If you wouu inaeea 6elioU tlie spirit of aeatli,

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1 Chapter 1 Introduction "'You!(now tlie secret of aeatli CJ3ut liow sfia{{ you fina it un ess you see!( it in tlie lieart of ife? If you wouu inaeea 6elioU tlie spirit of aeatli, open your lieart wiae unto tlie 6oay of Cife.!For Cife ana aeatli are one, even as tlie river ana tlie sea are one. In tlie aeptli of your liope ana desires fies your sifent f(nowfedije of tlie 6eyonc{; )Ina fik seeds dreaming 6eneatli tlie snow your lieart areams of spri1l J. rjrust tfie areams, for in tfiem is fiidden tfie gate to eternity. " I -The Prophet 1 Gibran Kahlil, The Prophet,

2 Life and death are interwoven in a continuous and eternal cycle. Given the inevitability of death it is not surprising that the idea of dying has captured the thoughts and imaginations of men of all ages and cultures. There exists a strong correlation between a life well led and performance of particular rituals at the appropriate time, in our way oflife, right from the ancient period up to the present times. This continuity of tradition is quite fully represented in the performance of death rituals, which are considered an indispensable part of the ritual cycle. The life of a dead body is carefully constructed through an elaborate process of ritualization, which helps it to move beyond the realm of life, as we know it. The special significance of performance of death rituals at particular sacred sites, which promise instant salvation is a feature that I find very fascinating, and it this correlation that is sought to be understood here. For this purpose I have chosen to study the tirthas of Kasl, (modem Varanasl ),Gaya and Ramesvaram. Not only because they are pan Indian in character, but also because these ancient tirthas have continued to flourish to this day and this presents an exciting opportunity to understand the evolution of tradition. The aim of this section is to present a general idea on the development of the cult of the tzrthas in the post Vedic religion, with special reference to those places, which are intimately connected with the performance of rituals, associated with death. Two themes are interwoven in this endeavor. First is a study of the development and popularity of the cult of!lrtha, which became predominant in the Puranic religion and second is to trace the variety of rituals associated with death for transformation of the preta (a malevolent ghost) into the pill: (a benevolent ancestor). These include the rites of Sriiddha, pi1jqadana, twpa11a etc. My attempt is to connect these two themes to arrive at a picture of how certain 7

3 tlrthas become famous as the places to die like Kasl, while others for performance of rites which promise salvation e.g. Gaya, Haridwar, Prayaga, Kuruk~etra, Ramesvaram and so on. I seek to understand the dynamics that created this connection. Why, how and when did certain tlrthas come to be associated with death? Although an overriding motive behind any pilgrimage is associated with mok~a or salvation or happiness in this life, it is not all tlrthas that can lay claim to performance of death rites. Elaborate kinds of glorification mythologies are present in epics and Puraqas in the form of Mahiitmya literature or Stlwla Purii71as, which may help unraveling the connections to some extent. The epics and puraqas are full of references to the holy sites recommended for the performance of death rituals especially the Skanda Puraqa. The Garuda Puraqa in fact is entirely devoted to the discussion about the various rituals following death. The transformation of the Great Tradition in the present times can be studied not only by anthropological work but also through a study of popular chapbooks, which are usually circulated among pilgrims and contain a variety of myths and legends ofthe city. 1.1 Plan of the Dissertation There has been no systematic effort to place the performance of death rituals at tzrthas in an ordered fashion. While there is much scope for the same. My attempt will be to ~ integrate works on centers like Kasl, Gaya, Ramesvaram to arrive at a coherent picture of how the death rites vary at each center, what are the motivations involved and how a sacred center adopts and modifies its traditions to survive in a dynamic socio-religious atmosphere and a vibrant cultural- economic milieu. 8

4 The Dissertation has been divided into five chapters. The first chapter is an introduction to the various ideas and issues that will be discussed in this dissertation, like origin and antiquity of the sradddha ritual, the development of tzrtha yatrti cult, the variety of death rituals, and of course a survey of the secondary sources dedicated to the study of the institution of pilgrimage, Varanasl and Gaya. The second chapter is a study of the ancient tlrtha of Varanasl, its rich cultural landscape, and its tradition as a learning center and a sacred center par excellence. The main thrust will be on its unique tradition, which celebrates death, its close connection with the lord Siva, who transforms death itself into salvation. The ~ Kasi Kha11qa of Skanda Purana will be the main primary text. The third chapter proceeds with the study of association of a sacred center with performance of death rites and deals with the center of Gaya. The most celebrated place for performance of sraddha ritual, it boasts of an unbroken tradition of continuity right from the time when Brahma himself gave this site to the priests for performing Gayasraddha. The thriving pilgrim industry is what drives the economy of this place. As a primary source I have made use ofgaya Mahatmya of Vayu Pura11a. The fourth chapter takes us down south, at the very tip of the Indian peninsula, to the island tlrtha of Ramesvaram that has a special connection with mok~a. It is celebrated as a Saiva as well as a Vai~nava pilgrimage, popularly called as the ' Varanasi of South'. The site is not only a center for performance of funerary rites but also is intimately connected with the life of the hero of Ramayana, Shri Rama. Many renderings of Ramayana have been utilized to try and reconstruct a history of this center, being so scantily studied as it has been. The final chapter seeks to sum up what perspective I have been able to develop after a spatio- temporal analysis of the study of performance of death rituals. 9

5 1.2 The Cult of Tirtha - Yiitrli In the Mahabharata, the Vana Parva has a section called the "tzrtha-ytitra" Parva that discusses the places where pilgrimage should be made. There follows a list of rewards, which a person acquires, on making such pilgrimages. It is stated in the same context thatl the fruits of sacrifices, completely and accurately expounded in due order by the sages in the Vedas, cannot be obtained by the poor man. 0 king, sacrifices with their many implements and their very many requisites, are the province of princes..-'l. or sometimes very rich men, but not of single individuals who are deficient of means and implements and who do not have the help of others. But hear 0 king, of that practice which is accessible even to the poor, equal to the holy fruits of sacrifice. This is the supreme secret ofthe sages, 0 king : the holy practice of pilgrimage ( tfrthayatra ) excels even the sacrifice." 2 Most of the rewards are not surprisingly intangible, such as going to the world of various deities- )oma, Surya, Mitra, VaruQa etc~ Others are equivalence rewards, where a particular pilgrimage has the same merit as the performance of a sacrifice such as the Agni~toma, asvamedha, rajasuya etc. Such equivalences were perhaps necessary when geographical mobility improved and cult deities had to be incorporated into religious ritual. As far as the more tangible rewards are concerned they relate mainly to the acquisition of cows, gold and longevity. One can speculate whether the tzrtha yiitra cult develop - as a poor man's substitute for the Vedic sacrifices? And which later caught the imagination of people and became much more popular among all castes and classes, so much so that it replaced the Vedic cult of sacrifice, that had become cumbersome and obsolete. Since the women could freely 2 Quoted in Eck Diana L, India's Tfrthas : Crossings in Sacred Geography", p. 338,

6 participate in it, tlrtha yatra would surely have been popular among them and even the Sudras could practice it, hence no doubt it had a very mass based appeal, for instance at a tlrtha the cawjala, the sudra, the woman and the Brahma11a, all bathe in the same waters. But I cannot imagine that the situation would be as unproblematic as that. After all it were the Brahmana priests who were the custodians of ritual performance at tlrthas, hence a full suspension of all rules of untouchability would be a utopian situation, none the less, they would surely have been far les rigorously practiced when compared to the performance of Vedic rituals. While assessing Epic and Puranic statements about pilgrimage tradition it must be borne in mind that the cult of the tfrtha was very much a popular tradition, and did not need Brahmanical stamp for it to flourish and prosper. But it was not long before it became a fonnal part of the Brahmanical religion, which systematized and ritualized the whole process and gave it its myths and legends. The Brahmanical treatment of tlrtha and tfrthayatra, brought the subject into the realm of Dharma, and indeed tirthayatra became the single most broadly elaborated subject in the Dhannasastric and Puranic literature. The equivalence of the yatra with the sacrifice is important. Thus, it is not what one does in the tlrtha is important, in one sense, rather it is the fact of going and being there. The tfrthayatra is the rite; the place is the power. In Varanas1 for instance, it is said that even sleep is yoga. Going to a tfrtha is not only the matter of the feet, but also a matter of the heart. The manasatfrthas 3, " tfrthas of the heart", are as important as geographical tfrthas- they are truth, charity, patience, self control, celibacy and wisdom- these are the tfrthas in which one must bathe to become truly clean. If 3 Mahabharata, Anusasana Parva, Quoted in Eck, Diana L,ibid, p.340,

7 water alone were enough to purify, then the water leeches and fish of the Ganga would attain salvation. The notion of the interior tlrthas plays a perpetual counterpoint to the vast proliferation of the geographical tfrthas. The refrain of the great poem on Kas1, attributed to Sanka;acarya insists," I am that Kas1, whose real form is wisdom!" 4 Some of the Puraqic stories have a senous purpose m view viz emphasizing religious or philosophical dogma or moral values and standards and were clothed in a supernatural garb to make them striking and effective. Only a few legends have some historical basis, but the latter is evidently smothered in a mass of exaggerations and prejudices for or against a hero, a god, a tribe or family. 5 Another possibility is to study the ways in which these centers have survived in present times, how traditions have been adopted in present times. The intention is to explore how religious hegemony gets constructed? How the Great Tradition is circulated? In what way does little tradition appropriate or modify it? A connected theme is to understand the role of priestly class at 1 I sacred centers who act as carriers of tradition. How their role is affected by the economics of the pilgrimage network and patronage are important issues. It is ultimately held that that the power and sacred purity of the tirtha would render even a polluting act like death into something pure and sacred. 1.3 The Purity Pollution Dichotomy Notions of purity and pollution are also intrinsically linked to the practice of Hindu religion, more so because death is supposed to be polluting in nature. Much of the Hindu sacred law comprises rules for avoiding "pollution", i.e. involvement with biological 4 Quoted in Eck Diana L, Ibid, p Kane P.V. History ofdharrnasastras, Vol. IV, p. 623,

8 substance and processes, and thus for attaining purity. Pollution is acquired in connection with birth, death, sexual intercourse, eating, injuring or killing living things, and so on. One becomes purer,by e;.gj~~-!? sacred things, sacred places, ascetic practices, and reading J parts of the Ved~ etc~ Pollution in the Dhannasastras can be divided into a number of types. The most important is one in which birth or death takes place in one's kin group. Relationship via kin is a significant factor. Ego is defiled for a stipulated period of time by virtue of this connection with the deceased or the new born. Generally those most polluted by a person's death are his Sapi11qas, literally meaning those people who have the right to offer piqqa after a person's death, usually interpreted rather vaguely as people connected through seven generations in the father's line or five in the mother's line. It is clear that the C-!VN~ f durati~~?f!!:np~~!yl f.~-~~h is dependent on proximity in kinship. 7 Orenstein's 8 work deals in great depth about the defilement due to death, and how it varies according to not only the nearness of kinship, but also one's caste, upon whether the relation was from the mother's side or the father's, and whether the deceased belonged to a higher or lower varna than oneself. e.g. the higher the rank the less the defilement in case of birth or death. BrahmaQas are usually said to be polluted for ten days, K~atriyas for twelve days, Vaisyas for fifteen and Sudras for a month. The author of Vi~qu Dharmasiitra states, " If sapi71qa of a higher caste has died the period for impurity, has for their lower caste relations the same duration as for members of the higher caste. A BrahmaQa having as sapiqqas K~atriya, Vaisya, or Sudra castes, on their death a Brahrnaqa becomes pure within 6 Orenstein Henry," Death and Kinship in Hinduism: Structural and Functional Interpretations", American Anthropologists, New Series, Vol.72, No.6, Dec , p.l Orenstein Henry,ibid, p.l358 8 Orenstein Henry, Ibid, p.l358 13

9 six nights, or three nights or one night, respectively." 9 He also argues that mourning is an obliga6on that must be fulfilled, according to the ties of kinship. But with this point I do not agree entirely. Sense of bereavement is not something that can be enforced, what can be " --. ~. ~. _, enforced however are its outward manifestations like, not participating in functions of the society and other social occasions. e.g. when a man dies, his widow would be the one most deeply deprived, but she is a passive player. The most she can do is moan and cry for she has no role in the ritual performances. Children are frequently singled out for special treatment in the codes; their deaths cause less pollution than do the adult's or no pollution at all. Very young children are not cremated, but buried. Even at Vararwsi the corpses of children are not given to the fire, but are immersed as such in the Ganges. Since a child is not considered a full-fledged part of the society, their death does not require a period of mourning, and is an unproblematic affair as far as rituals are concerned. But once a male child has undergone the sacred thread ceremony, and a female has been wedded, the full period of pollution is stipulated for the sapitjqas. 10 Parasara and Usanas list ascetics among those whose death cause no impurity and Usanas adds those who are in Vanaprastha stage and those who are permanent Brahmacarzs. If a man dies in battle he causes no impurity among his kinsmen, according to Gautama. Manu likens the death of a K~atriya in a battle to an act of Vedic sacrifice. Manu and Vi~QU regard as pure those deaths that are caused while protecting the BrahmaQas, women and cows. 11 In the sastras there are certain categories of people for whom the ceremony of sraddha is prohibited. Even expressing sorrow at their death is not accepted by law givers 9 Quoted in Orenstein Henry,ibid, p.l Orenstein Henry,Ibid, p.l Quoted in Orenstein Henry,ibid, p.l363 14

10 like Vasi~tha, Yajnavalkya, Manu, Parasara etc., for those killed by water, fire, hanging, falling, poison, fasting or self- inflicted wounds. Individuals of this kind are to be deprived of funeral rites and water oblations. 12 If the water and pinqa are offered to people who die in sin they do not reach them and perish.in mid air. 13 Hence the polluting aspect of death is in itself a very complex phenomenon. The cause of death is as important as the place, age and motivations of the deceased as well as his position in the Varf!iisrama dharma. Rituals by which people deal with death actually celebrate life. Pilgrimage, feasts, dana and dak~if!ii, ritual performances, wailing, are all a part of this. I am not dealing here with the philosophical ideas dealing with death or liberation, but rather with the visible or physical aspect of death i.e., the various rites proceeding and following death and their proper performance ensuring a good state for the departed soul. Performing rites for the dead constitutes a very important duty in the life of a pious man. Obeisance to the ancestors forms an indispensable part of most religions and Hinduism is no exception. In fact in Hinduism the pit~ ~ 11a i.e. debt to the ancestors is considered as greater than deva fl?a or debt to the gods. A man can be pretty much ignored while he lives, only to receive the concerted attention of large number of people when he dies. In any case in human societies some fonn of mourning or ceremonialism at death is virtually, if not wholly, universal. According to Hertz 14, 1960, the "visible society" provides an image of itself, an " invisible society", as an abode of the dead, hence as a means of circumventing the permanence of death. But there must be a transition between this and the invisible society, and during the time needed to make the transfer, the status of the dead is 12 Quoted in Orenstein Henry,ibid,, p.l Quoted in Kane, PV, ibid, p.301, Quoted in Orenstein Henry, ibid, p.l

11 indeterminate. It is during this interval that rites are performed in order to effect and ease the passage. The main object of the proper disposal of the dead and performance of all rituals connected with it are to free the survivors from the pollution associated with death. Until these rites are duly performed the soul of the dead is said not to find a place in the company of the pitrs. It is not elevated to its due position in the cult of ancestor worship and it continues to be preta, haunting its relatives. 1.4 Rewarding Nature of the Tfrtha It is interesting to note that some tfrthas keep appearing constantly as the favored destinations with regard to funeral oblations like Kasl, Gaya, Pu~kara, Kuruk~etra, Prayaga, banks of river Ganga and so on. There are seven cities that are celebrated as granting mok~a, Ayodhya, the ancient capital of Lord Rama; Mathura, birthplace of Lord Kr~rw; Haridwar, where the Ganga enters the plains of north India after leaving its mountainous abode; Kasl, the eternal city of Lord Siva on the banks of Ganga, Kanchi, the Vai~nava and Saiva city of Tamil Nadu; Ujjain, the site of the great linga of Mahakala in central India; and Dwarka, the capital of Lord Kr~na in Western India. The following verse of Vacaspati Mishra' s Tirtha Cintiima11i, c A.D. describes quite aptly what I seek to say, "One should make tonsure at Prayiiga, offer Pi11cfas at Gayii, give presents at Kurukqetra and leave ones body at Varii11asf". The verse makes it clear that although all tlrthas promise the usual benefits like longevity, wealth, prosperity, merit in the next life and so on, a few places, however are known for performance of distinctive rites. Especially important are those tlrthas that are famous for pitr tarpa11a and sraddha rites for the dead. Although such rites may be performed at many tlrthas through out the length and breadth of 16

12 the country, the north Indian group called the Tristhali- Kasi, Gaya and Prayaga, are famous for these rites. The three great tirthas of Prayaga, Kasi and Gaya are referred to as Tristhali and the great scholar Narayanabhatta wrote in circa 1580 A.D. in Banaras a famous work called Tristhalisetu (a bridge to the tristhali) wherein he gives a thorough and exhaustive treatment of the pilgrimage to these three places alone. It is because the tfrtha is a good ford between this world and that of heaven or the world of pit~ s, that it is the right place for ritual performances. The cycle of the various sacraments of life and death connects major tirthas in a very interesting manner. It is the existence of these inter connections that will be highlighted here. The Kasi Khm)qa of Skanda Puraqa says, "In the Kreta Yuga these are holy tirthas everywhere, in Treta Yuga Pu~kara is the greatest of them all, in Dvapara Yuga Kuruk~etra is the best and in Kali Yuga only Ganga is the holiest" 15 Pura11as glorify a tirtha by means of a Mahatmya, i.e. a collection of verses, which extol the subject of its description and describe the various merits attained on making a pilgrimage to it. The account of a particular center of pilgrimage, and of pilgrimage itself, is followed by Phalasruti, which is in the general form, " the place X... when visited at the time T... together with performance of observances a,b,c,d... yield the results, p,q,r,s...", they are usually a combination of merits of both secular and spiritual nature, such as curing of a disease and securing a better existence in -next life. 16 First the tfrtha mahiitrnya frequently claim that the firtha is the best place for performance of specific kinds of rites. Since it is a place of powerful and direct communication between this world and the other, the acts one does and the prayers one 15 Kasl Kha11qa, , Tagare G V, (Ed.),Book IV -Skanda Purana,Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology Series,l Bharati, Agehanand, " Pilgrimage in the Indian Tradition",. p. 145,

13 utters at a tlrtha are many times more beneficial and swift of fruition than they would be elsewhere. In part, of course, it is because the tfrtha is reached only after a long journey and is hence difficult to access, durlabh, that its rewards are multiplied. For instance, the sight of Amarnath, situated in the lofty Kashmir Himalayas, is enhanced by the sheer effort of the long trek, an effort that is Rightly compared to the tapas of an ascetic. Apart from that it is the inherent power of the place itself that is transforming. Ann. G. Gold's "Fruitful Journey: The ways ofrajasthani Pilgrims", 1989 has very valid point in this regard. Beyond the elementary fact of movement, Yatra has a common involvement with death. Among Rajasthani pilgrims she found the pilgrim's concerns complexly lined with the ideas, actions surrounding death, birth and rebirth of deceased kin. Death of a person in the prime of his life i.e. one who leaves behind a young wife and small children is the considered to be the most perilous because the bonds tying the deceased would be strong, their spirits are considered to be the potential lingers. Death of infants is treated with nonchalance and is an unproblematic affair. While death of an old person, who has lived a ripe age requires elaborate mourning. But there is an underlying sense of fulfillment and even celebration, because such dead would join the ancestors in the pit~ loka. Ancestors at Ghatiali (i.e. the village of her field work) received sraddha duringpit~ pa~qia of the month of Ashoj. Men of affluent families of Ghatiyali went to Haridwar for offering of PiQqas and immersing of ashes in the Ganga and before returning home bathed and worshipped at PuE?kara. The connection with these two tlrthas is an interesting pointer to the process where pan Indian tlrthas are incorporated in the ritual cycle of a small village in Rajasthan. Although it lies only within the reach of affluent families. 18

14 Though India was divided into many kingdoms and the people followed several cults and sub-cults, pilgrimages tended to foster the idea of the essential and fundamental unity of Indian culture. Banaras and Ramesvaram were held sacred by all Hindus 17, whether they hailed from north India or from the peninsula. Though the Hindu community was broken up into numerous castes and suffered from caste exclusiveness, pilgrimages tended to level up all men by bringing them together to the same holy river or shrine. Modem men whose faith in some of the aspects of the religious beliefs of our forefathers has been weakened or all together sapped by the sight of the professional ministrants at the tfrthas and their rapacity and ignorance should not judge the ancient attitude towards tfrthas harshly. The word tlrtha occurs frequently in the R,g Veda where it appears to mean a road or a way. In R,g Veda waters are spoken of as purifying and hymns are addressed to waters as divinities. They are said to purify man not only physically but also invoked to rid a man of all sins and lapses from the Right path. In Rg Veda (X.104.8) 18 Indra is said to have secured for the gods ninety-nine flowing rivers. The Vayupuraqa and Kiirma state that all parts of the Himalaya are holy, the Ganges is holy everywhere, all rivers falling into the sea and all the seas are holy. In the Siitras and ancient Smi;tis like those of Manu and Yajfiavalkya, tfrthas do not occupy a very prominent position, but in the epics and the puraqas they are highly lauded and placed even above sacrifices. In the Vanaparva 19 a comparison is made between sacrifices to gods and pilgrimages. It is said that sacrifices require numerous implements, collection if materials, 17 Kane P.V. ibid,p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

15 the cooperation of the priest and the presence of a wife and so they can be perfonned only by princes and rich men. Poor men who have limited resources, who are without a wife and without friends, who are helpless, cannot perform them. The reward that a man gets by visiting holy places cannot be secured by performing such sacrifices as Agnistoma in which large fees is paid to the priest. ; Therefore visiting holy places is superior to the sacrifices. But the Vanaparva and the Anusasana parva simultaneously emphasize that cultivation of high moral values and spiritual qualities is a must if the full reward of the pilgrimages is to be reaped. The Vanaparva adds that whatever a sin a man or woman may have committed from birth, the moment the person takes a bath in the holy Pu~kara, all the sin vanishes. From this one can gather that women had as much right to pilgrimage as men, something that had been denied to them in the sacrificial ritual. The Brahmapurana states that wherever a man who has his senses under his control may dwell, there are present Kuruk~etra, Prayaga and Pu~kara. The Vi~nudharmottarapura11a 20 states clearly, ' when resort is made to a tzrtha, it removes the sin of the sinful and tends to the increase of merit in the case of the good and that a holy place yields fruit to men of all vamas and asramas. The Tirthakalpataru of Lakshmidhara, devotes more than half the work to Varanasi and Prayaga alone, and assigns only a few pages to other famous tirthas such as Pu~kara, P:t:thudaka, Kokamukha, Badrikasrama and Kedara. The Nrsimhaprasada ( Tirthasara ) mostly deals with the tirthas in the Deccan and Southern India such as, Setubandha ( Ramesvara ), Punqarika (modem Pandharpur ), Godavari, Krsna-venya, and Nannada. This unequal treatment arose from various causes, such as localities where the authors lived, their 20 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

16 personal choices, familiarity with the region and their predilections. Added to this was the tendency of the authors of the puranas, mahatmyas and digests to exaggerate and over- state their point. Mere residence in Kasi was so much lauded that the Matsya, Agni and other puranas say that after repairing to Kasi one should smash ones feet with a stone ( in order that one may not be induced to visit another tirtha ) and stay in Kasi forever! The Tirtha Cintamani and Tirthaprakasa quote a passage from the Kiirrnapura11a 21 which glorifies Avimukta as follows, ' Brahmanas, k~atriyas, Vaisyas, siidras, persons of mixed castes, women, mlecchas, and others who are born in evil forms and are of mixed blood, worms, ants, birds and beasts when they die in A vimukta are born as human beings in Banaras and M no one guilty of sins in A vimukta goes to hell.' ~ ~ King Akbar is said to have remitted the pilgrimage tax and it appears that on the plea. \ of a writer called Kavindracarya.Shah Jahan remitted the tax on pilgrims going to Prayaga ~ ~ and K.Sl. ~n, ~~ '- -1 While giving a description of the sacred regions Garuda Pura11a says, Ganga is the ''<.; e{(e--;;:: ~::;;;;:: daughter of the sun, Saraswati is where Brahma performed ten horse sacrifices; Kasi, is the best of holy places where the kind Mahadeva recites Taraka in the ears of dead creatures ; Ayodhya, where the lotus eyed Rama lived to confer mukti ( salvation ), Pu~kara, Kuruk~etra, Godavari, Srisaila, the best of mountains where many Lingatfrthas exist and. many others. 22 In a remarkable copper plate inscription in Sanskrit and Kannada 23 issued by the Hoysala king Narsimha III in 1279A.D. it is said that the king granted the revenues of a 21 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Garuda Puraqa,II , Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology Series, Epigraphica Camatica, Vol.l5, No. 298, Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p. 57" TH M4269 Sa TH15023

17 village called He~tb~-lillgrjl)ls of Kasl and to god Srivisvesvara for the purpose of enabling the pilgtims to visit Banaras ( from the whole of Kamataka, Telingana, Tulu, Tirhut, Gauda and others). The Tristhalisetu 24 declares that the sankalpa made at the start of a pilgrimage should not include the name of all holy places intended to be visited, but should expressly state the last one up to which one desires to go. Persons from southern or western India should make a sankalpa about Gaya ( and pilgrimage to Prayaga and Kasl will be implied ). While a person from eastern India should make a sankalpa about Prayaga ( and pilgrimage to Gaya and Kasi will be included as a matter of course. ) Death and its related aspects like performance of rituals, expression of grief are prominent ways through which kinship ties are strengthened. And this in tum is a powerful reflection of family bonds that strongly come to the fore on occasions such as death, marriage etc. Raj Bali Pandel 5 quotes from the Baudhayana Pit:r:amedha Sutra, which states, "It is will known that through the Samsakaras after birth conquers this earth and through the samsakaras after death, the heaven". Pandey while discussing in great detail the full ritual cycle of life, devotes a section to the Antye~ti Rites or Death rites. There are two kinds of purposes behind the Samsakaras, one is popular and super~~~~ motivated by an '..._../ unquestioned faith and simplicity of the mind. While the oth:_r is prie~tly ~n~;;~~which undergoes elaboration and refinement with the passage of time. Death and its rituals not only 24 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Pandey, Raj Bali, Hindu Samskaras,

18 reflect social values, but also are an imp011ant force in shaping them. 26 Pandey draws heavily from primary sources like Vedas, Pura11as, Dharmasutras etc and provides information regarding the variation of death 1ituals in accordance with the age of the deceased as well as the mode of death. Any unnatural or untimely death invoked a more terrible kind of horror and pollution. He also makes the following observation, which echoes the theme of my paper, "The development ofpura11ic Hinduism synchronized with the death ofvedic religion and the gravity of religious life shifted from home -the venue of samsakaras- to tzrthas and temples. Whether it is Mathura or Kasl, Puri or Tirupati, the ancient roots of today's great tirthas are in the cults of the genii loci i.e. the primacy of the place, whose antiquity dates to a period far before they came to be called tlrthas and long before their influence over the local population was used as a tool to co-opt them in the emerging cults of Saivism Vai&navism or the cult ofthe Sakti.. The sanctity of the tlrtha is enhanced through such literary devices as an additional, derivative Phala.Yruti, for the meditation or mere thinking of a tzrtha. Thus the Matsyapurana has a section called, tlrtha-mahatmya-pathana-sraval]a-phalam, ' the fruit of reading and listening to the account of the greatness of a place of pilgrimage.' In this locative form of religiousness, the place itself is the primary focus of devotion, and its traditions of ritual and pilgrimage are usually much older than any of the particular myths and deities that attach to In the thousands of particular tales that attach to the tzrthas everywhere and which are recounted in the Mahatmyas and Sthala pura11as of each place, one finds repeatedly the 26 Geertz, 1979, Quoted in Rosaldo, Renato, "Death in the Ethnographic Present", Poetics Today, Vol.9, No.2, 1988, p Eck, Diana L, ibid,p.323,

19 theme of the appearance of the divine, whether as an incarnation of Vi~qu or as Siva or Sakti. Often in its mahatmya, a ttrtha of a local cult will subscribe to the larger all- India tradition by linking its sanctity to the great events of Epics and Pura:qas. This might be seen as the geographical equivalent of Sanskritization. 28 The forest sojourn of the Pandavas or ~-- those of Rama, Sita and Lakshrnan are specially suited to this kind of process, where local tirthas may appropriate pan Indian significance. Thus, countless centers get incorporated in the larger tradition and begin to be circulated as part of the Sanskritic tradition. Every tlr~ha 'stale is ofhierophany, the residents of heaven breaking in upon the earth. 29 Rituals would obviously have undergone transformation when they were shifted from home to the tirthas. First, the choice of tirthas would be important, and then the mode of reaching or the aspect of Yatra would become integral to it. At the sacred center the Brahrna:qa ritual priests developed and preserved their own unique traditions and lastly the yatra would be complete only after offering of gifts of da!gina to the officiating priests. Eck 30, however opines that the rites performed at the tirtha do not differ from those performed at home; for her, it is the journey and the place itself that makes the ordinary turn into extraordinary. The Brahmaqas or ritual specialists form a special caste with local variants; there are the Gangaputras, ' Sons of the Ganges' and the Choubey at Mathura- the latter are also famous as professional wrestlers, the Gayawals at Gaya, the Prayiigawals at Allahabad, the Panqii at Banaras and other places, etc. the institutionalized panqa belongs to the Kanyakubja, Sarayupiiri or Gujrati ( Nagari ), castes of Brahma:qas, which are considered 28 Eck, Diana L, ibid, p Eck Diana L, Ibid, p Eck Diana L, Ibid,p

20 among the_noblest Brahmm1a groups. They, apart from showing the pilgrims around the -- _...,.. _ r---- ~ various places of worship and instructing them what to do where, enter the pilgrim's names into big ledgers which are kept at the temples and these are a great source of their legitimacy for claiming the exclusive hold over pilgrims from a certain region. The dubious prestige of Brahmanas of tlrthas is not something new and has even been recorded in Kalhana's Rajatarangini. 31 There is an elaborate system of touting for pilgrims, e.g. the Pari system in Banaras, the most conspicuous being at Jagannath Puri, for pilgrims to the Car Festival. Foundation of a pilgrimage network would thus involve the creation and elaboration of many new relationships. Every pilgrimage has a strictly defined purpose and scope ; the procedure is exactly prescribed, with little leeway for the individual's ingenuity in matters relating to travel. e.g. the date, time and place for taking a bath in the holy waters during priests and depend on various local considerations. The waters of holy rivers like Ganga, Yamuna, Kaveri, and Godavari etc are said to be suitable for immersion of ashes as well as ritual bathing for sake of purification. On their banks are some of the most sacred of India's tlrthas: Prayaga and Kasl on Ganga, Amarakantak and Tryambaka at the headwaters of the Narmada and Godavari, respectively, and Srirangam on an island in the Kaveri to name a few. So closely associated is the tfrtha with pure, running river water that in South India the word tlrtha has come to mean sacred waters. Along the seacoast are such tlrthas as Puri in the East, Chidambaram and Ramesvaram in the South, and Dwarka and Somanth in the West. The circumambulation of the land ofbharata includes these coastal tfrthas. 31 Quoted in Bharati, Agehanand,Pilgrimage in Indian Tradition, p.l38, 1963 ~"- 25

21 The river is an ancient and complex cultural symbol in India. 32 Crossing the great rivers of India, especial~y in their season of full flood, has long been a challenge to travelers, who have sought out the fords, with their ferries and rafts to make a safe crossing. Samsara, the ceaseless flow of birth and death and birth again, was likened to a river, and the far shore became an apt and powerful symbol of the goal of the spiritual traveler as well: the distinct horizon of sure ground on the far side of the flood, beyond the treacherous currents. 33 The Vedic imagination produced two great images of crossing the river flood. First, since the universe is fundamentally three storied, with the heavens above, the atmosphere in the middle, and the earth below, one crosses over from earth to heaven or in the case of gods from heaven to earth. The atmosphere, extending as far up as the blue extends, is often described as the vast river of space to be forded in the communication between heaven and earth. The second image is related; India's rivers are seen as originating in heaven and flowing vertically from the lake of divine waters in heaven, down through the atmosphere, and out upon the face of the earth. 34 This flow of life giving waters which links heaven and earth becomes a means for crossing from this world into the next. The Ganga, for instance, is sometimes called svargasopana-sarini, " the flowing ladder to heaven". There are two very ancient and meritorious tfrthas on Ganga about which I would like to add a few words, more so because they are also intimately connected with the performance of death rituals. They are Haridwar and Prayaga or Allahabad. 32 Eck, Diana L,ibid.p Eck, Diana L,ibid, p Eck Diana L, ibid, p

22 Haridwar, situated in the state of Uttaranchal is the site where Ganga enters the plains of India. Apart from being a center of Kumbha Mela, its importance in death rituals in present times is attested to by the large throngs of pilgrims who come from all over India with the ashes of their dear ones to be immersed in the Ganga. Lakhs of people every year take bath in the holy waters of Ganga to absolve their sins and seek merit for their forefathers. Similarly Prayaga or Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh is especially meritorious for performance of death rites on account of being situated at the confluence of three holy rivers Ganga, Yamuna and Saraswati. Like in Gaya in Prayaga too piqqa dana is meritorious, especially during the pit1: Pak~a of the months of A,\:vin, which is the best time to offer sraddha. Georgio Bonazzoli 35 has written a useful article to ~auge the sanctity of Prayaga. WL..J M. Matsya and Padma Purana contain Prayaga Mahatmya. It is said therein- "If one bathes and drinks water where there are Ganga, Yamuna and Saraswati, one enjoys mukti, there is no doubt". Prayaga is said to be tzrtharaja or king of all tirthas. "At Avimukta (Banaras) the noble minded get mok~a through the knowledge of the taraka mantra. In Prayiiga, all people get mok~a without knowledge". The greatness of ~aga is found in the }\g Veda itself (X.75) 36, ' those who take a -...: :::: bath at the place where the two rivers, white and dark, meet together, they rise up to heaven; those determined men who abandon their body there (i.e. commit suicide by drowning themselves) secure immortality or mok~a. A legend runs in the puraqas that Prajapati (Brahma) performed a sacrifice here and Prayaga is the middle of the vedls of Brahma, the others being Kuruk~etra to the north, and Gaya in the east. It is also referred to as Trivenz, 35 Bonazzoli, Georgio, "Prayaga and its Kumbha Mela", Pural}a, Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid, p.596 vj...-y ~~ 27

23 believed to be the Sangama of Ganga and Yamuna with the invisible Saraswati. The Kurmapura11a proclaims 37, " it is the sacred spot of Prajapati: those who bathe here go to heaven and those who die here are not born again." It is said in the Matsyapura11a that when Rudra dissolves the world at the end of the Kalpa, the holy place of Prayaga is not destroyed, that Brahma, Vi~11u and Siva stay here in Prayaga. Not only did the common men believe in the promise of the pura11as that those who killed themselves at Prayaga secured mok~a, but even great poets like Kalidasa held the view that though mo~a or kaivalya required correct knowledge and realization of the Supreme spirit, death at the sacred Sangama led to mok~a even without 'tatvajiiiina'. Historical examples of kings such as Yasah-Karnadeva, Chandella Dhangadeva and Chalukya Somdvara committing suicide at Prayaga or the Tungabhadra have been given. The Padmapura11a 38 remarks emphatically, " A man who, knowingly or unknowingly, willfully or unintentionally, dies in the Ganges secures upon death heaven and mok~a." Gradually, the idea of securing heaven and mo~a by committing suicide at Prayaga or Banaras appears to have spread to other tlrthas. Vanaparva speaks of suicide at PI;thudaka. The Brahmapura11a calls upon dvijas who are intent on securing mok~a to commit suicide at Puru~ottama k~etra. The Lingapura11a says that if a Brahma11a kills himself on Srisaila he destroys his sins and attains mo~a as at A vimukta (Banaras). However there was also a revulsion against suicide at Prayaga or Kasi or on starting on the Great Journey. Among the practices forbidden in the Kali age are included, starting on the Great Journey and suicide of old people jumping from a precipice or by fire. 37 Quoted in Kane, P.V. ibid, p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid, p

24 The Tristhalisetu 39 also enters upon a long discussion and its conclusions are that in suicide at Prayaga for the attainment of mok~a or other rewards there is no sin, that this suicide is not forbidden to Brahmaqas as some think. Persons whether seriously ill or in good health may resort to suicide at Prayaga. But they do not have authority to commit suicides, who have abandoned their old parents to fate, or young wife and children who need support, nor should a woman who is pregnant or has young children or who has no pennission from her husband, commit suicide. The Matsyapuraqa says, " those who enter fire according to the rules m A vimukta enter the mouth of Siva and so also those detennined devotees of Siva who die by fast in Banaras do not return to the world even after million of kalpas. Therefore all those who die in any way at Banaras receive grace from Siva after their death. In rare passages it is expressly stated that mok~a cannot be immediately secured by dying in these cities. River confluences have always held highest prestige- perhaps a sort of additive fame attaching to a place where more than one river can be bathed in at the same time. Thus, there are seven Great confluences- the most important being that of the Ganga, Yam una, and the mythical Saraswati at Prayaga, at the site called triveni sangam, i.e. 'a confluence of three'. The other important confluences are, Vi~f!U- Prayiiga, Nanda- Prayaga, KarJ1a Prayiiga, Deva-..Prayiiga, Rudra-Prayiiga, and the confluence of Kr~11a and Vena rivers in the south, known as Dak~i11a -Prayiiga. 1.5 Historiography The theme of pilgrimage in the Hindu tradition has been studied quite extensively by a variety of scholars - historians and anthropologists like Surinder Mohan Bharadwaj, Allan 39 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid, p

25 E. Morinis, Ann Feldhaus, Makhan Jha, Agehananda Bharati, LP Vidyarthi, Ann Gold, William Sax, Mahesh Sharma, Mokashi, Baidyanath Saraswati and to on. Most scholars tend to concentrate on one particular center or a regional network of centers, with emphasis on the sacred performances, rituals and the motives of pilgrims. Although works on pilgrimage were important for me to develop a conceptual understanding of the theme, there are some works that I would especially like to mention as they relate more directly to my theme. Diana Eck, 40 states that 'tzrtha' is a 'ford' or crossing place, a spiritual ford where heaven and earth meet, it is charged with power and purity. A doorway between heaven and earth, where ones prayers are quickly answered, wishes readily fulfilled and ones rituals more likely to bring manifold blessings. It is a place of crossing, very closely related to the metaphor of the river. The word tlrtha is from the Sanskrit verb trl tarati, meaning " to cross over". The noun tzrtha means a ford, as well as any watering or bathing place. It sometimes means a path or passage more generally. The root verb 'tr' includes subsidiary meanings- to master, to surmount, to fulfill, to be saved- as well as its primary meaning, to cross. The noun taraka also derived from tr, means a boat or ferry, as well as a pilot or savior. Tirtha, with its many associations is a word of passage. It refers not to the goal, but to the way, the path one travels. 41 In the Upani~adas; the verb 'tr' is used almost exclusively to refer to the spiritual crossing from the realm of birth and death to immortality, from ignorance to knowledge, from darkness to light. In the Isa Upani&ada, a person passing over, ( tirta ) death, gains immortality ( am~tam) by virtue ofknowledge 42 In the Katha Upani&ada (1.12), Naciketas 40 Eck Diana L, Banaras: City of Light, Eck Diana L,ibid, p. 325, Quoted in Eck Diana L, ibid, p

26 in his conversation with Death, describes the world of heaven as a place where one rejoices, having crossed beyond ( tirtva ) both old age and death., hunger and thirst 43. This sense of crossing over beyond the distinctions of this world is also found in Sanatkumara' s teachings to Narada in the Chandogya Upani~ada, (8.4) the teacher proposes the image of the annan as the bridge ( setu ) which separates the worlds: " Over that bridge there crosses ( taratah ) neither day nor night, nor old age nor death, nor sorrow nor well-doing, nor evil - doing... Therefore verily upon crossing,( tirta ) that bridge, the night appears even as the day, for that Brahma world is ever illuminated." 44 Here the tfrtha, the crossing place or the bridge is the atman itself. Like a bridge it both separates and joins the near shore of dualities and the far shore in which those distinctions do not exist. This usage is not without precedent in the earlier Vedic literature. In }\g Veda (I ), the poet opens with a prayer that the benedictions of the gods may come near and that by these benedictions we may cross over ( taranto ) all our troubles. 45 The Taittiriya Brahmana speaks of the purified man who crosses over( tarati ) sins and prays that we, purified by that man might likewise cross beyond ( tarema ) sins. 46 Vedic texts present human death and its attendant ritual as a transitional point, simultaneously the last in a lifelong series of activities that gradually refine and perfect the persons,and the beginning of a process whereby the spirit of the deceased passes from human existence to a realm of "ancestor- spirits". In this sense the Satapatha BrahrnaQa describes it as a "third-birth"; "a person is indeed born three times, as follows: First he is born from his mother and father. One whose lot is to sacrifice is born a second time when he performs sacrifice. He is born a 43 Quoted in Eck, Diana L,ibid, p Quoted in Eck Diana L,ibid, p Quoted in,eck Diana L, ibid, p Eck Diana L,Ibid, p.33l. 31

27 third time when he dies, and is placed upon the tire, and he arises again. Therefore they say that a man is born three times." 47 Through death and cremation, the spirit ( pwusa ) of the deceased is born into the world of the ancestors, where it attains a body and receives nourishment through the sraddha offerings made by his descendents. In the opinion of Agehananda Bharati, "in all Indian languages the world for pilgrimage contains the word, "to go". (Gam, Gaccha, Yam, Yaccha, Yiitrii). It was the motion, the effort of moving on and then up the steep mountains, the circumambulation and the various prostrations in and around the shrine which must be seen as the key element in the whole undertaking". Prada/qinii ( circumambulation ) is an invariable observance during pilgrimage. The various points of religious significance along circumambulation routes,as the one at Banaras along the paiicakosl, or at Mathura are shown to the pilgrims by the Bdihmana whose specified job is this sort of pilgrim's guidance. For Bharati 48,the most interesting part of the pilgrimage as practiced in India was the highly diversified form of motives of the pilgrims. DB Mokashi 49 presents a first hand account of his Warkari Pilgrimage to Pandharpur. He emphasizes on the diversity of pilgrimages in Indian tradition, but they are all in minor and major ways different. Each site has its very own particular history, lore and functions within the religious life of that community. Every pilgrim in tum has his own specific motivations, ranging from the most mundane to the soteriologically the loftiest. 47 Quoted in Davis Richard H, "Cremation and Liberation: The Revision of a Hindu Ritual", History of Religions, Vol.28, No.I, Aug.l988, p Bharati, Agehanand, "Pilgrimage in the Indian Tradition", History of Religions, Vol.3, No.I, Summer, Mokasi, D.B, "Palki-An Indian pilgrimage",

28 Apart from the Warkari tradition, no other strand in Hinduism places an obligatory character over pilgrimage. But when yatra is undertaken for the sake of the deceased, then the sense of obligation and duty would be uppermost. Allan Morinis 50 gives us an ethnographical study of pilgrimage in West Bengal and the specific cultural milieu within which the tradition is carried our social construction and motivations is an important aspect of pilgrimage for him. Makhan Jha 51, apart from emphasizing the religious motivations of pilgrimage deals with its social moorings too. Pilgrimage plays an important role in generating a circulating mechanism in which all social strata's of the concerned groups participate without any distinction and discrimination. In this way the places of pilgrimage generate a gigantic network of socio-religious circulation encompassing the entire population. Diana Eck, also reiterates that the rules of untouchably ---~ were suspended at tlrthas and in the course of the journeys undertaken to reach them. But one wonders if the actual situation is so unproblematic and without conflict. Mahesh Sharma 52 brings out the aspect of tensions within the tlrtha yatra. The Sanskrit pilgrimage had a certain caste-class bias, in that only the people of high castes and those rich enough could expect and afford to visit all the major sacred centers spread as they were along the length and breadth of the sub-continent. Each with its elaborate and expensive rituals. Such an expensive practice moreover could be used by those of high caste as tool of subjugation. That tlrthas and temples were not freely accessibly to all, especially the untouchables is clear from the movement for temple entry which began during the period of the National 50 Morinis Allan, Pilgrimage in Hindu Tradition, Jha Makhen, (Ed.), Dimensions ofpilgrimage: An Anthropological Appraisal, Sharma Mahesh, "Dimensions of Pilgrimage: A Case Study of Jalandhara P)tha",

29 Movement, in Kerala 53. It was a movement to open public temples and roads leading to temples for the Harijans. Coming back to Mahesh Sharma, he also points out the (frtha yatra involves oppositions like purity and pollution, dietary regulations, sexual abstinence, practices like dana, dak~it~a and feasting the Brahmaf!a priests. A host of local faith and practices were incorporated and arranged in a structured pattern. Through performance of sacred rites the brahamanical priestly rights too are embedded and secured. For those who could not go off to far off places, alternatives were created and elevated to the status comparable to their prototypes. For instance the local sacred complex of Baijnath in Jalandhar p"ftha was compared to Varaf!asL Similarly Gayat1rtha had a parallel in the Gaya of Jalandhar.. It is emphasized in the Jalandhara Mahatmya, "Then pilgrimage of Gaya tzrtha should be undertaken to attain salvation. Those who do not attain salvation by numerous pi11qa danas at Gaya, do so by performing a single pif!qa dana at Gaya in Jalandhar pitha. In the same vein a parallel Kuruk~etra was created as a geographical areas within the p1tha, "Then the pilgrim should stay put at Jalandhar for three days. Sraddha should be conducted and dana given at this center in order to attain salvation. The areas between the shrines of Virabhadra an~ } }? Vridha-Kedara is known as Kuruk~etra". These are very interesting way in which local tradition seeks to incorporate the Great Tradition. While they cannot do away with the importance of tlrthas like Varaf!as1, or Gaya, they recognize it and adapt it so as to be within the reach of the poorer sections of the region. I now move on to a discussion of some scholarly works on some specific centers like Kas1 and Gaya which I have chosen for the purpose of my study, which are 53 Chandra Bipan, India's Struggle for Independence,

30 connected in one way or another with death and salvation. As regards Ramesvaram 1 was continuously restrained by the lack of sources, which could make my endeavor more meaningful. Space is of unequal quality. It is diverse and discontinuous. All places are not equally suitable or meritorious for sacred performances. The effectiveness of a place often depends upon its association with gods, sages, ancestors, r~is, spirits, sacred rivers, mountains etc. Like space, time is also of different qualities. Ritual space and ritual time are inextricably bound together. The sacred effectiveness of a ritual increases manifold with the correct combination of space and time. No other city is as famous for death as Kasi. It is the most awaited gues!. here. The Kasi Khaqqa 54 of Skanda Puraqa states "Oh, there is no fear of death in the holy spot ofvisveswara, where all await death as a favored guest". There is no pain in death here for death in Kasi is liberation, 'Kasl Maranam muktih '.The Kasi khaqqa extols the virtues of death in Kasi as Kasi lies in the domain of lord Siva who himself ferries the dead into His world. From the readings that I have used for this paper, I can fathom, two or broad trends in historiography. But these positions are neither polar nor antithetical to each other. Some of the European reveal in their words neither revulsion nor intoxication alone, but rather a curious mixture of the two. Although there is an attempt to understand the significance of the city, there is clearly a point at which appreciation or fascination yields to condemnation. An important trend that can be associated with colonial travelers, best represented by MA Sherring is a remarkable example of the Orientalist view with which 54 Kasi Khanda, IV ,ibid 35

31 India was viewed in the colonial period. All about her was otherworldly and mystic. Sherring records his observations about the city with a sense of awe mixed with despise. Sherring, a Christian missionary spent many years in Banaras in mid century and was clearly fascinated by the city. He took great interest and care in his research into its history and its sacred sites. But as a devout Christian he could not include the city in his religious imagination. The poignant ambivalence of a man who probably has come to love Banaras and yet felt he must finally condemn it is expressed in his work. He could not fathom why the place evoked such strong emotions among pilgrims and residents. In keeping with his colonial training he writes that "Hindu writers have shown a considerable neglect of chronology and an utter distaste for nothing and recording historical facts in a simple and consecutive manner. The result is that Banaras who antiquity is very great, is _ robbed of much of the glory which is justly her due". 55 Hence he places much more emphasis on the Buddhist canonical, as also on accounts left by foreign travelers like Huein Tsang, which is an important category of source material. It was the multitude of divine images or "idols' as they called them, that elicited the strongest response of westerners in their encounter with Banaras and with Hinduism generally. Virtually everyone who visited the city, from Ralph Fitch, through those who went there in subsequent centuries, expressed astonishment and even repugnance at the panoply of images. 56 A second kind of attempt is made by later foreign scholars, two of whom of I found quire impressive Diana L. Eck 57 and Jonathan Parry 58. While Eck has done extensive study 55 Sherring MA, Banaras: The Sacred City of the Hindus in Ancient and Modem Times, Reprinted, Quoted in Eck Diana L, Banaras: City oflight, Eck Diana L, ibid, Parry Jonathan, Death in Banaras,

32 of Sanskrit sources, she has also complimented it with anthropological work. Eck is a historian whose love and fascination for Banaras comes across clearly in the very first lines of her Preface to her book, " I first knew Banaras fifteen years ago when I studied for a year at Banaras Hindu University. It was an awesome city, captivating, challenging and endlessly fascinating. It was Banaras that tuned me to the study of India and the Hindu religious tradition-it complex mythological imagination, its prodigious display of ritual traditions, and ~ it understanding of the relation of life and death - after many visits Banaras has become familiar to me, yet I remember vividly how foreign it once seemed". Eck does a wonderful job of conveying the great antiquity of Banaras and demonstrating the remarkable continuities that have persisted through the ages. She does not ignore the poverty of the city, or the pollution of the Ganges, but she excels in pointing out the subtle geography of the place that is the real Banaras to the pious Hindu. Eck emphasizes the role of Banaras as primarily the city that welcomes death, "More than for her temples and magnificent ghats, more than for her silks and brocades Banaras the Great cremation ground is known for death At the center of the city, along the river front is the Ma11ikamika ghat, with its ceaselessly smoking cremation pyres". Diana Eck, is one of the few European scholars to have studied Banaras with open admiration and unbiased approach. Her work is based not only on an extensive study of Sanskrit works on Banaras, but also anthropological work. She analysis various aspects of this very ancient, modem city as a place of pilgrimage, as a place to die, as a bustling market center and as a place where renounces and householders live side by side. Usually cremation grounds are situated outside the boundary the city, mostly towards south or southwest direction as this is the direction associated with Yam a. But in Vara11asi 37

33 this distinction is done away with. The burning ghats - Manikamika and Hmiscandra are situated right in the heart of the city. Probably, a reason why Europeans have turned repeatedly to study Banaras is because to them it might represent 'a microcosm of Hindu world view'. A city which claims to preserve the most ancient and sacred of the Indi~/)traditions in their purest form and hence they come in search of that one single capsule through which all about India would be known to them. However one needn't point out, how fertile this quest would be. For although the importance of Banaras is undeniable, it cannot claim to be an exclusive mirror of all that is sacred and revered in India. Jonathan Parry's work is more specialized i.e. relating specifically to the idea of death in Banaras and the different social groups that derive their income from the flourishing business of death, which is the major industry of the city. His primary interest is the study of priests and other 'sacred specialist' who serve the pilgrims and mourners. His informers, include Brahmana priests, pilgrims who visit Banaras from all over India as well as mythological texts associated with the city. He views Banaras primarily in terms of the city where people come to die. He examines the thriving business that resolves around the rituals of the dead, through extensive anthropological work. Parr~ has done a commendable work in more ways than one. It is a book about death and how death has become a source of living for thousands of people in Banaras. The business of death is most flourishing in Banaras. As a place of die, to dispose off the physical remains of the deceased and to perform the rites which e~that the departed attains a good state after death, the city of Banaras attracts pilgrims and mourners from all over the Hindu world. He has done 38

34 extensive anthropological work among the sacred specialists - PmJqiis, Malliihas, gomiishtas, Ghiitias, Yiitriiwals, and Kathii Viichaks etc These scholars, although foreign of Indian culture, are not hostile to it. Attempt by them is to understand the inner dynamics of Banaras, through a variety of sources, while at the same time, also presenting the touch of the divine, which is ever present here. A third broad group that may be identified are the Indian scholars-whose work differs mainly according to the kinds of sources they use and their area of specialization. Two important works in this category are those of Baidyanath Saraswati 59 and Moti Chandra 60. Saraswati traces the history of the city from classical times to present times. He evaluates the idealized image of Kasi against the image thrown up by respondents to a series of meaningful questions posed by him. He seeks to shatter some stereotypes by looking at the self -view of those who live in Kasi and operate its traditions, and how they understand and interpret the sacred in their daily life. The questions he addresses are different from others. How do the inhabitants of Kasi look at themselves? What is their understanding and interpretation of the sacred? His sociological approach is valuable. Moti Chandra has cone extensive work in tracing the history of Varaqasi from Pre Buddhist, through Maurya, Shunga, Gupta, Gahadwal, Mughal and Maratha period and also the impact of British rule on this city. He recognizes the varieties of religious traditions in Varaqasi, Brahmanism coexisting with Naga and Y ak&a worship. He also explores the educational and culture life of Banaras. The role of Kasi Paq4its in presenting and spreading Sanskrit and Vedic knowledge is also highlighted. He laments the lack of sources for a 59 Saraswati Baidynath, KasT: Mythand Reality of a Classical Cultural Tradition, Chandra Moti, KasT ka ltihas,

35 proper study of this wondrous city. It was because of the Maratha contact with the city the Peshawa office and preserved many letters pertaining to Banaras, which are an interesting source of information. L P Vidyarthi, Makhan Jha and Baidyanath Saraswati 61 take a closer look at the association of death with Kasl. They take up four nodal points in their study viz. I) the cult of tlrtha 2) the cult of Viswaniitha 3) the cult of Ganges 4) the cult of the.5ma.\:iina. They discuss in great detail the various kinds of rites both preceding and following death and the officiating priests involved in them. At the approach of death, two important rites known as Godiina (offering of cow) and Vaitaril?l are performed. The sacred fire for burning the funeral pyre is obtained from the I)oma. After cremation, the chief mourner and others have to undergo purificatory rites. Sraddha is offered and piqqas are offered for the sake of the dead. Unlike Gaya or Prayaga, Kasi has no special Vedl for offering of piqqas. The rites may vary according to the caste, region and economic status of the performers. The next center that I want to discuss is Gaya. The sanctity of Gaya as a tlrtha is famous from the time of the Buddha. Ayodhya kanda (Canto I 07) of Ramayaqa states, "a man should desire to have many sons, gifted with good qualities and learned, in the hope that at least one of them may at some time go on pilgrimage to Gayii ". Gaya Mahatmya of Vayu Puraqa is the most elaborate literature on the glory of Gaya. In Vayu Puraqa 62 it is said Gaya is the holy place superior to all other centers that saves all by the means of 61 Vidyarthi, L P, Jha, Makhan and Saraswati, Baidyanath, The sacred complex ofkiis"f, Vayu Pura11a, , Part II, Ed. -G P Bhatt, Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology series, Vol. 38,

36 perfonnance of sraddha and holy rites. ' On seeing the sons reach Gaya, the pitrs become. d 63 ove170j'e-. Europeans first paid attention to Gaya not because of its Puranic or epic association but because of Buddhist texts and references to Gaya in them accounts of Chinese travelers. '---...,_/ / -~--- The first European document on Gaya is the report of Buchanan Hamilton made on behalf of the East India Company in , with orders from the Government of Bengal to conduct as complete as ethnographic survey as possible. He observed that the Gayawals of Gaya were unusually conservative and xenophobic. He wrote, " None of the Gyalis would have communication with me, each being afraid that his companions would blame him." 64 Of the monuments in the area he wrote " in a great measure they are composed evidently of ruins... the Mondir (Mahabodhi) is rapidly hastening to decay.. " The Archaeological Survey of India undertook is first project in 1861 for a survey of Gaya and Bodhgaya. At Bodhgaya Cunningham found that" the celebrated Bodhi tree still exists but is very much decayed", he also noted that inside the main temple, there was a Siva lingam, which probably dated fro the time of the Hindu king Sasanka of Gauda, a 6 1 h century ruler who had attempted to convert the shrine to Saivite worship. 65 Monier Williams visited the city sixty years after Hamilton and published an article in Indian Antiquary 66 The Gaya mahatmya of Vayu Purana was characterized by Dr. 63 Vayu Pura:qa, Trevithick Alan, " British Archaeologists, Hindu Abbots, and Burmese Buddhists: The Mahabodhf Temple at Bodhgaya, ", Modem Asian Studies, Vol.33, No.3, July, Williams Monier" Sraddha Ceremonies at Gaya", Indian Antiquiary,

37 Hamilton as a "monstrous legend" on the basis of which no sober history of the place could. 67 b e wntten Rajendralal Mitra's 68 work on Buddha Gaya was an early attempt by an Indian to reconstruct some historical material from this legend. He too however characterized it as a "wild story" and attempts to locate in it the growing ascendancy of Hinduism at the cost of Buddhism. In his own words, "something esoteric is hidden under the garb of an extravagant fable and that esoteric meaning, I believe, is easily found ifthe legend is taken as an allegory of the success of Brahmanism over Buddhism". He argues that although Gaya is called as asura or demon, he revels not in crime but meditation and is a devout Vai~11ava. Hence he was a heretic, a characteristic of Buddhists. Mitra further states that the size of demon's body is said to measure 576x268 miles, which roughly corresponds to the region over which Buddhism held sway. The attempt of the gods to put down the head of the monster typified the attempts of the Hindus to assail Buddhism at its inspiring center. Although Mitra's arguments are made vehemently they hardly inspire much confidence. They were soon thoroughly questioned and rejected to a large extent. O'Malley in his paper on Gaya sraddha and Gayawals 69 propounds a counter theory critiquing Mitra's interpretations. He states quite correctly that Hindu mythology is full of instances of holy men and demons whose penances moved the kingdom of heaven and whom the gods had to crush like Gayii. Hence it can hardly be true that the attempt was to crush Buddhism. Benimadhab Barna's work is an effort whose balanced approach is worth mentioning. He first rejects Mitra's theory through sound arguments, repeating many of 67 Quoted in Barna Benimadhab, Gaya and Buddha Gaya, New Edition Mitra Rajendralal,BuddhaGaya: The Great Buddhist Temple, New Edition, ' Malley,JASB,l903 ~) ~ _ ' 42

38 O'Malley's too. "One may well detect that the real motive behind the legend is not to indicate the anti-brahmanical or Hindu mode of the demon's action but to impress on popular minds by the artifice of a fable the high sanctity of the Gaya range ofhills extending along the western bank of Phalgu" 70. However from point of view of an analysis of Gayii Sriiddha his work falls short of expectations. Both Barua and Mitra confine themselves to debates that revolve around the issue of Brahmanism versus Buddhism at Gaya, and are therefore not much useful to reconstruct the history of the famous Gayasraddha. The landmark work in this regard was that of L P Vidyarthi that started a new genre of literature on a study of sacred centers. His anthropological dissertation focuses on the vicissitudes of the Gayawala community who for some 2000 years have been the officiating priests of Gaya K~etra of pilgrimage field. 71 Following Vidyarthi's prodigious concept of sacred complex, several scholars have studied the places of pilgrimage in terms of sacred center, sacred clusters, sacred zones etc. In Gaya an attempt was also made for the first time to approach a Hindu place of pilgrimage as a dimension of Indian civilization and for this the following hypothesis was especially examined - I) that the sacred complex, sacred performances and sacred specialists of a Hindu place of pilgrimage reflected a level of continuity, compromise, and combination between great and little traditions 2) that the sacred specialists of a sacred center maintain a distinct style of life and transmit the elements of the Great Tradition to rural India, by popularizing certain texts and by officiating as ritual priests. 3) That the sacred complex in general and the sacred specialists in particular have been in the process of modification and 70 Barna Benimadhab~~ 71 Allchin FR, Review Author, "The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya",

39 transformation as a result of general development in the larger universe of Hindu civilization of which they are a part. Not all the arguments can be accepted at their face value for the role of Gayawals as carriers of the great tradition appears doubtful. 72 His main informants are the Gayawala priest and also a large number of pilgrims who flock to the city. He relies primarily on Gaya Mahatmya of Vayu Puraqa as his primary source. "I feel the need of calling the smallest unit of worship, represented by an image, river, tank or tree, the sacred center. A sacred center represents a single spot where a sacred performance takes place". 73 After Vidyarthi, not much has been written on Gaya or Gayasraddha. But this is not to state that all that could be said on Gaya has been said or there is no gap or flaw in our knowledge. This fact is brought out clearly by an article of Jacques Claude 74 He agrees that Gaya is one of the most anciently attested and celebrated pilgrimage centers in Indian ~ religious history. He gives a list of various sites to be visited by pilgrims according to Gaya Mahatmya and compares them with the list of Buchanan Hamilton. A major debate is on the identification of various spots, because many of them have been completely abandoned or are in an advanced state of ruin. He accuses the Gayawalas of being "ignorant and rapacious". He in fact holds them responsible for the neglect of a large number of Vedis due to their selfish nature. For Vidyarthi's work he states, "unfortunately the study is rather poor, because of a lack of a critical attitude on the author's part. The author's main informants are the Gayawalas themselves. This book is an excellent proof of their total ignorance". Claude accepts the view of Buddhist commentators and sees no reason to associate the Gaya 72 Bose Santi Priya, "The Sacred Complex in Hindu Gaya, Vidymthi LP, Sacred Complex ofhindu Gaya, Claude Jacques," Gaya Mahatmya, Puraqa Journal, Vol.21, No.2,

40 Amartya of the }\g Veda with the Rajan Gaya of the Mahabharata and Gayamahatmya and considers the legend of asura Gaya to be a spontaneous creation of the 4th century A.D. This dividing up of the corpus if legend associated with Gaya and fonning the basis of ---;:;:;z- Gayamahat.mya on the strength of commentarial etymology is scarcely justified. 75 In the Gayamahatmya, Gaya appears both as the sacrificer ( rajan ) and victim ( asura ) in a 7 1 sacrifice analogous to that of the Adipuru~a in the tenth Manqala of the R.g Veda. After Gaya when one extends the search for works on other centers like Prayaga, Haridwar, Ramesvaram, Pu~kara etc in terms of their sacred association with death and salvation one comes up with almost a blank. Fillipi Gian Giuseppe 76, has traced the condition of human being from birth of death and beyond. Especially useful are his cmrunents on the transfonnation of the deceased into ancestors. A dead person does not become a pitr or ancestor automatically. It is the utmost responsibility and obligation of the next kin to ensure that the soul is released from fm~ bonds of the earthly life and has a comfortable journey to the abode of Yan,w. The horror associated with death arises from the tradition that the ''jzva" or soul is painfully tom from the body by Yania dutas, who use hooks to do this after having suffocated them. 77 Hence the rites of sraddha, tarpana and pinqa that follow death are said to ensure a peaceful journey for the soul whereby it is transformed from a preta to a pit1:. 75 Wright, JC, Review Author," Gayamahatmya", Bulletin of the School of0rienta1 and African Studies, University of London, Vol.27, No.3, Giuseppe Felepi Gian, Mrtyu- The concept of Death in Indian Traditions, Garuda Purana, II. 2.43, ibid,

41 When response to death is understood through the ethnographic lens, in varied cultures, the primacy of ritual is always upheld. The ritual specialists hold the center stage, and the members of a deceased family are mostly viewed as patrons, as merely perfonners of ritual, who act mechanically and according to the sobriety of the occasion. Moreover, their response to death is assumed to be conditioned by their proximity to the deceased. But human response to death ofloved ones can hardly be catalogued in a rigid manner. It appears as though the ethnographers forget to talk about the human and emotional tug of death which is as real, or even more so, than physical performance of rituals. Renato Rosaldo 78 has much to say on this neglect of ethnographic studies. "Ethnographic representations of death can be characterized by formality, externality and generality. Formality refers to the practice of describing human events as if they were normal, highly codified, and always repeated precisely in the same manner. Such accounts eliminate significant variations in timing and tempo, sources for disturbance and particular struggles or goals. Externality refers to the distance at which ethnographers write. This distance presumably confers objectivity but it also objectifies by producing descriptions that fail to consider the subjectivity of the people described. Generality refers to the way many aq.:ounts stress not particular agonies of grief but general recipes for mourning ritual. Perhaps the notion of shared culture leads analysts to suppose they should explore only identical forms throughout a group." 79 Rosaldo's primary objection is that ethnographies consider death under the rubric of ritual rather than bereavement. He then quotes from various such studies, which are worth 78 Rosaldo Renato," Death in the Ethnographic Present", Poetics Today, Vol.9, No.2, Rosaldo Renato,Ibid, p

42 repeating here, for their own value. Roger Keesingso proposes the following thumb rule ratio between the deceased's age and the socio religious elaboration of funerary 1ites. " if the shock of premature loss lessens as a life runs full course, the sociological and religious impact of death may increase with age." 81 Keesing further argues that the response to death in terms of shock depends upon the age and identity of the decedent, and the circumstances of death. One can assume that a premature and untimely or violent death will be far more shocking than one attained after a ripe old age, or a prolonged illness. An analysis of Sebei mortuary rituals by Walter Goldschmidt 82 among the Sebei of Uganda relates on one hand to the structural characteristics of their society and on the other to the individual motivations and the intra-psychic tensions of the mourners. These internal attitudes of the actors in the recurrent drama of death are seen to involve qualities that can be generalized of personal motivation and emotions as they are evoked by the social situation that a death creates. I perceive a contradiction in the statement of Goldschmidt. On the one r- hand he is talking about personal motivations and emotions and on the other about how death would generally evoke similar motivations among different people. Peter Metcalf s work on Borneo society, 1982, highlights that in spite of the sense of chaos and confusion that follows death," there was a pattern emerging in the activity in the room, and that there was a division oflabor between men and women, the immediate kin and the others. The expression of grief also varied." 83 By Metcalfs account the expression of emotions is not a spontaneous expression of grief but something that is an obligation and has to be performed according to a set order, depending upon the degree of relationship to 8 Keesing Roger, Kwaio Religion, Quoted in Rosaldo Renato,ibid, p Goldschmidt Walter," Guilt and Pollution in Sebei Mortuary Rituals", Ethos, Vol.l, No.I, Spring, Quoted in Rosaldo Renato,ibid, p

43 the deceased. He writes on this, "Most of the women were wailing in a formalized way, beginning on a high note and descending the scale in a jerky staccato fashion until they ran out of breath. Some knelt with long hair thrown forward to cover their faces, and seemed lost in grief. Others were more restrained and wove a kind of recitative into their wailing... these dirges are a verbal art form, and proficiency at them is admired." 84 This reference to formalized wailing brings to mind the professional wailing women of Rajasthan, who are professional mourners, called "Rudali" i.e. " one who cries". They are especially invited upon the death of people of affluent families to raise a hue and cry." The number as well as the scale of funerary rites varies with the age, sex, and status of the deceased. " 85 While fully empathizing with Rosaldo, I cannot but argue that all studies have their limitations, and any outsider trying to describe 'objectively', the response to death in any community would find it exceedingly difficult to present the sense of loss and deprivation that is a counterpart of something as final as death. Description of bereavement would be a more fruitful endeavor in genre of literature or perhaps autobio!,:rraphies, because the nature of bereavement is personal, complex, varied and long lasting. It is impossible to quantify and can hardly be encompassed in rituals. The expression of bereavement would be an interesting field of study in itself. Godfrey Wilson's account of Nyakyusa burial customs, 1939 reads like this, " This war dance (ukukina), says an old man, is mourning, we are mourning the dead man. We dance because there is war in our hearts. A passion of grief and fear exasperates us. " Quoted in Rosaldo Renato, Ibid, p Nadel, 1970, Quoted in Rosaldo Renato, ibid, p Quoted in, Rosaldo, Renato, ibid. p

44 If we can concede that expression of grief is varied and complex. how can we deny that performance of ritual is not an institutionalized way of expression of grief Travel to sacred sites for performance of rites like sraddha, immersion of ashes in the water, tonsure of head, giving of alms are all apart from being merely rituals, also means of expression of grief and provide solace to the heart. By the act of ritual, one feels a sense of doing something for the dead, like helping him on his journey to the next world. Such concepts are not irrelevant in study of death deprivation. Rituals are not Rigid either. They are constantly reworked and remodeled in changing scenarios. In other words, funerary rituals are the wisdom distilled from generations of cultural experimentation with bereavement. Indeed, Huntington and Metcalf go on to phrase the position in the strongest possible tenns, " Whatever mental adjustments the individual needs to make in the face of death, he or she must accomplish as best as they can, through such rituals as society provides". 87 "Their notion is that what is not pre-packaged in ritual containers is not culturally available to the individual." 88 This extreme view is also a dangerous one to take, for in real life situations there is hardly anything that goes by the book. What can be said is that to make a study of death rituals more meaningful they can include expressions of bereavement along with the social and symbolic organization of funerary rites. And questions can also be posed to respondents to understand whether the rituals they perform help them to cope with the sense ofloss that they feel. 87 Quoted in Rosaldo Renato, ibid. p Rosaldo Renato,ibid, p

45 Richard H. Davis, 89 notes with disapproval that although Indologists and anthropologists have given us a detailed analysis of Hindu ritual formations, they have done so diachronically, and have for most part studied continuities of practice. Later Hindu ritual in this view, is already immanent within Vedic ritual texts. Recent studies of Indian rituals of cremation, Veena Das, Meena Kaushik, David Knipe and Jonathan Parry, postulate a continuous "orthodox" tradition of crematory practice, stretching in an unbroken lineage from the funerary hymns of the Rg Veda through Grhyasutras to detailed discussions of Dharmasastras and exemplified today by the specialists who ply their trade on the ghats of Banaras. Knipe 90 notes, " With few exceptions, the Hindu rites at the time of death and the procedures for cremation are fairly uniform throughout the regions of India... this conformity in ritual across Vedic, Epic, Puraqic and agamic periods, and on into modem practice is remarkable." Such a generalized statement about the spatio- temporal unifonnity of death rituals must be challenged. Not only is death viewed in a unique manner from Vedas to Upani~adas to Puraqas, the state of the dead and the rites for ancestors vary considerably and show a gradual process of evolution and is changing even in the present times. This evolution I have already pointed out in passing and will continue to do so throughout my paper. Rituals certainly do change over time. They are reformulated consciously according to changed circumstances. Davis points this out through a study of the Saiva funerary rites. The Saiva ritualists appropriated a Vedic precursor and transformed it into a consistently Saiva ritual. In particular, they related cremation to their own conception of liberation upon 89 Davis, Richard H, "Cremation and Liberation: The Revision of a Hindu Ritual", History of Religions, Vol.28, No.1, Aug.l988, p Quoted in Davis Richard H, Ibid, p

46 death by implanting within the Vedic format a distinctively Saivite initiatory rite. In the Saiva ritual mok~a upon death is not for all., but only for certain highly accomplished persons for whom death is the door to liberation., when the soul of the deceased abandons its body and " becomes a Siva". The vast majority of Saivites aim mainly to better their life in this world and to secure rebirth in a better situation; they are termed blzubhuk:$us, 'seekers of worldly benefits'. Only a small number of"ripened" souls aim to attain liberation during this life. They are mumuk~us, 'seekers of the mok~a '. For them a compulsory initiatory rite into liberation must be performed, which is called, "nirvar,dlk~ii" However, one cannot understand how this position is any different from the Vedic or Puraqic stand, where too mok~a is to be attained only by those who, following either the jiiana marga, or bhakti marga or karma marga have achieved some merit. Or through various ritual processes like piqqa dana and so on. Instead of a sacrifice, the Saiva agamas,refer to the ritual of cremation as an expiation ( prayascitta ). Some points of departure from the usual crematory rites can be pointed out. In the Saiva cremation, the Guru of the deceased, rather than his son or other kinsman, serves as the primary officiating sacrificer, those of Siva replace the Vedic mantras. When the body is given to fire, it is not received by Agni, but by Siva himself. I have my reservations against accepting Davis's arguments in full. At least from the perspective that Eck and others like Parry have studied Hindu rituals, there is a definite recognition of a historical process, which has a prominent role to play in the modification and transmission of tradition. While tracing back to Vedic times some of the ritual practices, one is aware that the progression is not uni-linear. Even Davis cannot argue that a ritual or practice will develop out of thin air. Each custom is a visual representation of its socio- 51

47 cultural milieu and hence historical developments are inherent within the performance of the ritual. As the historical setting evolves so also do rituals and practices, either in response to or in opposition to the fonner impulse. 1.6 The ritual of Sraddha S G Moghe in his introduction to "Sraddha -Sagara of Kullukabhatta", provides very useful information regarding the antiquity of the sraddha ritual. Sraddha he says is etymologically derived from the wo~sraddha. Quoting from the Brahma Pura11a he says. "What ever is given with faith to Brahma11as intending it for the benefit of pit1:, at a proper time, in a proper place, according to described procedure is called Sraddha". According to Kullukabhatta, sraddha denotes three things viz, homa, offering of pi71qas and gratification of BrahmaQas by offering of food. The site of sraddha in pre PuraQic literature is the home. Sraddha he says is a unique institution in the sense that it provides an occasion for remembrance of the dear departed souls and seek their blessings too. In puraqa period many holy places came to be associated with the performance of sraddha ritual. The most important sraddha center is Gaya, others are Haridwar, Banaras and Siddhpur. 91 The ashes of the deceased are to be preserved until the time when the obsequial pilgrimage can be made; they are then consigned to the water at any of these places. The Kalpataru on sraddha defined it. as ' the giving up of sacrificial material intending it for pit1:s and its acceptance by BrahmaQas'. Yajiiavalkya (1.268 ) 92 states that pitr:s viz. Vasus, Rudras and Adityas that are the deities of sraddha, being gratified by sraddha, give gratification to the ancestors of human beings. Further it provides that the 91 Bharati, Agehanand,,ibid, p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

48 grandfathers i.e. the pitl:s being themselves gratified ( by the offering of food in sraddha ) bestow on men ( their descendents ) long life, progeny, wealth, learning, heaven, and mok~a. The Matsya puraqa 93 elaborates that the offerings made in the sraddha reaches ones ancestors in various forms, if ones father has become a god ( by his good deeds ) the food offered in sraddha becomes nectar and follows him in the state of godhood, if he has become a daitya ( an asura ) then the food reaches him in the form of various enjoyments, if he has become a beast then it becomes grass for him and if has become a snake the sraddha food waits on him as wind ( serpents are supposed to subsist on wind ) and so on. The Garudapuraraqa 94 says that just as a calf finds its own mother from among many cows, in a herd of cattle that are scattered about, so the mantras repeated in sraddha carry the food to the pill:s and the sraddha food searches the deceased person though he is set on a journey. It appears very probable that the worship of ancestors by means of sraddha was a very ancient institution. With regard to 1\g Vedic passages, it was on account of the supposed power of the pit1:s to benefit or hann the living that the cult of the dead became a prominent feature in primitive societies. Offerings and ceremonies, which may have in most ancient times prompted in part at least by the desire to placate the ancestors, are continued as tokens of pure affection and remembrance. 95 The Atharva Veda states 9 ~, ' let us worship with obeisance the fathers and grandfathers of our father, that enter the wide middle regions, that dwell on the earth and in heaven.' In the R.g Veda ( ) 97 it is said, ' there are three worlds; two of them ( heaven 93 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Garu~~ 95 Kane, P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

49 and earth ) are in the lap of Savitr; the middle region is in the domain of Yama where departed spirits congregate.' The pitt:s were always in a class apart from the gods. On the meaning of the word 'paiicajanah' occurring in the R,g Veda, the Aitareya Bdihmaqa explains that they are the five classes, Gandharvas with Apsaras, pitrs, devas. smpas, and rak~asas. In the Atharva Veda the gods, pitrs and men are mentioned in that order. The Satapatha Brahmaqa speaks of the god as immortal and the pitrs as mortal. In the R,g Veda the pitrs are invoked with affection and regard for conferring various boons and their favor is sought in various ways. There is the well-known mantra, ' Oh pit1:s! Deposit in this wife an embryo, a child that will wear a garland oflotuses so that he may become a grown up male' repeated when the wife of the performer of the sraddha eats the middle one out of the three piqqas. Apastamba Dharmasiitra gives the following interesting information 98 : Formerly men and gods lived together in this world. The gods went to heaven owing to sacrifices, but men remained behind. Those among men who perfonn sacrifices in the same way as the gods did, dwell in the other world with the gods and Brahmaqa. Then seeing that men lagged behind Manu promulgated the rite that is designated by the word 'sraddha' and which tends to the salvation of mankind. In this rite the Manes ( pitrs ) are the deities but the Brahmaqas are fed in the place of iiviihanfya fire.' On account.of the last sutra some hold that feeding the Brahmaqas is the principal act at a sraddha. The Brahmaqdapuraqa 99 speaks of Manu as the promulgator of sraddha rites and Vayu puraqa designates Manu as Sriiddha-deva. In the Santiparva it is stated that Vi~qu established the institution of sraddha in the Boar 98 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

50 incarnation and that Vi~f!U should be regarded as dwelling in the three piqqas offered to the father, grandfather and great grandfather. It is however very remarkable that the word ',{:raddha itself does not occur in any undoubtedly authentic Vedic passage, though the rite called PiY[qapitryajiia ( performed on the amavasya of each month ), the Mahapit~yajiia and the rite called A!itakas were known to the early Vedic literature. 100 The probable reason for this could be that only a few rite mentioned above were known as related to the pitrs and therefore no need arose for a generic term in very ancient times to comprehend several rites for the pitrs. But when the number of rites in honor of the pitrs increased, the generic tenn '.5raddha' was hit upon. Let us now deal with the issue as to who were entitled to perform the sraddha, that is those who held the responsibility of performing the last rites for a deceased (antyakarmadhikarin ). Gautama states that on the failure of sons the sapil1c/as ( e.g., a brother or brother's son ), the sapiy[qas of the mother, and pupils may perform sraddha for the deceased. The general rule is stated by the Gobhila smni 101 that the husband should not offer pi11qa to his wife, even if she dies sonless, nor a father to his son, nor an elder brother to a younger brother. The moral of the story ofnimi who performed sraddha for his son and repented for having done so as it was dharmasankara is the same. Baudhayana allows a sraddha to be performed by anyone for any relative through affection, particularly at Gaya. If a son dies sonless the putrikaputra should perform them for his maternal grand father, in default of all these women should perform these rites for their husbands but without Vedic mantras. It is emphasized in the Tristhalisetu that he 10 Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

51 alone deserves to be called putra, who, while the father is alive, obeys his words, and gives plenty of food to the Brahmanas every year ( after his fathers death ) and who offers pinqas to his ancestors at Gaya. A son, even if his upanayana had not been perfom1ed could repeat Vedic mantras required in funeral rites. ( but not for any other rites). Dayabhaga ( X1.34 ) 102 explains that the word putra stands for the three descendents up to the great grandson, since all the three are entitled to perfonn the parvana-sraddha and equally benefit the ancestors by the pinqas they offer. Hence the word putra would automatically include the son, grandson and great grandson as the performer of sraddha and the taker of wealth. Therefore one may state that these three were entitled to inherit wealth of the deceased as well as offer pi11c/as to him. Even those who regarded that inheritance was based on relationship by birth and not on the capacity to offer pinqas held that it was obligatory on everyone who took the estate of another ( including the king who took as the ultimate heir by escheat ) to arrange for the rites after death and sraddha. Vi~nu Dharmasiitra declares that whosoever inherits the estate of a deceased person has to offer pinqa to him. Sraddha did not just include the rites performed immediately after death, but also regular offerings made to the ancestors, daily, monthly or annually. Gautama 103 states that sraddha originally meant a sacrifice performed for the Fathers on amiivasyii. He also states that if particularly appropriate materials or particularly holy Brahmanas are available or the performer is very near a sacred place ( such as Gaya ) a sraddha may be performed on any day. The Agnipurana ( ) 104 says that at Gaya a sraddha may be performed on any day. Manu ( Ill ) 105 provides that the days of the dark half of the month beginning with 102 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid, p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid, p

52 the 10 1 h except for the is recommended for sraddha. It is stated in the Agnipura11a that sraddhas performed at a holy place and on days that are called Yugadi and Manvadi yield inexhaustible gratification to the pit~ s. A few words must be said about the proper places for the performance of a sraddha. Manu ( III ) 106 lays down that the performer should make efforts to secure a spot sloping to the south and smear it with cow dung, a spot that is pure and unfrequented by many persons, and that the Fathers are pleased by sraddhas at naturally clean spots or the banks of rivers. The Sankha Samhita states that one should not perform sraddha on the land owned by others, because then the merit accruing from sraddha would be transferred to them. According to Kurmapurana 107,' forests, sacred mountains, holy places, temples- these have no definite owner and they cannot be private property of anyone', hence they are suitable places for sraddha. Yama 108 provides that 'if one offers sraddha to his pitrs in spots belonging to others, that sraddha rite is destroyed by the pitr:s of the owner of those spots.' Sankha 109 states, ' whatever is given in holy Gaya, Prabhasa, Pu~kara, Prayaga, in the Naimisa forest, on the banks of Ganges, Yamuna, Payosni, on Amarkantaka, on Narmada, in Banaras, in Kuruk~etra, Bhrgutunga, on the Himalaya, on Sapta-veni, on Rsikupa-all that becomes inexhaustible.' Vi~I!Udharmasutra prescribes that sraddha should not be performed in mleccha country. Gautama provides that food seen by dogs, canqalas, and those guilty of Mahiipatakas, becomes unclean; therefore one should offer sraddha in a covered or screened place. 106 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

53 The Ekoddista sraddha is offered to one deceased person alone, while the parvana sraddha is perfonned on the amavasyii of a month, in which the three paternal ancestors are principally invoked. In all there are said to be ninety-six sraddhas in the year. It goes without saying that only a few people could have indulged in the luxury or indeed could give time for performance of so many sraddhas. Manu therefore recommends that elaborate sraddhas should be performed only on three amiivasyiis in a year, while Devala reduced this number to one. Consideration of the qualifications of Brahmanas who were to be invited at a sraddha 1s also given much attention by the authorities. While Grhyasfitras contain only a few requirements, puraqas and smt;tis go on adding the necessary qualifications and also list of those who should not be invited. Most Grhyasfitras and Dharmasfitras prescribe that the Brahmaqas to be invited should be possessed of Vedic learning, should be of excellent character, of meritorious conduct, pure, not deficient in a limb. Manu provides that one should not invite at a sraddha a personal friend. Smt;tis attach a great stigma to the fact of being the recipient of a sraddha dinner and prescribes priiyascittas. Some works lay special emphasis on inviting ascetics or yogins at a sraddha dinner. The Varahapurana says that a yogin is superior to a hundred Brahmaqas. While enumerating the places held sacred for the performance of sraddha, Skanda puraqa provides a useful list. It is said, " the pitj:s worshipped even once become delighted. They are imperishable yogic souls of great power free from sins and evils". 110 It further states, that Brihaspati recounted the holy lakes, rivers, sacred spots, places of pilgrimage, mountains and hermitages for performing Sraddha, at which pitj:s bless the performer with 110 Skanda Puraqa,ch , Vol.38, Ancient Indian Tradition and Mythology Series, R

54 fulfillment of desire for profuse riches, attainment of heaven after death and liberation from samsara in due course. The mountain Amarkantaka is said to be the holiest in the three worlds. 111 ''On the beautiful Mahendra mountain there is a holy center resorted to by Sakra. If one mounts it, pit1:s are delighted. The sraddha if performed there, yields great fruit." 112 So also is the case of Candrat1rtha ( Kanyakumari ), the perennial source of Kaveri, the holy centers of Sriparvata, the mountain Vaikrta and the mountain Osiraparvata. " the holy river Narmada, the most excellent of all rivers, is the daughter of pit~s. Sraddhas offered there, become everlasting in yielding benefits". 113 Sraddha in Puskara is also everlasting and the same is true of Prabhasa on the great ocean. Kuruk~etra is also said to be very meritorious, it is glorified as yielding everlasting benefits if pitt:s are offered gingelly seeds. Sraddha should be performed for everlasting benefit everywhere on the banks of Ganga, on the excellent mountain Mainaka and at the source of Y amuna. 114 Sraddha should be offered with efforts at Kalanjara, Dasama, N aimisa, Kurujangala and the city of Vara11as1. In that city Y ogesvara is present forever. Hence what is offered there is ever lasting. Offering sraddhas in these holy places, one becomes sanctified. 115 " Only once is sraddha seen performed near the sea shore by men of meritorious actions. So also in Gaya, Dharmaprstha and in Brahma's lake. The sraddha offered in Gaya and Grdhrakuta yields great benefit." 116 Everything belonging to the Himavan is holy. The Ganga is sacred everywhere. The ocean going rivers and all the oceans all are holy Skanda Pural!a,ch , Vol.38, ibid 112 Skanda Pural!a,ch , Vol.38, ibid 113 Skanda Pural!a,ch , Vol.38, ibid 114 Skanda Pural!a,ch , Vol.38, ibid 115 Skanda Pural!a,ch , Vol.38, ibid 116 Skanda Pural!a,ch , Vol.38, ibid 117 Skanda Pural!a,ch , Vol.38, ibid 59

55 The Grhyasutras provide a mine of information on the rituals and ceremonies to be performed during the various sacraments, including a variety sraddha rituals. There are many variations in the Grhyasutras regarding their performance some of which will be enumerated here. The Sankhavana Grhyasutra advises that sraddha oblations should be offered every month, by inviting an uneven number of Brahmanas, versed in the Veda, at least three, to sit down as representing the Fathers. 118 It also provides the procedure for the Ekoddista i.e. the Sraddha ceremony directed to a single dead person. No inviting takes place here, nor the putting of food into the fire. 119 The SapiJ?cfkaraJ1a is defined as the reception of a dead person into the community of pinqa offerings with the other Manes. 120 This is to be done when one year after death has elapsed, or on a day when something good happens, four water pots are to be filled with sesame, scents and water, three for the fathers and one for the newly dead person. And then one should pour that belongs to the newly dead person out into the pots of the fathers. 121 Talking about the t,rratifying nature of sraddha the Garuda Purana says, ' if he ( the deceased ) becomes a deity, the sraddha food turns into nectar; an article of enjoyment if he becomes a Gandharva; grass if he becomes an animal ; air if he becomes a naga ; fruit in case of a bird ; meat in case of a demon ; blood in case of a ghost ; grain in case of a man and an article of enjoyment in case of a child.' 122 The Agnisvatta pitrs are said to be in charge of the departed. When the food is offered to the departed souls in the appropriate manner, at the appropriate time and place, as prescribed in the Sastras, they carry the same to the pit"(s in their path. Even though the pit"(s have assumed different species and reach 118 Sankhavana Grihyasiitra,IV.l.l-2, Vol.29, Sacred Books of the East, Sankhavana Grihyasiitra,IV.2.5, ibid 120 Sankhavana Grihyasiitra,IV.3.1, ibid 121 Sankhavana Grihyasiitra,IV.3.2-6, ibid 122 Garuda Puraqa,II.l 0.5-7, ibid 60

56 different worlds, they receive the offerings made in their favor by their kinsmen. The piqqas 6Tfatify the manes even in their ghost hood. 123 The pit~ s tend to feel elated at the approach of sraddha time. Thus thinking in their mind they reach the sraddha place with the spread of imagination. Staying in the horizon they eat with the Brahma11as, in their aerial fonn they eat with pleasure. Whosoever be the Brahma11a invited for the feast, they enter his body, eat and return to their abodes. 124 On the day of Amavasya, the airy manes stand at the threshold of their descendents in order to receive sraddha, where they remain till sunset. When they do not receive sraddha they fall in despair and out of suffering heave long sighs and go back cursing their descendents. Therefore the Garuda Purana advises that one should carefully perform the sraddha on the A mavasya - - d ay. PS -- Like many authorities Garuda Purana also extols the virtues of Gaya, ' if sons or relatives perform sraddha at Gaya, they uplift their ancestors from lower regions and themselves enjoy Brahmaloka together with the manes. They never suffer from thirst and hunger'. 126 Hence, says the Garuda Purana that the wise should perform the sraddha imperatively. If no other article of food is available even vegetable if offered with devotion would suffice. If sraddha is done on time the family would never perish. Age, sons, fame, heaven, glory, health, strength, splendor, cattle, happiness, wealth and grain- all these can be procured by worshipping the manes. In fact the Garuda Pura11a states that the rites performed for the manes are more beneficial than the rites performed for the deities. 127 Those who 123 Garuda Puraqa,II.l ,ibid 124 Garuda Puraqa,II.l , ibid 125 Garuda Puraqa,II.l , ibid 126 Garuda Puraqa,II.l 0.55, ibid 127 Garuda Puraqa,II.l , ibid 61

57 worship manes, deities, Brahmaqas and fire actually worship Hari who is the soul of all beings. By performing sraddha according to the means and methods, the man pleases the universe as far above as Brahmaloka. 128 At most famous tlrthas the pilgrim is advised to perfonn sraddha. The Vi~11udharamasutra 129 mentions about fifty-five sacred places that are fittest for sraddha. The Kalpataru on tzrthas states that sraddha should be performed at tlrthas but there is no offering of arghya and avahana (since pit~s are deemed to be always present at tirthas, as the Kasikhaqqa says), nor is the entering of the thumb of the invited Brahman a into the food served done, nor is there the question about the Brahmanas being satiated. If one is unable to follow the complete procedure of the sraddha one should merely offer pirtqas made from barley meal or may offer samyava (cake of wheat flour fried with ghee and milk), rice boiled in milk, cake of sesame (after the oil is extracted) or jaggery. It should not be allowed to be seen by dogs, crows and vultures, it may be offered at any time after the pilgrim reaches the holy place. A sraddha perfonned at a holy place gives great satisfaction to the pit~s. The Tristhalisetusangraha of Bhattoji 130 states that after performing parvana sraddha at a tlrtha and after making offerings of pinqas to one's ancestors one should offer a single pirtqa to ones other relatives with the following mantra, ' here I offer pinqa to deceased persons of my father's family, my mother's family and to the deceased relatives of my Guru and of my father-in-law. 128 Gm-uda Purana,II.l , ibid 129 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid, p Quoted in Kane P.V.ibid, p

58 1.7 The Antvesti Rites Several puranas prescribe that a dying man should be taken, if possible, near a tlrtha, such as the Ganges. The Kurmapurana 131 provides,' a man attains mok~a by dying in the waters of the Ganges, on land or in water in Varar)as1, at the confluence of the Ganges with the sea either on land, or in water or in the air.' Another passage from the Skandapurana 132 to the same effect says that for one gavyuti from the banks of the Ganges is a k~etra ( holy place ) : gifts, japa, homa performed within this extent is equal to doing the same on the Ganges itself.; those who die within this k~etra go to heaven and are not born again. There is also a dicta about the time when it is best to~ die. The Santiparva 133 of the Mahabharata states, ' he who dies after the sun has gone to the northern direction and on any auspicious nak~atra and mulzurta is really one who has a store of merit.' Sankara on the Vedantasiitra (IV ) 134 explains that waiting for the day ofthe Uttarayana on the part of Bh1~ma (narrated in the Mahabharata ) for his death meant that he wanted to abide by the popular ideas and practices and to show that since he had the power to die at his will, he chose the time considered auspicious by the authorities. Antye~ti rites are one of the sixteen prescribed samsakaras of a twice - born person performed with Vedic mantras. The Baudhayana Pit~amedhasutra (III.1.4 ) 135 states that there are two samsakaras of every human being and they are like a debt viz. samsakaras on birth and one on death ( 1m:tyusamskara ). Funeral rites varied according as the deceased was an ahitagni ( one who had consecrated the srauta fires ) or one who had kindled only the 131 Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p Quoted in Kane P.V. ibid p

59 BURNIN~ (Jy((~s) P.tv~ft GAuMAIIJ 6tHAR So v t1. C ~ : - C., o o C, L. ~ 1 H A c, e...5 0