Religion, Politics and Economics in Turkey and Saudi Arabia Ernest CHU, Dec 2015

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1 Religion, Politics and Economics in Turkey and Saudi Arabia Ernest CHU, Dec 2015 Since the end of the Ottoman Empire in early 1920 s, religious, political and economic reforms in Turkey have completely reshaped the country. A decade later, King Abdulaziz Ibn Saud emerged as the first ruler of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. The two countries have since developed in radically different trajectories. This paper explores the various differences between the two countries with reference to Islam, their dominant religion, in an attempt to establish the importance of the current and future role of Islam in the political economy. The discussions are structured as per below: I) Political principles: laicism in Turkey; theocracy and the application of Shariah in Saudi Arabia II) Governance: democracy in Turkey; monarchy in Saudi Arabia. III) Economic impacts of political principles and governance IV) Conclusion: what Islam means to the political economy. I) Political Principles Laicism is one of the six pillars of the Kemalism ideology, defined as the complete abolishment of religion in state affairs, as opposed to the more passive secularism, which is the lack of regard for religion by the state (Gozaydin 2013). This subtle difference, however, has had a significant impact on Turkish politics. The underlying objective of introducing laicism to Turkey has been for freedom. It is when Ottoman secularism was changed to Turkish laicism that the difference between the two became significant instead of the state remaining passively neutral vis-à-vis any religion, laicism sought to actively shape [religion s] content and role in society (Arat 2009). As a result, Shariah was abolished in favour of a codified, systematic and more westernised legal system. Although laicism is in some ways similar to Islamic principles of separation of clergy and the ruling party, it has long been controversial. In response the marginalisation of religion by the 1

2 state, the popularly-elected Justice and Development Party (AKP) has attempted to institutionalise Islamic principles into the legal system, such as laws regarding abortion and homosexuality (Gozaydin 2013). The rise of the AKP is contributed by Turkey s growing Islamic middle class (Tavernise 2007) and incompetence of rival political parties (Taydas, Akbaba and Morrison 2012). Proponents of laicism cite the importance of a religiously neutral government to fundamental rights, especially of equality of gender (BBC 2007). The headscarf controversy embodies the issues surrounding laicism, religion and freedom. Following laicism, the Turkish government banned women from wearing headscarves in government buildings and civic spaces, but the ban was repealed in 2013 (BBC 2014). The controversy calls into question whether laicism truly represents ideals of freedom, as the government indirectly intervened in people s personal faiths. Conversely, Islamic teachings preaches for tolerance of other religions. 1 Nevertheless, the repeal demonstrates a degree of flexibility and open-mindedness of Turkey s political principles. By contrast, Saudi Arabia goes the other extreme by adhering to strict theocratic principles. These principles, however, have been under pressure since the discovery of oil in the 1930 s, as the state has since been forced to balance between its Islamic principles and modernisation due to its increased international relevance (van Eijk 2010). Every citizen of Saudi Arabia is constitutionally defined as a Muslim, and any foreigner who wishes to become a citizen of Saudi Arabia must convert to Islam. The practice of other faiths is not allowed and apostasy in punishable by death, although there is no evidence that such sentences have been given. Unsurprisingly, Saudi Arabia s oppressive theocracy has attracted much criticism from the West, due to its human rights violations (US Department of State 2014). The oppression extends to freedom of speech, as the Saudi Arabia government decrees that criticisms of Islam is prohibited by law (Tomlinson 2014). Furthermore, even within the Muslim population, there have been cases of systematic discrimination of the Shia minority group (Human Rights Watch 2009). All these entirely contradict the progressive thoughts of the great Muslim reformer, Jamalu-Din Al-Afghani. 1 Allah does not forbid you to deal justly and kindly with those who fought not against you on account of religion and did not drive you out of your homes. Verily, Allah loves those who deal with equity. Qur an 60:8 2

3 Central to Saudi Arabia s theocratic state is the application of Shariah in Saudi Arabia s legal system. Contrary to popular belief, however, the Shariah is highly compatible to international norms (Robinson et al. 2007). The problem with Shariah in Saudi Arabia is its application and implementation. Saudi Arabia applies the Shariah in an uncodified form. This, unfortunately, has resulted in various complications, such as the uncertainty and inconsistency of rulings due to the open interpretation of Shariah by judges and the inability of establishing precedence. This is exacerbated by the fact that many of Saudi Arabia s other (partially) codified laws refer back to the uncodified Shariah. (Van Eijk 2010). Moreover, the influence of Wahabism is strong throughout Saudi Arabia, and may be considered backward (e.g. strict dress code observed by Saudis). Women s rights, especially, have been a major cause for concern, as their liberties are severely restricted due to a strict interpretation of Shariah. II) Governance In Islam, the concept of al-shura underlies the political process of Islamic states. Supposedly, rulers are chosen in a consultative process by the ummah (community). The ummah should also be involved in the process of decision-making and have the power to dismiss rulers who fail to fulfil their duties. The democratic republic system adopted by Turkey closely adheres to al-shura, where the members of the parliament and prime minister are publically voted for. The ideology behind both al-shura and democracy is to involve the ummah in state affairs. This was exemplified by the four rightly-guided caliphs. Furthermore, in adherence to both Islamic teachings and western principles, the separation of judiciary and executive powers is observed in Turkey. The key difference between Turkish democracy and al-shura is, again, laicism: democracy is not guided by Shariah and thus there is (theoretically) no limit on freedom. Yet, democracy in Turkey lately appears to be under threat. The AKP, although democraticallyelected, is seen by some as anti-democratic. Although the AKP s aim to reintroduce Islam to state affairs cannot be seen as anti-democratic per se, since Islamic teachings do not conflict 3

4 with democracy, bureaucratic and censorship actions taken by the AKP are infringements of free, fair and competitive politics (Ciddi 2015); this has even led to predictions that Turkey is headed towards being an autocratic state (Baydar 2015). The system of governance in Saudi Arabia is less complicated but even more controversial. As an absolute monarchy, the royal family of Al-Saud consolidates much of the ruling power. The King of Saudi Arabia has absolute authority over state affairs, including the judiciary. Examples of inconsistent rulings favouring plaintiffs who were part of the royal family (Bradley 2005) portray the injustice prevalent in the Saudi system. The formal advisory body, the Consultative Assembly of Saudi Arabia (Majlis al-shura al- Saudi) supposedly reflects the al-shura principle. It is the counterpart to the Turkish parliament. Unfortunately, the Assembly fails to uphold al-shura in two respects: Firstly, members of the Assembly are appointed by the king, not by the ummah. Secondly, the Assembly itself only has limited powers in interpreting and proposing the law, and not enforcing it. Hence, the Assembly fails to represent the ummah on many levels. However, there have been subtle signs of improvements recently, with 30 women appointed to the Assembly in 2013 (Al Arabiya 2013). Furthermore, women have recently been given the rights to vote and to stand for municipal elections (BBC 2015). Discontent with the governance of Saudi Arabia is prevalent. Many Saudis regard the government as generally incompetent. The recent series of hajj-related accidents, for example, highlights such incompetence. There have also been revolts calling for King Salman to abdicate due to his incompetence. (Whitaker 2015). Regardless, it is important to emphasise that Islam rejects Saudi Arabia s absolute monarchy. Apart from deviating from the Islamic principles of al-shura, Stepan and Robertson (2003) observed an interesting phenomenon: Muslim states with democracy deficits are mostly Arab states, suggesting that the crux of the issue does not lie with religion. Diamond (2010) points to the complex political and economic circumstances of Arab states as an explanation for III) Economic Impacts 4

5 Turkey is among the wealthiest countries in the world, with GDP of US$798bn as of 2014, the 18 th highest globally. 2 Its economy is well-diversified, with involvement in many sectors, mostly in services, but also in agriculture, industry and energy. Turkey also has a robust financial market and an active stock exchange, which is well-rated by credit rating agencies. During the global financial crisis, Turkey was one of a very few countries to sustain its economic growth. The Turkish economy is often a focal point of politics and religion. Many argue that Turkey s rapid development is due to its connection to the West (Onis 2010). Embracing western secular/liberalist ideals has helped Turkey to open up its economy and engage in economic transactions with the affluent West. Turkey s legal system, which is similar to the West s, also facilitates economic activities between western countries. However, the Turkish government must also cater for the predominantly Muslim population, which understandably may be a source of friction with the West. For example, initiatives in Islamic finance is an encouraging sign, as at least 8% of Turkish adults cannot access financial services for religious reasons (Toksabay and Dolan 2015). As the bridge between the western and Islamic civilisations, Turkey is well-positioned to discover how Islam can be integrated with the modern world without sacrificing ideology. The economy of Saudi Arabia is decidedly less interesting. Its GDP is US$746bn, 3 only slightly less than that of Turkey. Needless to say, unlike Turkey s diversified economy, Saudi Arabia s dominant industry is oil production, which constitutes almost half of its GDP. 4 Saudi Arabia s oil industry has, to a large extent, facilitated the oppressive regime of the government. Saudi Aramco, the state-owned oil company, is a monopoly, which goes against Islamic principles. The government has been able to use its wealth to influence, and even silence its people. This is mainly achieved through mass employment in government-funded public and construction sectors. Another example is: in response to the Arab Spring protests in 2011, then-king Abdullah dramatically increased spending, which included a US$67bn package for housing, military and religious groups (Abu-Nasr and Fattah 2011). 2 World Bank 3 World Bank 4 Saudi Arabia Central Department of Statistics & Information 5

6 The current oil-dependent model of Saudi Arabia s government, however, is unsustainable. At the time of writing, global oil prices have fallen under US$40 per barrel. Estimates show that the break-even oil price for the Saudi government is around US$105 (Holodny 2015). Though it appears that the Saudi government recognises this fundamental weakness of its economy, the planned reforms (e.g. codifying the Shariah) and projects (e.g. major economic cities) have scarcely transpired. The development of higher education in Saudi Arabia has similarly stalled, which may be partially due to censorship and the suppression of freedom of ideas symptomatic of an oppressive state. Despite the economic successes of Turkey and the great wealth of Saudi Arabia, poverty is unfortunately prevalent in both countries (Sullivan 2013; Dogan 2015). While Islamic teachings have practical principles to eliminate poverty (e.g. zakah), they seem difficult to implement in practice and neither the laicist Turkish nor dictatorial Saudi systems have embraced them. In Saudi s case, however, one could also argue that the empowerment of women would greatly alleviate poverty in Saudi Arabia; furthermore, this is in line with Islamic teachings, as people are encouraged to work to earn a living. 5 IV) Conclusion In Turkey, laicism and the adoption of western ideals have contributed to its success, as it facilitates Turkey s integration with the world. Most of these principles, such as democracy, have similar counterparts in Islamic teachings. However, as a predominantly Muslim country, the government cannot remain oblivious to Islam and other religions. In contrast, although Saudi Arabia appears to be strictly religious, its monarchy deviates from Islamic teachings and disrespects freedom allowed by Islam. The ill-effects from its economic and political system have subsequently percolated throughout the nation. 5 The Prophet Muhammed (PBUH) said, "One would rather cut and carry a bundle of wood on his back than ask somebody who may or may not give him." Bukhari 6

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