government as a result of his conviction of the conspiracy resulting in the 1995 assassination of then Chief

Transcription

1 On March 31 st, 2012, Balwant Singh Rajoana, a Sikh, was scheduled to be hung by the Indian government as a result of his conviction of the conspiracy resulting in the 1995 assassination of then Chief Minister of Punjab, Beant Singh. The execution appeared to outside observers as a relatively straightforward matter: Rajoana, in jail for over a decade already, fully admitted his role in the assassination plot, and no party could truly mount a defense to contest his innocence i. However, Rajoana s execution proved to be complex. Many Sikhs, having experienced Sikh-targeted violence and repression under Singh s political regime, painted Rajoana s act as political defiance undertaken on behalf of the Sikh community, in a larger narrative of antagonism between Sikhs and the Indian government. Thus, Rajoana has become a public figure, and in the weeks leading up to the execution date, widespread protest broke out amongst Sikh communities, in India as well as abroad. In the days leading up to the execution, the Indian High Court issued a stay on the execution to consider mercy pleas entered by various Sikh leaders and clerics on Rajoana s behalf. ii The global outcry from the Sikh community at the possibility of Rajoana s execution highlights the importance of his status in the collective identity and memory of the Sikh community. Of particular interest regarding Rajoana in Sikh collective memory are the contributions of Sikh diaspora. While unable to participate in the large-scale protests undertaken in India, members of the Sikh diaspora took not only to the streets in their own countries, but to the Internet. Portrayals of Rajoana, and the incorporation of Rajoana s story into the larger narrative of Sikh collective memory proliferated online in the spring of I will analyze the portrayal of Rajoana in diaspora-generated online media, and demonstrate prominent role that the Rajoana of newly-formed memory plays in the assertion of Sikh identity amongst members of the Sikh diaspora, as Rajoana imagery is linked into a larger body of collective memory amongst the diaspora. The expressions of Sikh identity made by members of the diaspora, manifested in the telling of the Rajoana story, suggest that the nature of the collective Sikh identity may be 1

2 shifting: away from a geographically-linked cultural-religious paradigm, into a dynamic, transnational identity. THE SIKH PANTH AND IDENTITY MAKING While one of the world s major religions, Sikhism is a minority even within India, the nation-state of its origin and the home to a majority of the globe s Sikh population. Sikh identity has often been shaped not only from within, but also in response to external pressures, iii from Sikhism s founding gurus, through colonialism, the violence of the Indian partition, and into the contemporary struggles between Sikhs and the Indian state. Collective memory plays an integral part in Sikh identity throughout these struggles. Particularly in the context of the political and religious turmoil of the last three decades, the problems of defining Sikh identity have sparked a sense of urgency and a drive toward differentiating doctrine, ritual, and way of life iv While a majority of Sikhs live in northern India, significant populations of Sikhs live abroad, with the largest populations in the United Kingdom, Canada, and the United States. The identity issues of any diaspora attend to those of the Sikh diaspora as well, particularly as subsequent generations struggle to define themselves amongst competing identities of heritage, ethnicity, religion, and nationality. Early generations of the diaspora maintained strong ties with the Punjab, with racism forcing insularity, and with ongoing ties to Punjab amongst the Punjabi Sikhs abroad. v Many Sikhs, regardless of citizenship, maintain their Sikh identities by defining themselves firstly as a member of the global Sikh Panth ( community ). However, there are increasing uncertainties as to what qualifies one to belong to the Sikh Panth. As second and third generation Sikhs are brought up in Canada, elements of what was once considered integral to the Sikh identity decline, such as Punjabi language and uncut hair (particularly on men). vi In Britain, some young men emphasize their cultural difference in wearing the identity-marker of the turban, while 2

3 second and third generation British Sikh men are choosing to give up the turban in favor of integration into British society. This does not mean the turban is not important: many subjects expressed considerable ambivalence to the act. vii Direct challenges to the Sikh identity are also posed from white converts to Sikhism. As converts attempt to essentialise the religious core of Sikhism, many in the Sikh diaspora are unsure of the resulting Sikhism that remains, as ethno-cultural elements of the Sikh identity are stripped away. viii The Sikh identity is thus increasingly fragmented by the pressures of geographic dispersal and cultural diffusion. 1984: A LANDMARK IN THE HISTORICAL NARRATIVE While the Sikhs have a long history, the contemporary relationship between the Sikh community and the Indian government has been highly contentious. As a result of geopolitical disputes and the trauma of the Indian partition, some Sikhs began to embrace increasingly radical separatist ideologies for the creation of an independent Sikh state, Khalistan. After increasing separatist unrest in Punjab, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi s government authorized Operation Blue Star in 1984, in which Indian Army soldiers attacked the Golden Temple. This religious complex, arguably the most potent visual symbol of Sikh identity, housed not only armed fundamentalist preacher Jarnail Singh Bhindrinwale, but also thousands of religious pilgrims there to celebrate a major Sikh holiday. The resulting destruction of both life and symbol was profound. Bhindranwale and his followers were dead, as well as pilgrims. Operation Blue Star ushered in a period of violence and retaliation between the Sikh community in the Punjab and the Indian majority. In October 1984, Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh bodyguards in response to the Operation Blue Star attacks, and immediately thereafter, Delhi erupted in anti-sikh riots, in which Sikhs were targeted by the symbols of their faith. Thousands of Sikhs were killed in the violence, and thousands more were injured, lost property, or were forced to evacuate. Many Sikhs 3

4 emigrated to escape the communal violence, while other Sikhs responded by involving themselves in the accelerating Punjabi insurgency. Any account of Sikh history, identity, or diaspora study would be incomplete without a rendering of 1984 upon the Sikh community, in India or abroad. As the violence of the 1980s spread to the 1990s in the form of insurgency and counter insurgency, members of the diaspora watched in horror as events in India unfolded. As Sikhs left Punjab to join family members and diaspora networks abroad, they brought fresh experiences of the recent violence. It was this group of people that became the link between Punjab and the Diaspora community some migrated to protect their lives and those of their families, others left due to the chaos in Punjab, and inevitably some went to spread the message of Khalistan. ix Support for Khalistan amongst the diaspora, both intellectual as well as financial, became a viable option for Sikhs seeking to support and protect their familial, social, and religious networks in Punjab. x THE PUNJABI INSURGENCY AND BALWANT SINGH RAJOANA As a result of ongoing insurrection in Punjab, Presidential Rule was instated in the late 1980 s, with heavy military crackdowns, and though elections were held in 1992, many Sikhs boycotted voting. The elected Chief Minister, Beant Singh, though a Sikh himself, was not sympathetic to the secessionist movement, and as a result of the boycott, lacked authority in the eyes of many Sikhs. xi Beant Singh s State government initiated a counter-insurgency policy, allowing wide license to military and law enforcement officials to crack down on any individual perceived as participant in the insurgency. Recent human rights documentation indicates that, intensification of coordinated counterinsurgency operations in the early 1990s was accompanied by a shift in state violence from targeted enforced disappearances and extrajudicial executions to large-scale and systematic lethal human rights violations, accompanied by mass illegal 4

5 cremations. xii This violence, particularly targeting young men, was authorized by Chief Minister Beant Singh, and carried out throughout all levels of police enforcement. The counterinsurgency policies of Beant Singh were incredibly unpopular amongst Sikh communities. Balwant Singh Rajoana, then an active police official, took part in a plot as a planner and secondary bomber in a suicide mission to assassinate Beant Singh. In 1995, Balwant Singh Rajoana assisted a suicide bomber in the assassination of Chief Minister Beant Singh. Rajoana was quickly captured and tried. In his court hearing, Rajoana refused counsel; refused to cross examine witnesses; and repeatedly admitted to preparing the bomb. Instead of mounting a defense, Rajoana made public statements regarding the bias of the Indian government and criminal justice system, in which the many deaths of the counter insurgency went unprosecuted, while his own trial was prosecuted with alacrity. xiii Rajoana was convicted of his crime in 1995, and upon the legal progression to the High Court, was sentenced to death in , SIKH COLLECTIVE MEMORY, AND THE INTERNET 1984 is still an active site of collective memory, as Sikhs themselves recognize the importance of 1984 as a cultural touchstone in identity formation. The effectiveness of traditional tools of collective memorialization has been amplified by the creation of sites of Sikh memory in online Sikh forums and networks, as the Internet has enabled graphic images of tortured political prisoners and an obliterated Golden Temple to be transmitted to a younger generation many of whom do not go regularly to gurdwaras (temples) or know about the events of xiv In its introduction to the events 1984, the The Sikh Coalition, acknowledges the apparent distance between its audience and the events of 1984, while underlining the ongoing importance of the events of 1984 to all Sikhs: Twenty years ago, the Sikh Coalition did not exist, many of our supporters were not yet born, and an even larger portion is too young to remember that part of our history... This critical time in our history sent ripples through the Sikh nation that 5

6 shape us even today. xv It is, in many cases, these younger generations that have begun to use the Khalistan and 1984 memorialization as a tool for their own identity formation, using the collective memories to make meaning of modern Sikh identity in the diaspora. xvi RAJOANA, THE INTERNET, AND DIASPORA On March 29 th, 2012, at the height of the Rajoana crisis, the Indian newspaper Indian Express observed that the web world is full of Balwant [Rajoana] The Balwant episode has hit the Sikh community settled abroad, mainly the youth. xvii The Sikh Panth, despite and perhaps because of their minority status both within as well as without India, have been particularly dedicated and unusually effective at maintaining their community ties online as well as in real space. xviii To understand Rajoana s incorporation into the Sikh collective memory amongst members of the Sikh diaspora, I will examine the portrayals of Rajoana in several diaspora-specific Sikh websites, with particular focus on links between Rajoana, 1984, and Sikh collective memory. For this study, I focused on sites specifically dedicated to and maintained by Sikhs in the diaspora, including sikhchic.com, sikh24.com, langerhall.com, sikhcoalition.org, and americanturban.com. This selection is not exhaustive: there are many Sikh websites, as well as many other online platforms (such as chat rooms, YouTube videos, Facebook pages) maintained by members of the Sikh diaspora. These websites were chosen, for their popularity within the Sikh online community, as well as the breadth of online expression that each site represents, ranging from blog to news site to advocacy campaigns. Each site, regardless of format, posted at least some content on the Rajoana issue in March and April of 2012, thus allowing for a content analysis, comparing the representations of Rajoana and the issues surrounding his case amongst members of the Sikh diaspora. 6

7 Sikh24.com is a social news network, with specific reference to Sikh members of the diaspora. xix Between March 15 th and April 15 th, twenty six articles were posted related to Rajoana s case. An Op/Ed posted by the Sikh24.com editors points out that thousands of Sikhs around the world support Rajoana as, a hero to Sikhs in India and around the world for his stance against the slaughter of Sikhs in Punjab. xx A later article ties Rajoana to a long line of Sikh martyrs, or soldier saints, acting on behalf of the Sikh people-- including Bhindranwale. Framing the discussion in the context of 1984, this author emphasizes the abuses of power of the Indian government over the Sikh people. Thus, Rajoana is contextualized into the narrative of martyrs before him: He did what he had to, to serve justice, to give us back our dignity and allow us to return to our essential purpose... xxi Articles from sikh24.com thus attempt to balance a criticism of violence, while rearticulating the Rajoana story: not a terrorist, but a Sikh asserting a just cause. A single author blog kept by a naturalized American Sikh, americanturban.com is the author s reflections on Sikh-related current events. This author situates Sikh protests against Rajoana s hanging as a result of Sikh oppression within the Indian state, remarking that writers in the Western media are all-toquick to ascribe the protests to extremists and radicals minimize[ing] the legitimate human rights grievances of the Sikh community. xxii These thoughts echo throughout the online Sikh Panth: namely, that Rajoana is unfairly portrayed in the west as a terrorist; that Sikhs who oppose Rajoana s hanging should not be deemed terrorist; and that Rajoana s behavior should be understood as an outcome of still-ongoing religious oppression. The Sikh Coalition is an American community-based organization. As a result of international Rajoana-related protests and advocacy, the Sikh Coalition launched a multi-part series titled, Lessons of History and a Responsibility to Never Forget, beginning in Thus, the Sikh Coalition clearly associates 1984 with the story of Rajoana and into the present. The Sikh Coalition closes its statement with a hope for understanding, as the authors seeks to provide[s] some insight over why Sikhs would hold 7

8 demonstrations for what many view as one-sided justice today. xxiii As representatives of the Sikh diaspora population in the United States, the Sikh Coalition used its platform reaffirm the importance of the collective identity emerging from the atrocities of Sikhchic.com, is an periodical and news aggregator, focused on art and culture within the Sikh diaspora. Here, Rajoana s rejection of the authority of the Indian state including his own defense and the opportunity to appeal for clemency has given him a near mythic appeal. Singh notes that while a crime deserves punishment, the public backlash as a result of the hanging would prove the execution shortsighted. Of interest is Singh s conceptualization and portrayal of himself, as he writes, Before Indians in India Sikhs and non-sikhs take umbrage at my words, if to them what I say sounds like interference in the internal affairs of their country xxiv The author is conscious of his dual insider/outsider status: a member of the Sikh Panth, and thus party to the collective memories of 1984 and Rajoana, he must also acknowledge that some in India could see him as an outsider, and accommodate for this potential perception. In April 2012, Langer Hall bloggers discussed the presence of a politicized song receiving play in the United Kingdom and the United States. The song Beant Satwant da Badla reached the number one download on the BBC Asian Download Chart on the previous weekend. Beant is critical of Indira Gandhi and the Indian government, glorifying the martyrdom of individuals willing to die for Sikhism, including Ms. Gandhi s assassins, named in the title. The dedication of the song is in support and solidarity with Rajoana xxv, integrating Rajoana into a litany of martyrs since Langer Hall discusses the implications of this song becoming popular in the UK, as it propels the issue of 1984, human rights, indian politics etc, very abruptly into the listeners conscience in a way I don t think we ve seen before it suggests the community, most likely the younger generation, is willing to show more than just moral support on 8

9 twitter or facebook. xxvi This enthusiasm underlines the awareness of Sikh issues amongst diasporic youth, and the ongoing appeal of a message that includes a focus on the oppression and the Sikh response to CONCLUSIONS Rajoana plays an important role in the exploration of a common Sikh identity amongst members of the Sikh diaspora. While members of the diaspora, particularly second and third generation immigrants, may be distanced from the political circumstances in which Rajoana s case has unfolded, many have been immediately concerned with the case, as well as the meaning of his acts and his ongoing legacy in the context of Sikh identity. Several trends emerge from a contextual analysis of the Sikh diasporic websites as discussed above. First, throughout the Sikh diaspora, the internet is being used platform for the expression of a common Sikh identity. Various sites with distinct purposes all appeal to a larger Sikh identity in their observations and their work. Subsequently, while each site approached the problem of Rajoana differently, all included some mention of Rajoana in the weeks surrounding the scheduled date of his execution. Some called for his exoneration, while others saw the need for paying his dues to the criminal justice system, but Sikh individuals and collectives in the Sikh diaspora were both aware, and saw the need for commentary upon, the broader meaning of Rajoana s case to the Sikh community. All included sources contextualized Rajoana s actions into a larger framework of collective memory, particularly 1984 and the idea of martyrs/solider-saints. It is also true that, while Rajoana certainly inspired many of the Sikh sites writers, the questions of identity seemed not to extend, at least significantly, to the idea of Khalistan. While 1984 still plays a central role in the memory of the Sikh diaspora, as a specific site of memory, the promise of Khalistan seems to have abated amongst members of the Sikh diaspora. Human rights discussions were commonly used as argument for Rajoana s freedom, critiques and accusations against the Indian government of genocide and 9

10 failure to protect religious minorities were made in the context of Rajoana. However, none of the Sikh diaspora websites made the leap into the idea for statehood. This trend is important, as it suggests a shift in the Sikh diasporic identity, away from a nationalist ideology related to the promise of an eventual Sikhcontrolled national territory defining Sikh identity, towards a broader idea of the Sikh Panth. Shani, in his discussion of the memories of 1984 and memory, asserts that, In contrast to the nationalist imaginary Sikh claims to sovereignty should be grounded not in territorial claims to an imagined homeland of Khalistan, but in a reconceptualization of the Khalsa as a distinct de-territorialized religio-political community. xxvii The legacy of 1984 and the case of Rajoana live on in the Sikh community s collective memory, as well as specifically within the collective memory of the Sikh diaspora. Digital communication allows the Sikh community to foster these collective memories, and, as with the nature of collective memory generally, to shape and change the narrative as history and circumstances change, as well. Thus, even as many aspects of Sikh collective memory are obviously linked back to the great tragedy of 1984, recent publications online regarding Rajoana indicate a growing ambivalence towards the concept of Khalistan, preferring a more broadly defined identity, less linked to a geographic site. As indicated by the internet commentary on Rajoana, the emergence of an active but transnational identity amongst the Sikh diaspora is already underway. 10

11 i Hindu, The. Beant Singh's assassin to be hanged in Patiala jail on March 31. n.d. ii Kumar, Vinay. Centre stays Rajaona execution. n.d. iii Barrier, Gerald. "Issues of Sikh Identity." In Sikh Identity: Continuity and Change, by Pashura and Barrier. New Delhi: Manohar Publishers and Distributors, 1999, iv Barrier, v Verma, Archana. The Making of Little Punjab in Canada: Patterns of Immigration. New Delhi: Sage Publications, vi Nayar, Elizabeth. The Sikh Diaspora in Vancouver: Three Generation Amid Tradition, Modernity, and Multiculturalism. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, vii Singh, Jasjit. "Head First: Young British Sikhs, Hair, and the Turban." Journal of Contemporary Religion, 2012: viii Dusenberry, Verne. Sikhs at Large: Religion, Culture and Politics in a Global Perspective. New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2008, ix Dhillon, Simrat. The Sikh Diaspora and the Quest for Khalistan: a Search for Statehood or for Selfpreservation? New Delhi: Institute of Peace and Conflict Studies, x Tatla, Darsham and Dusenberry, Verne. Sikh Diaspora Philanthropy in Punjab. London: Oxford University Press, xi Gupta, Ruchi. "Times of India." Why Balwant Singh Rajoana never appealed against his death sentence. March 29, (accessed April 24, 2012). xii Silva, Romesh, Jasmine Marwaha, & Jeff Klingner. Violent Deaths and Enforced Disappearances During the Punjabi Counter Insurgency: A Preliminary Quantitative Analysis. Fremont, CA: Human Rights Data Analysis Group, The Benetech Initiative, 2009, 6. xiii Gupta, Why Balwant Singh Rajoana Never Appealed against his death sentence. xiv Shani, Giorgio. "The Memorialization of Ghallughara: Trauma, Nation and Diaspora." Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory, 2012: 6: 2: xv SikhCoalition.org, Lessons of History and Responsibility to Never Forget. part-i (accessed April 24, 2012). xvi Verma, Rita. "Making Meaning of 1984 in Cyberspace." Sikh Formations: Religion, Culture, Theory, 2011: xvii Bhatia, Varinder. "Websites, blogs, social networking sites, YouTube- all bat for Balwant's life." The Indian Express, April 29, 2012: 1. xviii Sokol, Dominika. "The Sikh Diaspora in Cyberspace: The Representation of Khalistan on the World Wide Web and its Legal Context." Masaryk University Journal of Law and Technology, xix sikh24.org. About Us (accessed April 14, 2012). xx sikh24.com Editors. The Canadian Sikh Community Will Not Be Marginalized by Milewski and Kay. March 30, (accessed 4 13, 2012). xxi Singh, I. Balwant Singh Rajoana's Gift to the Nation. (accessed April 2, 2012). 11

12 xxii Singh, Rupinder Mohan. United States COmmission on Internatinal Religious Freedom's 2012 Annual Report. April 3, (accessed April 23, 2012). xxiii Sikh Coalition, Lessons of History and a Responsibility to Never Forget: Part 1. xxiv Singh, IL. Courage of Conviction: In the Matter of Balwant Singh (accessed April 10, 2012 ). xxv ImmortalProductions & TruSkool. Beant Satwant da Badla. March CC9DE88E31 (accessed April 23, 2012). xxvi Singh, J. a. In the Shadow of the Shaheed: Beant and Satwant's Badla and the JAKARA Album. (accessed April 25, 2012). xxvii Shani. 6: 2,1. 12