Syntax II Class #12 Long-Distance Binding: Anaphors and Logophors

Transcription

1 Syntax II Class #12 Long-Distance Binding: Anaphors and Logophors 1. Parameterization of Binding Domains There exist anaphors which can be bound less locally than we find in English. There also exist pronouns which must be free in a broader domain than English pronouns. If binding domains are parameterized across languages, then learner needs to know: (a) what kind of nominal expression an NP is: anaphor, pronominal, r-expression (b) what the relevant binding domain is in the language (c) whether an anaphor/pronoun must be subject-oriented/free or not If binding domains differ for different elements within a language, then learner needs to know status and binding domain for each anaphor and pronoun independently....at this point, then, life looks pretty hard for the learner. 2. Predicting the Domain of Anaphora The array of cross-linguistic variation seems to be much narrower than we would expect if there was free parameterization of binding domains for individual expressions. (1) a. LD-disjointness requirements for pronouns are rare; mostly, just anaphors vary i.e., the local binding domain IS privileged after all local b. LD-anaphors are morphologically simplex; complex anaphors & reciprocals always if binding domain of anaphor is predictable from morphology, learning is much easier c. LD-anaphors are subject-oriented further reduces learning burden; lends a clue to the analysis of LD-anaphora d. Blocking Effect is predictable from inflectional properties of language further reduces the learning task, can be accounted for under head-movement approach 1

2 3. Role of Morphology in Parametric Variation (2) a. morphological complexity of anaphors strongly influences their locality requirements BUT i. difference between mid-range and LD anaphors not yet accounted for ii. doesn t account for locality of some monomorphemic anaphors (e.g. French se) iii. story needs finessing in order to account for dual status of Polish siebie. b. inflectional properties of a language may determine whether LD anaphors show blocking effects or not. BUT i. status of Japanese unclear: may be no blocking effect on zibun ii. more languages need checking in order to confirm the typology iii. why should just person act as a blocker, and not number? c. subject-orientation of anaphors is largely reduced to account of locality requirements BUT i. account of LD subject orientation doesn t explain local subject-orientation, when it occurs 4. Anaphors & Logophors (most examples taken from Cole, Hermon & Lee, in press) ANAPHORS: LOGOPHORS: require a syntactic antecedent, typically a c-commanding subject require an antecedent with an appropriate discourse/semantic role (3) SOURCE the source of communication SELF the one whose mental state the sentence describes PIVOT the center of deixis or the perspective of the sentence (categories based on Sells 1987, Aspects of Logophoricity, Linguistic Inquiry) Mandarin Chinese (M) allows ziji to have a non-local antecedent: (4) Johni thinks [Tomj knows [Billk likes himself*i/*j/k]]. (5) M Zhangsani renwei [Lisij zhidao [Wangwuk xihuan zijii/j/k]]. Zhangsan thinks Lisi knows Wangwu like self. 'Zhangsan thinks that Lisi knows that Wangwu likes himself.' 2

3 The antecedent of ziji does not need to be the SELF or the SOURCE (6) Zhangsani wangji le Lisij hen taoyan zijii/j de gege. Zhangsan forgot PRF Lisi very hate self 's brother hisi 'Zhangsani forgot that Lisij hates his ownj brother.' (7) Zhangsani bu xiao de Lisij hen taoyan zijii/j. Zhangsan not aware Lisi very hate self 'Zhangsan was not aware that Lisi hates himi/j. Teochew dialect of Chinese, spoken in Singapore (T): antecedent of kaki must be SOURCE or SELF: (8) a. Ah Mengi m kitek Ah Lengj toryam kaki??i/j gai ah hia. Ah Meng not remember Ah Leng hate self 's brother 'Ah Meng forgot that Ah Leng hates her brother." b. Ah Mengi m zai dã Ah Lengj zeng taryam kaki??i/j. Ah Meng not know that Ah Leng really hate self 'Ah Meng does not know that Ah Leng hates herself.' Antecedent as Internal SOURCE is ok in Teochew (9) a. Ah Lengi ga Ah Maj dã Ah Mengk m zai kakii/*j/k hiao zo. Ah Leng with grandmother say Ah Meng not know self knows how do 'Ah Leng told her grandmother that Ah Meng didn't knows she/he can do it.' b. Ah Lengi dã Ah Mengj toi dio kakii/j Ah Leng say Ah Meng see asp self her Ah Leng says Ah Meng saw herself Antecedent as Internal SELF is ok in Teochew (10) a. Ah Lengi siangseng Ah Mengj do kia lai tõi dio kakii/j Ah Leng believe Ah Meng at mirror in see asp self her 'Ah Leng believes Ah Meng saw in the mirror.' himself 3

4 b. Ah Leng jengwui Ah Meng bo suka kakii/j Ah Leng feels Ah Meng not like self her Ah Leng feels that Ah Meng dislikes himself. Speaker evaluative modifiers can be used as diagnostics of SOURCE (Sells 1987) (11) John told Fred that that fool Alan was harming him. (12) M Zhangsani gaosu Lisij nei ge shagua Wangwuk shanghai zijii/*j/k. Zhangsan tell Lisi that CL fool Wangwu harm self him 'Zhangsan told Lisi that that fool Wangwu harmed himself ' (13) T Ah Mengi ga Ah Lengj dã hi gai sagua Ah Soik hai kaki*i/*j/k. Ah Meng with Ah Leng say that CL fool Ah Soi harm self *him 'Ah Meng told Ah Leng that that fool Ah Soi harmed *her. herself Adverbials as diagnostics of SELF (Sells 1987) (14) John thinks that Mary mysteriously hates him. inexplicably (15) M Zhangsani renwei [Wangwuj momingqimiao de xihuan zijii/j]]. Zhangsan thinks Wangwu inexplicably DE like self. him 'Zhangsan thinks that Wangwu inexplicably likes himself (16) T Ah Mengi jengwui Ah Lengj mok meng ki miao gai suka kakii/j. Ah Meng feel Ah Leng inexplicably DE like self him 'Ah Meng thinks that Ah Leng inexplicably likes himself Speaker s knowledge of self (17) M Zhangsan i qing laoban jiangshang ziji i de haizi. Zhangsan ask owner reward self 's child 'Zhangsan i asked that the owner reward his i own child.' 4

5 (18) T *Ah Meng i kio towkang sio kaki i gai kia. Ah Meng ask owner reward self 's child 'Ah Meng asked the owner to reward his own son.' Conclusion so far: antecedent of kaki in Teochew must be SOURCE/SELF; antecedent of ziji in Mandarin need not. (5) M Zhangsani renwei [Lisij zhidao [Wangwuk xihuan zijii/j/k]]. Zhangsan thinks Lisi knows Wangwu like self. 'Zhangsan thinks that Lisi knows that Wangwu likes himself.' Blocking Effect (19) M Zhangsani renwei [Wangwuj zhidao [wok xihuan ziji *i/*j/k]]. Zhangsan thinks Wangwu know I like self. 'Zhangsan thinks that Wangwu know that I like myself.' Distinguishing Blocking Effect from PIVOT restriction: antecedent must be the PIVOT of the sentence. 1 st /2 nd person PIVOT blocks 3 rd person antecedent even when PIVOT does not c command ziji. (20) a. Zhangsani shuo [[nij zuo de chunshi] haile ziji*i/j] Zhangsan say you do silly deeds harm self 'Zhangsan says that the silly things you have done have harmed you.' b. Zhangsani shuo [[Lisij zuo de chunshi] haile zijii/j] Zhangsan say Lisi do silly deeds harm self 'Zhansan says that the silly things Lisi has done have harmed him/you.' (21) a. Zhangsani cong nij nar ting shuo Malik hen taoyan ziji??i/*j/k. Zhangsan from you there hear say Mary very hate self 'Zhangsan heard from you that Mary hates herself.' b. Zhangsani cong Lisij nar ting shuo Malik hen taoyan zijii/*j/k. Zhangsan from Lisi there hear say Mary very hate self 'Zhangsan heard from Lisi that Mary hates herself.' PIVOT may even follow ziji (22) a. Zhangsani zhidao Malij gen ziji??i/??j shuoguo ni xiang qu Taiwan. Zhangsan knows Mary with self said you want go Taiwan 'Zhangsan knows Mary told him/herself that you want to go to Taiwan.' 5

6 b. Zhangsani zhidao Malij gen zijii/??j shuoguo Xiao Ming xiang qu Taiwan Zhangsan knows Mary with self said Xiao Ming want go Taiwan 'Zhangsan knows Mary told him/herself that Xiao Ming want to go to Taiwan.' Same PIVOT requirement holds in Teochew (23) T Ah Mengi jengwui Ah Leng j zai wak suka kaki*i/*/j/k. Ah Meng think Ah Leng knows I like self *him 'Ah Meng thinks Ah Leng know that I like *her.' myself (24) Ah Mengijengwui Ah Soij zai Ah Lengk suka kakii/j/k. Ah Meng think Ah Soi know Ah Leng like self him 'Ah Meng thinks Ah Soi know that Ah Leng likes her.' herself (25) a. Ah Mengi dã [lej zor gai sa sih]k hai liao kaki??i/j/*k. Ah Meng say you do 's silly deed harm perfect self *him 'Ah Meng says that the silly thing you have done harmed you.' b. Ah Mengi dã [Ah Lengj zor gai sa si]k hai liao kakii/j/*k. Ah Meng say Ah Leng do 's silly deed harm perfect self him 'Ah Meng says that the silly thing Ah Leng has done harmed her.' Interim Conclusion: Mandarin requires antecedent of ziji to be PIVOT; Teochew imposes a stronger requirement on antecedent of kaki, which must be PIVOT and SOURCE/SELF. Bound Variable vs. Constant Interpretations of LD Reflexives (26) [ S1 Maryi believes that John saw heri at the movies] and [ S2 Susan does too]. (27) [S1 Mary saw herself in the mirror] and[s2 Susan did too]. (28) [S1 Zhangsan kanjian ziji]; [S2 Lisi ye yiyang]. Zhangsan saw self Lisi also the same 'Zhangsan saw himself and so did Lisi.' 6

7 (29) Zhangsani shuo Lisi changchang kuidai zijii; Wangwu ye yiyang. Zhangsan say Lisi always mistreat self Wangwu also the same 'Zhangsani says that Lisi always mistreats himi; so does Wangwu [say Lisi mistreats Wangwu]. (30) Zhangsani shuo Lisi changchang kuidai tai; Wangwu ye yiyang. Zhangsan say Lisi always mistreat him Wangwu also the same 'Zhangsani says that Lisi always mistreats himi; so does Wangwu.' Conclusion: ziji is interpreted as a bound variable in VP-ellipsis, not as a pronoun. 7