Mediators or Collaborators? Local Jews, Ashkenazi Jews and Arabs in Mandatory Palestine

Transcription

1 Mediators or Collaborators? Local Jews, Ashkenazi Jews and Arabs in Mandatory Palestine Abigail Jacobson 1 Draft do not use without the permission of the author On May an article entitled The Arab-Jewish Conference: Understanding between Jews and Arabs in Palestine was published in the Lebanese Hebrew newspaper al-'alam al-isra'ili. The article reported on an attempt of local Jews (al-isar ilin al-watani in), who live in Palestine and elsewhere in the Middle East, to organize a Jewish-Arab conference which would discuss the Zionist question and the relations between Jews and Arabs in Palestine. In such a conference, it was reported, the local Jews would serve as mediators between the Arabs and the Ashkenazi western Jews (al-isra iliin al-ashkenaz al-gharbi in). The article further explained that the Ashkenazi Jews do not fully understand the Arabs, their traditions and customs, whereas local Jews can more easily reach an understanding with Palestinian Arabs, because of their cultural, linguistic and geographical proximity. 2 The writer reported that in preparation to the conference a meeting took place in Jaffa with the participation of representatives of leading figures among the local Jews (zu ama alyahud al-watani in). The aim of the Jaffa meeting was to discuss the organization of the Arab- Jewish conference, whose purpose was viewed as twofold: reaching a compromise between Arabs and the Zionist-Arab (al-sahayoniya al- Arabiya), as well as demanding the Zionist movement to grant rights to the Jews of the East (hukuk Isra ili al-sharq). As would be later mentioned in the newspaper, the people behind that meeting were various lawyers, physicians, 1 This paper is part of a larger book project, entitled Middle Eastern Jews and Jewish-Arab Relations in Mandatory Palestine, co-authored by Abigail Jacobson, Moshe Naor and Tammy Razi. 2 al-mu tamar al- Arabi al-yahudi. al-'alam al-isra'ili, May 16,

2 journalists and merchants from Palestine, Egypt, Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, including Yosef David Farhi, Salim Harari, Yosef Dashi, Yosef Lanyado, Yosef Atiya, Anwar Shaul, Tawfic Mizrahi and others, all of whom are central figures among their respective communities. 3 The news about this conference became the topic of a lively debate that took place between May and August 1932 over the pages of al-'alam al-isra'ilii, as well as in the Hebrew Haaretz newspaper. The timing of the debate is not coincidental. It is in the years after the 1929 events in Palestine that the Zionist movement realized the urgency of the evolving national conflict and its possible consequences. It was also around this time that several initiatives and attempts were made to reach an agreement between Jews and Arabs in the country. The conference discussed here should be viewed in light of this larger context. The Arab-Jewish conference which served as the basis for the debate ended up not taking place. However, in many ways, the debate about it may be viewed as a case study for discussing and demonstrating a larger set of interconnected issues, all of which came up during the different discussions in the press. Those issues include, first and foremost, the role of local Jews as possible mediators between Jews and Arabs; the question of loyalty and adherence of local Jews to the Zionist movement; the relations between local Jews and the Zionist leadership and the question of representation of local Jews within the Zionist institutions. This paper will use this conference as its departure point to discuss some of these issues, all of which are connected to the charged relations between Jews and Arabs in mandatory Palestine, and in particular the role of local Jews, Bnei Ha-Aretz in this relationship. It will pay special attention to some of the intellectuals, journalists and political activists who participated in the debate, and especially to Nissim Malul and Eliyahu (Elias) Sasson. Both their biographies 3 Al-Mu atamar al-isra ili al- Arabi, al-'alam al-isra'ili, June 20,

3 and various political and cultural activities demonstrate the role of local Jews within the complex matrix of Zionist-Arab relations in Mandatory Palestine. The fact that various intellectuals, political activists and journalists participated in this debate mainly over the pages of an Arabic- Jewish newspaper in Beirut is also very telling. It demonstrates the role that such newspapers, as well as their editors and writers, played as a corpus for intellectual exchange and discussion in the mixed Jewish-Arab environment of the Levant during the inter-war years. The role of Hebrew (and Zionist)-Arabic newspapers as a medium for cultural and political exchange, between local Jews around the Middle East, as well as between Jews and Arabs, will be discussed below as well. Local Jews: Loyal Zionists or Collaborators? One of the first reactions to the original publication in al-'alam al-isra'ili was in an article published in the Hebrew newspaper Haaretz by its editor, Moshe Glikson, who wrote under the initials M.G.. Criticizing the original article, he wrote: We, of course, have no objection to any negotiation or conference which would try to reach an agreement [with the Arabs] (as long as such an agreement does not conflict with our needs and national awakening). However, for such a negotiation [to take place] we have national institutions, the Jewish Agency and the National Bureau. Our brothers the Eastern natives of the country (yelidei ha-aretz ha-mizrachim) can and should carry an important role in this [effort]; they can advise our national institutions based on their knowledge and experience, but they cannot carry out their own external politics (politika hitzonit shelahem). Moreover, they cannot do anything that may harm our national solidarity. ( ) There is no doubt that there is an anti-zionist intrigue here, an attempt by the Arab leaders to break our national unity, and to reach an agreement with the Eastern Jews, bypassing the Ashkenazi Jews and against them (me al lerosh acheihem ha- Ashkenazim ve-negdam). Our brothers the Eastern Jews (bnei ha- Edot ha-mizrachiyot) are part of the people of Israel and must conform to our national unity. They cannot perform their own politics. 4 4 Haaretz, May 26,

4 This response points out to several interesting issues. First, it is worth noticing the ways by which local Jews are referred to, as the Mizrachi (or eastern) natives of the country. In the original article in Arabic they were referred to as local Jews (al-isar ilin al-watani in), and the Zionist Arabs (al-sahayoniya al- Arabiya), two terms that would be used throughout this exchange. An additional term that is often used in Hebrew by the local Jews themselves is Bnei ha-aretz, the natives of the country, or Bnei ha-mizrach, the Eastern-born. These different references to the group discussed here are important, and already indicate and allude to the way they viewed themselves, as Jews who are rooted in their local eastern, Levantine, environment, and the way they are viewed and perceived by others. Another issue to notice in Glikson s response is the concern about a possible cooperation between those local/eastern Jews and Arabs, over the heads of the Ashkenazi Jews and the Zionist movement. The writer even expresses his concern about a possible intrigue and even a set-up of the Eastern Jews by the Arabs, in an attempt to break the Jewish yishuv s national unity. In other words, the local Jews are viewed as possible collaborators with the Arabs, and their loyalty to the Zionist movement is questioned. Why was the loyalty of local Jews put in doubt? And what made them act separately from the Zionist institutions? As we will see below, these questions are closely connected to the growing frustration of many local Jews regarding their own position within the Zionist movement, and with what they viewed as the failed Zionist policies towards the Arab Question. This frustration was expressed in different venues and contexts throughout the inter-war years. Some reactions to these issues can be found in several responses published by some prominent figures within the Sephradi and Maghrebi community in Palestine. One of the 4

5 responses was published by Avraham Moyal and Baruch Uziel in Haaretz on June 2. 5 They emphasized the loyalty of Sephardi Jews to the national revival of Jews in the Land of Israel and to Zionism. At the same time, they expressed their disappointment from the failure of the national [Ashkenazi] leaders in utilizing the Sephardi Jews in order to resolve the relations with the Arab neighbors. According to Uziel: Our leaders have faulted in not taking advantage of the merits and virtues (hakhsharot vesegulot) that Sephardi Jews have in order to improve our relations with our neighbors 6 ( ) Diplomacy is not enough in solving the evolving conflict. Rather, it is the feeling of trust, of one eastern man to another, who is not foreign ( Faranji sic). There are several political activists who could have contributed much to the resolution of the conflict, had they been involved in the political activities. The Sephardi Jews are loyal Zionists, and would not cooperate with any anti-zionist intrigue [ Uziel alludes here to the conference], and would not try to act independently of the national institutions. The possible organizers of this conference may be of the unworthy among the natives of the country who are not Sephardi Jews, who are not part of the Sephardi masses. 7 Uziel s piece offers some interesting insights. He goes against what he calls the Sephardisic [separatist] ideology (Idiologiya Spharadistanit) which did not put enough efforts into integrating Sephardi activists into the national institutions. The Sephardi leadership, he argues, is hence also to be blamed for not taking enough responsibility and initiative in affecting the Zionist establishment from within, and in preferring a separatist venue altogether. In addition, Uziel points out to possible tensions between the Sephardi elite and the non-sephardi local Jews, who, according to him, stand behind the initiative of organizing the conference. Interestingly, Uziel himself was not a Palestinian-born, but arrived to Palestine from Thessaloniki in 1914, and was deported to Damascus during World War I. 5 Born in Morocco, Avraham Moyal immigrated with his family to Jaffa in He was active in the Zionist colonization movement in purchasing lands, as well as in trading and banking with foreign powers. Fluent in Arabic, he was very respected by the local Arab community. Baruch Uziel immigrated to Palestine from Thessaloniki in He was exiled to Damascus during WWI. Upon his return he became a teacher, and later studied law and started practicing law. He was a member of the Jewish National Council and later of the Progressive Party. 6 In Hebrew: Ashmu manhigeinu, ashmu meod, ba asher lo yad u lenatzel et ha-hachsharot ve he-sgulot shehayehudim ha-sephardim yachlu leshem siddur yachaseynu im shcheneinu. 7 Haaretz, June 2,

6 Another intriguing response regarding the issue of loyalty came from the Jaffa-based Maghrebi journalist and Zionist activist Nissim Malul. The goal of the Jewish-Arab conference is not merely mediation, wrote Malul. Eastern Judaism is part of the Zionist Jews worldwide, despite the fact that they were long neglected and were not taken into account by its sister, the Western Judaism (achota, ha- yahadut ha-ma aravit). Still, despite this ongoing neglect, tens of thousands of eastern Jews immigrated to Palestine and did not return to their countries of origin. In fact, even though Middle Eastern Jews feel constantly underrepresented in the yishuv s institutions, and do not take part in the decision making process of the Zionist institutions, they still believe in the national awakening and are active in the national revival project of Jews in Palestine. Malul ends his piece by saying: Those who are for national obedience and national revival of the people of Israel in his country- join us! (Mi la-mishma at ha-leumit ve-latchiya ha-amitit shel am Israel be-artzo- eleynu!) 8 This is not the first time Malul expresses his frustration from the Zionist leadership, combined with a strong sense of loyalty to the Zionist movement. In fact, in his biography, journalistic and political work, Nissim Malul represents exactly the intersection between local Jews, the Zionist movement, and the Arab surrounding environment. Born in Zefat in 1892 to a family that originally came to Palestine from Tunisia some 200 years earlier, at a young age he moved with his family to Egypt, and studied in Jewish schools in Cairo. He completed his higher education at the American College in Tanta, where he studied philosophy, Arabic literature and journalism. During this time he started publishing pieces in the Egyptian newspaper al- Muqattam, and tried to promote the status of Hebrew in Egyptian universities. Following a series of publications, he was named the first Hebrew lecturer to be appointed to an Egyptian 8 Haaretz, May 29,

7 university. In 1911 he returned to Palestine and started working for the Eretz Israeli Office, the Zionist office in Jaffa headed by Dr. Arthur Ruppin. His main role was to respond to the anti- Zionist articles which were published mainly in the Palestinian newspapers Filastin and al- Karmil. He was fluent in Arabic, and his articles were published in other newspapers in Egypt and Lebanon as well. He was also involved in the publication of the Jaffa-based short-lived newspaper Sawt al- Uthmaniyya and with the ha-magen association, with his colleagues Dr. Shimon Moyal and his wife, Esther Azhari-Moyal. 9 During World War I Malul was exiled to Damascus by the Ottomans, because of his suspected anti-ottoman activities and following his involvement with ha-magen and the al-lamarkaziyyah party. He escaped to Egypt and remained there until the end of the war. 10 Malul continued to be active in the journalistic and political arenas following WWI as well. Following the British occupation of Palestine he returned there and founded two Arabic newspapers, Al-Akhbar (which he edited until 1920) and later al-salam, both funded by the Zionist movement with the aim of explaining the aims and activities of the movement, and preaching in favor of Jewish-Arab understanding. In 1927 he moved to Baghdad where he served 9 Ha-Magen (The Shield) Association ) was established in Jaffa 1914 by representatives of prominent Sephardi and Maghrebi families, including the Moyals, Nissim Malul, Avraham Elmaleh, David Moyal, Yosef Amzalek, Yosef Eliyahu Chelouche, Ya akov Chelouche, and others. Its goal was to respond to articles against Zionism published in the Arabic press, and to translate articles from Arabic into Hebrew. Among other things, one of its goals was to promote better understanding between Jews and Arabs in Palestine, and to encourage living in peace with the Arabs residing in the country. The documents of the association seem to have been burned by Nissim Malul, when he fled from Cemal Paşa during World War I. See on ha-magen: Yosef Eliyahu Chelouche, Parashat Hayai, (Tel Aviv, 1931), ; Michelle U. Campos, Ottoman Brothers: Muslims, Christians and Jews in Early Twentieth Century Palestine (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2011), ; Yitzhak Bezalel, Noladetem Ziyonim:ha-Sfaradim be-eretz Israel ba Tziyonut uba-thiya ha- Ivrit ba-tkufa ha- Othmanit (Jerusalem: Yad Yitzak Ben-Zvi, 2007), ; Abigail Jacobson, From Empire to Empire: Jerusalem between Ottoman and British Rule (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2011), Abigail Jacobson, Jews Writing in Arabic: Shimon Moyal, Nissim Malul and the Mixed Palestinian/Eretz Israeli Locale, in: Yuval Ben Bassat and Eyal Ginio, eds., Late Ottoman Palestine: The Period of Young Turk Rule (London: I.B.Tauris, 2011), ; Nissim Ya acov Malul, in Moshe Behar and Zvi Ben-Dor Benite, Modern Middle Eastern Jewish Thought: Writings on Identity, Politics & Culture, , (Waltham: Brandeis University Press, 2013), 62-70; Jacobson, From Empire to Empire,

8 as the principal of a Jewish school. He published various essays in Arabic, including two plays, and translated from Arabic to Hebrew. Malul passed away in In many ways, Malul s biography and work serve as a typical example of most of the intellectuals we will encounter here. As a Maghrebi Palestinian Jew, fluent in Arabic who had cultural, linguistic and historical links to the Levant and the Arab world, he worked on behalf of the Zionist movement as a translator but was also very critical of Zionist policies towards the Arab Question. He often accused the Zionist Ashkenazi leadership of ignoring the growing animosity among Palestinian Arabs and overlooking the developing tensions between the Zionists and the Arabs. Like other local Jews who were fluent in Arabic, Malul founded, edited and wrote in Zionist-funded Arabic newspapers in Palestine. Many of the writers and editors of these newspapers viewed themselves as mediators between the Arabs in Palestine and the Zionist movement, and as a link between Palestinian Jews and Jews in other Middle Eastern countries. Before discussing the question of mediation, though, it is important to first see how Palestinian Arabs perceived the position of local Jews vis-à-vis the Ashkenazi Zionist leadership. Is every Jew a Zionist? Local Jews in the eyes of Palestinian Arabs The role of local Jews, bney ha-aretz, as mediators and the doubts expressed regarding their loyalty to the Zionist movement are inter-related issues. These questions were raised not only by Zionist leaders and political activists, but also by several Palestinian national leaders as well. The latter often distinguished between the new Ashkenazi immigrants, who kept their foreign citizenship, did not adopt Ottoman citizenship, and did not speak Arabic, and the local Jews, 11 On Nissim Malul see: David Tidhar, ed. Inziklopedya le-halutzei ha-yishuv u-bonav (Tel Aviv: Rishonim Library, 1971), vol. 2, 696; Moshe Gaon, Yehudei ha-mizrah be-eretz Israel- Avar ve-hove (Jerusalem: Self Published, 1937), ; Ben Hanania, Yehoshua 'The first Jewish-Arab journalist', Ha-Po el Ha-Tza ir 32 (1959), On the newspaper al-salam see CZA Z4/1250; Jerusalem Municipal Archive (JMA) Box 4622/2; Jacobson, From Empire to Empire,

9 bney ha-aretz (who were sometimes referred to as Arab Jews). This distinction was made by the Palestinian Arabic press already during the last years of Ottoman rule and was shared by many local Jews. It was based on the notion that Palestine is a shared homeland for its indigenous people, Jews and Arabs alike, and that Palestinian Arabs view the Ashkenazi Zionists, mainly the Russian new immigrants (moskobim), as the foreigners in the country. In relation to this distinction, the question whether the local Jews fully adhered to the Zionist ideology was raised as well, in order to create a notion of separation and disunity within the Zionist movement. The discussion, which focused on the question of identification, adherence and loyalty of local Jews to Zionism, took place in different contexts during the mandatory years. In July 1921, for example, while heading a Palestinian delegation to Europe, Musa Kazim al-husseini, the chair of the Arab Executive, expressed the Palestinians opposition to the Balfour Declaration and to Jewish immigration to Palestine in several interviews in the British press. He was quoted as saying that the Arabs have never opposed the Jews. We have lived peacefully with Jews [in the past], and there is no reason to think this cannot happen [again] in the future. Moreover, he claimed that the Sephardi Jews oppose Zionism and support the Palestinian Arabs when it comes to the political future of the country. 12 Husseini s interview created an immediate reaction among different organizations of Sephardi Jews. 13 Many meetings took place in synagogues throughout the country, protesting against the declaration of Husseini and the Arab delegation, and his statement was strongly opposed to in a public communique. 14 On the one hand, it was argued that the Arab delegation is trying to break the unity within the Jewish yishuv. However, at the same time it was also stated 12 A conversation of a reporter from the Jewish Press Bureau in London with the Arab Delegation, ha-zira, October 27, Including Histadrut Halutzey ha-mizrach, and ha-histadrut ha-klalit she Ha-Yehudim ha-sephadim. 14 The Sephardi Jews and the Arab Delegation, Doar ha-yom, September

10 that the Sephardi Jews would serve as an example for the companionship of Jews and the Arabs, who can work together for the development of the country. 15 In a similar response, published in the British press, it was argued that there is no Sephardi Jew in Eretz Israel who opposes the Zionist idea. Sephardi Jews in Eretz Israel in particular, and in the Middle East in general, are Zionists, but at the same time want to live peacefully with the Arabs, it was argued. 16 These reactions demonstrate the local Jewish version of Zionism, which does not view a contradiction between being Zionists and wanting to live in coexistence with the Arab neighbors. They also emphasize the way they perceive themselves as bridging between the two people. We will return to these two very important points below. This Sephardi reaction was reported in the Palestinian press as well. The Palestinian newspaper al-karmil responded saying have no illusions that the Arab Jews are on the side of their brothers. 17 The newspaper Filastin reacted as well, and reminded its readers that the Sephardi Jews found refuge in Palestine and other Ottoman lands, when they were persecuted in Spain and the other western countries. The Ottoman Empire received them in open arms and did not distinguish between them and between the indigenous people. We thought these Jews are our brothers. (.) Those Jews were known during Ottoman rule for their opposition to the Zionist principle ( ) [The Sephardi response] makes us believe that eventually, every Jew is a Zionist. They ultimately align themselves with the winning side, the Zionists. Once they [the Sephardim] realized that the Zionists control the country, they turned away from the Arabs, and joined their rivals, from their own race, in order to oppose the indigenous residents and their ambitions. 18 Parts within the Palestinian leadership continued to discuss the special status of Arab Jews as an inherent part of Palestine, as well as the ways that the Zionist immigration shook the 15 Histadrut halutzey ha-mizrach to the local press, JMA 6325/ Between Sephardim and Arabs, Doar ha-yom, September 5, 1921.The author of the original article is Shlomo Kalmi, who was the secretary of the Zionist Keren HaYesod organization in London and was involved in the political negotiations between Haim Weitzman and the King Feisel following World War I. 17 Reported in Doar ha-yom, September 5, 1921 Check al-karmil 18 al-yahud al-sephardim, Filastin, September , p

11 Jewish-Arab coexistence in the country. In February 26, 1922 the Jewish newspaper al-sabah published Jamal al-husseini s dramatic call for eastern Jews, on behalf of the Arab Executive. His call was quoted in Haaretz newspaper. Under the title Come to us, al-husseini wrote: To our Jewish fellow natives of the homeland [bney moladetenu ha-yehudim], to those who were cheated by Zionism, to those who understand the goals and damage of the Zionist movement- to them we extend our hands today and call: Come to us! We are your friends! You share the same rights and duties in Palestine as we do [ ] because you and us are the sons of the same homeland, whether the Zionists like it or not We are sorry for your persecution by the Zionists, and hence your Muslim and Christian brothers extend their arms and call you: come to us. 19 In 1923 Jamal al-husseini approached the local Jews (al-yahud al-wataniin) again, on behalf of the Arab executive, and asked them not to surrender to the illusion of Zionism but to cooperate with the Arab demand to cancel the Balfour Declaration. 20 He approached the local Jews and invited them to join the Christian and Muslims in Palestine, the indigenous people of the joint homeland, to protect the homeland from its foreign invaders, the British and the Zionists. The eastern, local, Jews, were placed in a tough position, then. They were demanded to choose between a local territorial identity, as being part of a joint homeland for Jews, Christians and Muslims, and a Jewish ethno-national identity. The doubts regarding their loyalty and adherence to Zionism were raised by some Palestinian Arabs, as well as by certain elements within the Jewish Zionist leadership. These doubts highlighted the local Jews position of otherness vis-à-vis the European, hegemonic, Zionist circles, and created almost a constant need to apologize and protect their own national belief, as both loyal Zionists and possible 19 Haaretz, Februray 28/ , quoted in Michael Assaf, Hayachasim bein Yehudim ve- Aravim be-eretz Israel (Tel Aviv: 1970), Ha-Ta amula ha- Aravit, Haaretz, Feburary 20,

12 mediators between Jews and Arabs. It is to this role of local Jews as mediators, and the importance of the printed press as a platform for their writing, that we will now turn to. Local Jews as mediators between Jews and Arabs: Al- Alam al-israei li and Zionist-Arabic newspapers as venues for debate The role of local Jews as mediators was one of the recurring themes in the discussions regarding the 1932 conference. But what made local Jews perceive and introduce themselves as such? The answer to this question has to do with their changing political position vis-à-vis the Jewish yishuv. Indeed, one of the effects that the demise of the Ottoman Empire had on local Jews, Bney ha-aretz, was the sudden change in their political and social position within the Jewish community in the country. As Ottoman subjects, they were viewed by the Ottoman authorities as the representatives of the Jewish millet, a position that gave them a special role and a position of power and influence within the Zionist circles. However, the transition between Ottoman and British rule enhanced the position of the Zionist institutions and leadership, many of whom were Ashkenazi Jews. The Zionist waves of immigration from Europe also increased the relative numerical weight of Ashkenazi Jews within the yishuv. 21 The local Jews, then, lost their previous status and needed to look for other venues which would strengthen their political power. One of these venues was their attempt to be seen as mediators between the Arabs and Jews in Palestine and the surrounding Middle Eastern environment. 21 When the British occupied Palestine, the Jewish community numbered 55,000 people. The Zionist waves of immigration in , arriving mainly from eastern and central Europe, increased the number of Jews in 80%, with around 86% of the immigrants being Ashkenazi Jews. Hence, the number of local Jews within the yishuv decreased gradually throughout the inter-war period: In 1916 they consisted 41% of the yishuv, and in 1943 they were 20.5% only (one-fifth of the Jewish community). See Avraham Haim, Yichud ve-hishtalvut (Jerusalem: Karmel, 2000),

13 Many among the local Jews were enthusiastic (though often also critical) Zionists, supporters of the Zionist movement and the Zionist work in Palestine. At the same time they viewed themselves as cultural, linguistic and political mediators between Jews and Arabs, and as serving as a potential bridge between the two national and ethnic communities in the country. This was for many of them their special and unique form of Zionism, their interpretation of Zionism, and a way of connecting between the ethnic and the national questions. Their position as mediators was demonstrated in the political and cultural realms, as well as the social ones. One of these venues was through their journalistic and editorial work in the Palestinian and Arabic press in the region, in newspapers such as al- Alam ail-isra ili. The printing press in Palestine played a major role in the debates regarding the developing national conflict between Jews and Arabs in the country. Among other issues, much of the research focused on the ways the Arabic and Hebrew press presented the Arab Question and the Zionist policy towards the Arabs, as well as on the ways Arabic newspapers in Palestine and elsewhere viewed the Zionist movement and the Jews. 22 From a Zionist perspective, the press was viewed as a tool for presenting the Zionist project to the Arab community in the country, and was considered to be one of the effective mechanisms of influencing the Arabs in Palestine and in the neighboring countries. The publication of an Arabic newspaper, supported by the Zionist movement, was hence often discussed and debated by the Zionist national institutions already during the final years of Ottoman rule in Palestine For a discussion about the centrality of the printed press in Palestine see Ami Ayalon, Reading Palestine: Printing and Literacy, (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004), and Rashid Khalidi, Palestinian Identity: The Construction of Modern National Consciousness (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997). 23 These issues were discussed in length in Abigail Jacobson, From Empire to Empire, mainly

14 The Zionist movement published and funded several Arabic newspapers which operated for different periods of time. These included, for example, the newspapers al-akhbar and al- Salam, both edited by Nissim Malul, as well as the newspapers Ittihad al- Ummal 24 and Hakikat al-amr. 25 Those newspapers are often viewed by various scholars as serving as propaganda tools by the Zionist movement in order to expose the Palestinian Arabs to the Zionist project, and to the ways it can potentially benefit them and the country as a whole. 26 Discussions on the best ways to influence and explain the purpose of the Zionist movement to the Arabs in Palestine and the Arab world took place quite often within the Zionist institutions, and especially during or after high periods of violence. In relation to this, Liora Halperin argues that Hakikat al-amr, for example, was part of the evolving Zionist tradition of hasbara, explaining, of the Zionist project to the Arabs. The publication of an Arabic newspaper, and the emphasis placed on the importance of studying Arabic, is viewed by her (and others) as a means of persuading the Arabs of the benefits of the Zionist project, and of connecting Jews to Arabs, and is hence viewed not only as hasbara, but as pure propaganda. 27 But was it indeed purely propaganda? Focusing on the writers and editors of these newspapers, many of whom were local Jews, and considering the newspapers not only as political tools but also as part of a much larger cultural and social project, may reveal patterns of dialogue and mediation, and not only of propaganda. In fact, local Jews, such as Nissim Malul, 24 Ittihad al- Ummal (The Unity of the Workers) was published by the Histadrut, and targeted the Arab workers in Palestine. The newspaper viewed its goal as representing the interests of Jewish and Arab workers in Palestine, as promoting joint labor struggles, and as promoting the role of the Histadrut as the protector and representative of the workers. 25 First published in March 1937 by the Arab Workers division of the Histadrut. The editors of the newspaper were Michael Assaf, the author Tuviya Shmoush and the author Eliyahu Agassi. 26 On this see, for example, in: Liora Russman Halperin, Babel in Zion: The Politics of Language Diversity in Jewish Palestine, (Ph.D. Dissertation, Los Angeles: University of California, 2011), mainly ; Elyakim Rubinstein, Ha-Diyunim Al Hotza at Iton Tziyoni - Aravi Bi-Shnot ha- Esrim veha-shloshim, Kesher, Vol. 1 No. 1, 1987, 45-54; Hillel Cohen, Army of Shadows: Palestinian Collaboration with Zionism, (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2008). 27 Halperin, Babel in Zion,

15 Shimon Moyal, Eliyahu Sasson, Yehuda Burla Yosef Rivlin and others, attempted to bridge the gap between Jews and Arabs on the basis of direct links and contacts, based specifically on a common language, Arabic, and on shared culture and historical ties. Local Jews used the press as much more than simply a propaganda tool, but as a mediation mechanism between Jews and Arabs in the country, as well as a platform to connect between Palestinian Jews and their surrounding Arabic-speaking environment. They often used the press to express their criticism towards the Zionist hegemonic leadership for neglecting the Arab Question and for not approaching it wisely. Their knowledge of Arabic, and their cultural and geographic proximity to the Arabs, is central to the way they viewed themselves as possible mediators. This position as mediators was often linked to their sense of frustration about their own marginal position within the Zionist institutions. It was hence through the Zionist-Arabic press that local Jews tried to establish links not only to Palestinian Arabs, but also to create a Semitic locale which would connect between the Palestinian Jews and their surrounding environment. Many among the local Jews who were involved with the Zionist-Arabic press in Palestine were also writing in other Arabic newspapers in the Arab world, both in newspapers that were owned by Jews as well as those who were owned and edited by Arabs. In Iraq, it was the Jewish newspaper al-misbah, edited by Anwar Shaul, which followed the condition of Iraqi Jews in Palestine and their status within the Zionist movement. 28 In Egypt it was the newspaper Israel, which focused on the relations between Jews and Arabs in Palestine while criticizing the way the Zionist movement dealt with the evolving conflict. Israel called the Zionist leadership to take 28 Orit Bashkin, New Babylonians: A History of Jews in Modern Iraq (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2012), 202,

16 advantage of the eastern Jews, their knowledge of Arabic and their familiarity with the Arab world, as possible mediators between Jews and Arabs, and to bridge the gaps between them. 29 In Beirut, it was the weekly newspaper al-'alam al-isra'ili. Al-'Alam al-isra'ili was owned and edited by Salim Mann and Mu iz Ajami, and was the only organ of the Jewish communities in Syria and Lebanon. It was first published in 1921, and was closed in Like the other Zionist-Arabic newspapers in Palestine, al-'alam al-isra'ili was also engaged in hasbara and ta amulah (explaining and propaganda) of the Zionist movement and project to its Jewish readers, in order to enhance their connection to the Zionist movement and to the Jewish community in Palestine. In part, the newspaper targeted the Arab readership in an effort to expose them to the Zionist movement. It was also partially supported financially by the Jewish Agency and the United Bureau and published articles on their behalf. 31 However, al-'alam al-isra'ili should be examined from another lens as well. Many of the writers and editors of the Palestinian-based newspapers discussed above also wrote in al-'alam al-isra'ili. Those included, for example, Nissim Malul, Esther Azhari-Moyal, Avraham Elmaleh, Yitzhak and Tuviya (Tawfik) Shmoush, Eliyahu (Elias) Sasson and Eliyahu Agassi. In many ways, the newspaper in general, and the debate regarding the 1932 conference in particular, reflected the dilemmas facing the Jewish intellectuals who were writing in it: the debates and tensions regarding their national and cultural identity, Zionism and the evolving national conflict, 29 Ruth Kimchi, Ziyonut be-tzel ha-piramidot: ha-tnu a ha-tziyonit be-mizrayim (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2009), On the newspaper Israel see Hagar Hilel, Israel be-kahir: Iton Zyoni be-mizrayim ha-leumit (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 2004). 30 For a comprehensive analysis of the newspaper see Guy Bracha, "Al- Alam al-isra ili":the Place of the Journal in the Jewish and Arabic Press in the Middle East on the Background of the Changes in the Syrian and Lebanese Jewish Communities (Ph.D. Dissertation, Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan University, 2011). 31 Ibid.,

17 as well as questions regarding the position and influence of the Sephardim within the Zionist establishment. One of the figures that best demonstrates these tensions is Eliyahu (Elias) Sasson. Eliyahu Sasson: Between Ben Ha-Mizrach and Mizrachan Eliyahu (Elias) Sasson was among the prominent writers in al- Alam al-israe ili, and also among the main commentators in the discussion regarding the Jewish-Arab conference. In his biography, and mainly in his political, journalistic and diplomatic activism, he demonstrates the position of the eastern, local Jews as mediators, and the constant tension in their identity and position, as discussed above. 32 Born in Damascus in 1902 to a family of merchants from Baghdad, Sasson studied in Alliance Israelite Universelle School (AIU), and pursued his higher education in the St. Joseph College in Beirut. In his memoirs, Sasson described his childhood in a pluralistic, mixed Jewish- Arab environment, where his father and family where very popular among the local Damascene community. During his school years in St. Joseph, Sasson became friends with many Muslim and Christian students from Syria, Lebanon and Iraq, many of whom would become central figures among the Arab national movement and in the Arabic press. In a reflection about his pluralistic and tolerant upbringing, Sasson wrote that Until this very day I love Arabs. I have inherited this love from my father, who had never distinguished between a Jew and an Arab, and always made us love the other. Back then the other was most often an Arab. Most of the visitors in our house were Arabs. We loved Arabs, and this love is what enabled me later to be trusted by Arabs. 33 Eliyahu Sasson was in many ways the product of the period of cultural and literary renaissance in the Arab east, al-nahdah (the awakening), as well as of Arab nationalism. Damascus during and after World War I served for him as a center and a meeting point between 32 Sasson s political and diplomatic work will be discussed elsewhere in the book. 33 Eliyahu Sasson, Baderekh el ha-shalom: Igrot ve-sikhot (Tel Aviv: Am Oved, 1978),

18 his Jewish and Arab political and cultural identities. The Jews who centered in Damascus at the time included, among others, Sephardi and Ashkenazi Jews who were forced to leave Palestine during World War I, such as David Yellin, Meir Dizengoff, Ya akov Shloush, Moshe Shloush, Albert Antebi and Avraham Elmaleh, as well as some Jewish officers who served in the Ottoman army such as Moshe Shertok (Sharet), whom Sasson met in By 1922, when he left Damascus, Sasson became a dominant figure among the young Jewish Zionist community in the city. At the same time, he was part of the group of political activists who gathered around King Feisal s leadership. Together with other Jewish activists, Sasson considered himself to be an integral part of the Arab national movement that was flourishing at the time. 34 Fluent in Hebrew, Arabic and French, Sasson began writing in Hebrew newspapers, such as Doar ha-yom and Chadshot ha-aretz, as well as in some Hebrew-Arabic newspapers, such as ha-mizrach/al-sharq and al- Alam al-isra ili. He also founded and became the editor of al- Ittihad newspaper, which was published in 1920 in Damascus. 35 As discussed above, these Hebrew-Arabic newspapers were engaged in promoting dialogue and connections between Jews and Arabs, and were the result of a Jewish national and cultural revival movement, which was inspired by the Arab Nahdah. This movement supported the cultural integration of Jews in their Arab environment, and encouraged the learning of the Hebrew language and culture. 36 From 1922, when he left Damascus, until he joined the Political Bureau of the Jewish Agency in 1934, Sasson s public and journalistic work can be characterized by his attempt to bridge between Jewish and Arab nationalism, Jewish and Arab culture and in bringing together Jews and Arabs in Palestine. However, Sasson was never an active member of the Sephardi 34 Doar ha-yom, November 18, 1919, pp Yaron Ran, Eliyahu (Elias) Sasson Mimecholeley ha-tnu a Ha-tziyonit be-dameseq umovil ma arechet hayachasim im ha-olam ha- Aravi erev hakamata shel medinat Israel, Mikan umisham, Vol. 6 p. ; Yaron Harel, Leumiyut, tziyonut, itonut ve sotzyalism bekerev yehude Dameseq tachat shilton Faisal, Pe amim, Vol. p Guy Bracha, PhD. 18

19 leadership and the various Sephardi organizations which were active in mandatory Palestine. 37 Until he joined the Jewish Agency he was also a fierce critique of the Jewish Agency regarding its policies vis-à-vis the Arab national movement. At the same time he also criticized the political positions of the Arab Executive regarding Zionism. His articles, which expressed his political views, were published in Arabic in several newspapers during the 1920 s and 1930 s. In 1927 Sasson settled in Jerusalem, and renewed his public and journalistic writings regarding the Jewish-Arab conflict. In December 1927 he published an article in al- Alam al- Isra ili, where he argued that Ashkenazi Jews do not want to reach peace and understanding with the Arabs the same way the Sephardi Jews do. In his article, where he also criticized the Zionist political leadership, he wrote that For ten years the Ashkenazi Jews looked at Europe, which confused them with its promises. The Sephardim looked at them, tried to explain their mistake, but were ignored [by the Ashkenazim]. ( ) It is bad that the political leadership is in the hands of Ashkenazi Jews, and that the leaders are foreign to the country s ways [darkey ha-aretz] and are not familiar with its language. ( ) They should work with us towards religious understanding with the Christians and Muslims and gain their [the Arabs ] trust and understanding toward our national aspirations ( ) Much responsibility regarding our national revival lies on the shoulders of Sephardi Jews who speak Arabic. 38 In the same article, Sasson also presents his political vision. The Palestinian country would not gain its freedom and independence unless all forces- Jews, Christians and Muslims- would unite to free it from foreign powers. The Sephardi Jews know that one group cannot operate without the other, and that the opposition among them results in a constant domination of foreigners on Palestinian land. 39 Sasson also criticizes the Ashkenazi Zionist leadership for relying on European forces for the national revival of Jews in Palestine. The Sephardim, he writes, understand that without the natural cooperation of Jews, Muslims and Christians the 37 The organizational history of the Sephardi community and local Jews in Mandatory Palestine is discussed elsewhere in the book. 38 Bayna al-sephardim wa-ashkenazim, al- Alam al-isra ili, December 22, 1927, p Ibid. 19

20 national revival would never materialize. Eastern Jews (al-yahud al-sharqyin), born and raised among Arabs, are capable of speaking to the Arab villager, worker, peasant, writer or intellectual in a way that western Jews would never be able to speak, he argued in one of his commentaries in Eastern Jews should hence become more involved in political life. An agreement with the Arabs cannot be achieved without their involvement, he argued. 40 In his view of Palestine as a joint homeland for Jews, Muslims and Christians, Sasson departs from a Zionist approach which recognizes the national rights of the Jews over the country, and does not view the local, Sephardi Jews, as opposing Zionism. On the contrary; it is the Sephardi Jews, who are aware of the growing national sentiments among Palestinian Arabs, who will be able to fully understand the Arab position. The goal of the 1932 Jewish-Arab conference, he claims, is not to challenge the authority of the Zionist movement but rather to make the important voices of the local Jews heard. 41 In addition to his criticism towards the Ashkenazi Jewish leadership of the Zionist movement, Sasson also criticized the Arab Executive and the Supreme Muslim Council. Following the departure of the Palestinian delegation to London in 1930 (headed by Jamal al- Husseini and Awni abd al-hadi), to present the Palestinian Arab views following the 1929 events in Palestine, Sasson published several articles in al-hayat, where he called for Jewish Arab cooperation and Jewish-Arab unity which would remind the British that they are here to lead the inhabitants towards complete self-governance and independence. 42 In order to defend his idea of Jewish-Arab understanding, he returns to the early history of relations between Jews and Muslims, and tries to apply it to the realities in Palestine: 40 Al Mou tamar al-isra ili al-sharqi, al- Alam al-isra ili, June Al-Mu atamar al-arab al-isra ili, al- Alam al-isra ili, July 18, Rad ala Maqal, al-hayat, May 21, 1930, p

21 I am well aware of the equal treatment the Jews received during the rise of Islam and afterwards during the reign of the Caliphs. Jews were more than happy with the rise of this (Muslim) empire based on rights, equality and fraternity. ( ) What is the harm that would inflict the Arabs if they let the persecuted Jewish people to come and assemble in this spot on the planet so that they can pursue a free and decent life? ( ) Do you honestly think that the Jewish agenda is set on exterminating the Arabs and their language? And if that is part of their agenda, don t you think that they realize that they can never achieve that knowing that there are millions of Muslims who would find to the last drop of blood for Palestine? I would like to end by restating that Jews seek an understanding with their Arab brothers in order to build this nation and bring prosperity and independence to our people. 43 Unlike the joint political bureau of the Jewish Agency, which tried to foster an alternative political leadership to the Arab Executive, Sasson actually acknowledged that the Arab Executive is the representative of Palestinian Arabs. The right way is not to try to replace this organization, claimed Sasson, but rather to try and influence it towards reaching a Jewish-Arab understanding. 44 In August 1930 Sasson, who was described by the Hebrew newspaper Davar as a Jewish-Arab journalist, published a letter in Filastin where he argued that a mutual understanding between Jews and Arabs in Palestine would be possible only if one national group would recognize the full rights of the other. The view that only the Arabs are the owners of the land and that the Jews are only visitors is a radical view, wrote Sasson. In order to create mutual understanding it is important to establish a Jewish-Arab committee which would explore the question of the joint homeland. This committee should result in a Palestinian Jewish-Arab union which would recognize each other s national existence. Sasson also called the Arabic press to explain to its readers the Jewish perspective regarding Jewish immigration, and asked the 43 Al-Mawt ala Al-Din al-sahih, al-hayat, May As a response to Lakum Dinkum wali Dini,, al- Hayat, May 23,1930, p Is the Arab Executive a loyal representative of the Arab people? Davar, July

22 Hebrew press to recognize the right of this noble Arab nation in this country and the existing bonds between Jews and Muslims on the basis of their Semitic and eastern origin. 45 Sasson s article received various responses in Filistin. His recognition of the national rights of the Jews and their equal rights in Palestine created, for obvious reasons, much opposition in the newspaper, which viewed the key for a Jewish Arab understanding in the Jewish renouncement of their national- Zionist-aspirations. 46 Indeed, these responses challenge Sasson s approach regarding the possibilities of reaching a Jewish-Arab partnership in Palestine as based on mutual recognition of national rights. In his future work in the Political Bureau of the Jewish Agency, Sasson would try to suggest ways of reacting to these challenges. Sasson s open criticism towards the policies of the Zionist leadership created some angry reactions towards him from within Zionist circles as well. In relation to the Jewish-Arab 1932 conference, it is worth noticing the exchange between him and Michael Assaf, the Arab-affairs journalist in Davar. 47 Assaf criticized the intention to convene an Eastern-Israeli conference, claiming that familiarity with Arabic and with Arab culture are not enough to reach an understanding between Jews and Arabs in Palestine. He criticized Sasson s distinction between Sephardim and Ashkenazim. Sasson s Arabic writings regarding these issues are irresponsible, said Assaf, and asked al- Alam al-isra ili to stop the discussion about the conference. 48 On June 27 Sasson responded to Assaf s commentary, arguing that no one other than eastern Jews could reach an understanding with the Arabs, based on their familiarity with the culture and the people. 45 Khawla al-tafahum al-manshud, Filistin, July 31, 1930, 1; A Jewish-Arab journalist calls for peace in Palestine, Davar, August 3, Response to Sasson in Filistin, August 1, 1930 p. 1, also published in Davar, January 9, Born in Poland in 1896, Assaf immigrated to Palestine in 1920 and became a leading journalist in the Hebrew press, as well as in the Zionist-Arabic newspapers. Fluent in Arabic, he wrote extensively on Jewish-Arab relations in Palestine. He was active politically and filled various positions in the political parties ha-po el ha-za ir and Mapai. 48 Al-Mu atamar al-isra ili al-sharqi, al-'alam al-isra'ili, June 27,