORNIA MISSION Goats and swine were never as important as cattle and sheep in the mission economy. Goats were a source of milk and occasionally of meat. In I 8 18 Fray Juan Amoros at Mission San Carlos made a special gift to Governor Sola of a "tender young goat" presumably to grace the Governor's table. 581 Limited amounts of pork were eaten fresh or salted, smoked and preserved as ham or chorizo. A good ham was a gift which many Fathers considered worthy of the Governor. Some missions raised no pigs however, and some of those which did eliminated them before the end of the period. In 1 8 I 8 Father Estevan Tap is sent his remaining hogs to Monterey saying he had decided to discontinue raising them. 582 Horses and mules were important as work animals and were the only speedy alternatives to the creeping, rumbling ox drawn carts. Both were used for field work along witp oxen. Mules, in particular, were widely used to staff the supply service which moved goods between missions, presidios and to and from vessels along the coast. The animals were essential for movement of people and mail, sometimes all the way down the peninsula to Loreto. Small livestock, consisting mainly of turkeys and chickens, were never enumerated in reports, but were present in considerable numbers. Chickens were included in most early shipments. Turkeys, hitherto thought to be a later introduction, were present in early years. A shipment consigned to Father Serra in included fifty chickens, ten roosters and six turkeys. 583 The chickens multiplied rapidly and were valuable both for meat and eggs, but turkeys were never so plentiful. In 1816 Fray Pedro Munoz wrote to Jose de la Guerra from Mission San Fernando answering a request from the Captain for some turkeys. Father Munoz regretfully replied that he might be able to supply some later, but that at the present time the mission had only two toms and was saving the hens because some were breeding while others were hatching. 584 Droughts affected the huge mission livestock herds by destroying pasture and causing starvation. Heavy rains had the same effect. Mission Santa Cruz, for example, had constant livestock problems due to drought. In Father Manuel Fernandez wrote Governor Borica that many animals were dying; cattle, cows, horses, particularly stallions and up to half of the sheep because of a lack of food due to the scarcity of pasture. All of the cows and half of the mares had_ been put to pasture near Branciforte. 585 Usually years in which food crops were affected by diseases, pests 581 Father Juan Amoros to Governor Sola, San Carlos, May 1, 1818, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 582 Father Estevan Tapis to Governor Sola, San Juan Bautista, November 5, 1818, AASF. Phs. SBMA. 583 Memorial of Goods remitted to California, , SBMA Pedro Munoz to Jose de la Guerra, San Fernando, May 9, 1816, DGC, SBMA.