The United Nations Security Council Primary Issue: The Question of the Rohingya Crisis

Transcription

1 The United Nations Security Council Primary Issue: The Question of the Rohingya Crisis

2 Chair Foreword Nam Seongwook Stemming from one of the rarer racial demographic in Singapore, Nam takes pride in being one of the few Koreans in the Model United Nations scene in Singapore. Studying in the Victoria Junior College subjects of History, Economics and Literature, Nam woefully struggles in depths of Plath s poetry or the history of the Cold War in order to continue his pursuit in his aspiration of being a struggling writer. When he isn t unconscious from demanding school hockey training or playing with his two adorable cats, Nam can always be found exploring the bottomless depths of Netflix or laughing at the new dank meme of the month. Nam can be contacted by delegates for any inquiries regarding the conference at nam.seongwook.2017@vjc.sg. Alexander Yean (or Yean, as he s often called) has done 5 MUNs in the past, most recently chairing the African Union at RMUN last year. His favourite experience was at UNAS 2015, where he had a great deal of fun being the only person with no troops in a war-game committee. He s chairing UNAS mostly out of support for the initiative, finding it to be an extremely meaningful platform to introduce students of all levels to the wealth of experiences that MUNs have to offer. He believes that a good portion of MUN takes place outside of council in reading, thinking, and preparing for the conference. There is a great deal of perspective to be gained in examining critical issues through different lenses, and the global outlook developed through such a process will be of significant benefit to anyone and everyone. As such, delegates who conduct rigorous research and demonstrate a thorough understanding of the topics will be more likely to leave a positive impression on him as a chair. Outside of MUN, Yean has had a roller-coaster of a year, lurching between many failures, but learning just as many things along the way. Right now, he s running a successful aircon servicing business with two proud employees, and wants to end a grueling year with a pinch

3 of nostalgia some of his most memorable high school memories were from MUNs, and he ll do his best at UNAS to give delegates 4 fond days to look back on. He can be contacted at alexanderyean@gmail.com for any questions.

4 Letter to the Delegates I ask your pardon in breaking chair disinterest; I have strong personal views regarding this issue that I feel quite compelled to share. A key purpose of Model UN is to gain a deeper understanding of the forces that govern the world around us, and an appreciation for the powers and limits of diplomacy in influencing how the world moves forward. Beyond politics, however, the biggest takeaway from Model UN for me is gaining a kindness and sympathy, and empathy, for humankind as we study the mistakes of our collective past, and work to resolve those in the present, and prevent those in the future. To this end, it is our duty not just as students, but also as citizens of the world, to be well-informed of the happenings around us. Great horrors have been committed throughout history, but it is harrowing that one should be unfolding before our very eyes, on such a scale, with so little being done. We unequivocally condemn political inaction, for instance, in Rwanda, where up to a million innocents were butchered; yet even as history repeats, the world finds itself once again immobilized. I feel a deep injustice and wrongness at work here, and also an overwhelming sense of powerlessness, and it s something to reflect upon. During the conference, I encourage delegates to always bear in mind that although we re in a simulation, our subject of discussion involves real people, whose very existence is at stake. The Rohingya refugee have lived, and are living through horrors that no rhetoric can do justice in describing. I would thus like to also encourage willing and able delegates, and indeed, anyone at all, to contribute to the relief of Rohingya refugees, as aid agencies and the Bangladeshi government are desperate to provide even the most basic of necessities. I myself have donated a sum to the UNHCR - it s incomparable to the horrors being suffered, but it s better than nothing. Finally, I urge you to approach this topic, and indeed all MUN topics in future, with sensitivity, kindness, and humanity, even while embodying amoral political forces for the sake of simulation - morals and politics are not necessarily incompatible. The following study guide aims to largely present an unprejudiced viewpoint on the present crisis unfolding in Rakhine State, Myanmar. My personal views notwithstanding, I have tried to write the guide with impartial tone: more reportage than opinion, with sources cited. It is my hope that you will go beyond what I have compiled here to form your own views on the matter. Alexander Yean, on behalf of the Dais

5 I. History of the Rohingya People The Rohingya (plural: Rohingya) are a stateless, Indo-Aryan people who reside in the western region of Myanmar, in Rakhine State, and have been living in Myanmar for many centuries. Currently known to have a rapidly-shrinking population of around 1 million in Myanmar, and hundreds of thousands in neighbouring Bangladesh, they have had a long history of conflict with the Myanmese government, having been driven out of Myanmar since the 1970s. There is ongoing debate as to whether the current action against the Rohingya constitute ethnic cleansing and genocide, with some believing that the end goal of the Myanmese government is to expel all 1 2 Rohingya. Historians believe the Rohingya to be descendents of the Arakan nation, a 10th-century country that traded extensively with India and the Middle East and whose borders largely follow those of the modern Rakhine State. Arab traders began arriving in the 8th and 9th centuries A.D., bringing with them Islam, and intermarrying with the local population, and the Rohingya trace their ancestral roots to these unions. 3 Crucially, the Rohingya are an ethnic group, and while the majority are Muslim, a Hindu minority does exist within the Rohingya. Most Rohingya are legally stateless, as they are denied Myanmese citizenship under the 1982 Myanmar Nationality Law, which states that a citizen must be from one of 135 state-defined ethnic groups, a list from which the Rohingya are notably omitted. 4 As a result, many Rohingya lack proper documentation and rely on their status as UN-designated refugees for political protection. History of Myanmar Myanmar, formerly known as Burma, gained its independence from the British in 1948, a smooth transition that handed power to a parliamentary democracy led by Aung San (the father of the current de facto leader, Aung San Suu Kyi). Various elections were held and politics proceeded smoothly (exception several communist crackdowns, which are not relevant to the Rohingya crisis) until the government was overthrown by the military in 1962, and the country became led by the General Ne Win. Ne Win placed Burma under authoritarian rule, and many failed economic policies led to an economic collapse by 1988, resulting in the infamous 8888 Riots that saw large swaths of student protesters, coinciding with similar protests in China and Eastern Europe. Unlike the latter, the protesters were brutally put down by the military, and authoritarian rule ensued. Throughout this period, a vocal minority continued to campaign for democracy, but its leaders were silenced, and the movement s figurehead, Aung San Suu Kyi, was placed in and out of house arrest. Burma changed its name to Myanmar in 1989 to distance itself politically from the 1988 unrest, though many of its problems remained. Myanmar continued to be mired in political illiberalism and poverty until 2011, when the nation liberalised itself: over 200 political prisoners, including

6 Aung San Suu Kyi, were freed, and labour unions and the media were given more freedoms. This change was welcomed by the rest of the world and the UN, and by 2015, Aung San Suu Kyi s party, the National League for Democracy, controlled both houses of parliament, making her the de facto leader of the nation, though the junta s influence remains. Currently, Myanmar has a population of 53 million and is a prominent member of ASEAN, with established diplomatic ties with many countries ever since its political reforms in Myanmar has officially recognised 135 ethnic groups, though criticism remains over the majority group, the Burmans, exuding superiority by imposing their language and culture. Furthermore, the state has been known to favour the dominant religion of Buddhism while subtly suppressing other religions such as Christianity and Islam. II. Present-day distribution of ethnic groups in Myanmar Political History of the Rohingya The Rohingya were in fact given political representation, and even power, in the nascent years of the Burmese nation. After independence from the British in 1948, five Rohingya were elected to parliament during the General Election, out of 250 seats. Six more were elected during the 1956 General Election and Sultan Mahmud, a Rohingya, was even nominated to the cabinet under PM U Nu, becoming Minister of Health, serving until he was ousted during the 1962 coup. 5 In 1962, a military coup led by General Ne Win overthrew the democratic government, marking the end of parliamentary democracy and Rohingya political representation. Ne Win s authoritarian rule was marked by the systematic oppression of ethnic minorities, Rohingya included, and they were denied national registration cards that limited their rights, and employment and education opportunities. For the next 26 years, elections were suppressed, and in conjunction with the 1982 Nationality Law that did not recognise Rohingya as citizens, this marked an end to the Rohingya participation in Burmese politics. Early Insurgency Movements In early 1946, Rohingya community leaders met with Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, requesting the annexation of Buthidaung and Maungdaw, two townships in Arakan (the geographic region that corresponds roughly to the present-day Rakhine State) that would later become hotbeds of Rohingya insurgency activity. When Jinnah refused, the leaders then petitioned the Burmese government to voluntarily cede the territory, and were denied a second time. 6 A Mujahideen-led militant insurgency then ensued, with support from Pakistan, seizing many towns in Northern Arakan and driving back government forces, leading to Martial Law being declared in Guerilla efforts destabilised the region further, and tensions ensued between Pakistan and Burma. It took efforts by Pe Khin, Burma s most skilled diplomat at the time whose

7 previous efforts had underpinned the Burmese independence process, to resolve the tensions, leading to the Pakistani authorities stepping in, with most of the Mujahideen surrendering to them. Notably, there have been accusations that during this period, Mujahideen forces coerced Bangladeshis to cross the border into Arakan, thus delegitimizing claims that the Rohingya are Myanmese by birth. This question remains contentious and difficult to prove. 7 It took until the late 1950s for the first wave of Islamist insurgency to die down, after a large-scale military operation known as Operation Monsoon in 1954 that came in response to Rakhine Buddhist monks staging a hunger strike in response to Rohingya attacks. The Mujahideen were unable to recover from this blow and faded into obscurity for about two decades. 8 Of note, these guerilla attacks coincided with legitimate Rohingya political representation, alluding to a lack of consensus among the Rohingya people themselves regarding their political future, with some vying for Burmese citizenship and others rallying for independence, a disagreement that continues to the present day. Resurgence of Islamism Since the 1970s, there have been intermittent insurgency movements within the Rohingya, in response to state oppression. The first notable movement was the Rohingya Liberation Party, founded in 1972, a militant Islamist group that sought the creation of an Islamic State in Rakhine State. The self-proclaimed Mujahideen quickly grew in number, reaching over 2,000 fighters by They skirmished with the Tatmadaw in the forests of Rakhine State, before a massive military operation in 1974 drove them across the border to Bangladesh, where the party dissolved. 9 In 1974, former secretary of the Rohingya Liberation Party Muhammad Habib gathered about 70 fighters and restarted the movement as the Rohingya Patriotic Front, resuming guerilla activities in Rakhine State. This culminated in Operation King Dragon, an overwhelming and arguably disproportionate response by the Burmese government that soundly defeated the Rohingya Patriotic Front, but also drove over 200,000 Rohingya across the border to Bangladesh, the first of many large-scale expulsions to come. 10 In 1982, radicals within the Rohingya Patriotic Front broke away to form the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation (RSO), and were heavily armed with machine guns, rocket launchers, claymores, and other explosives. On 28 April 1994, RSO insurgents planted twelve bombs in Maungdaw Township in Myanmar, nine of which exploded, causing property damage and seriously wounding four civilians, a well-documented terrorist attack. 11 In 1986, the Arakan Rohingya Islamic Front was briefly formed from the remnants of the Rohingya Patriotic Front, before merging with the Rohingya Solidarity Organisation by the 1990s. 12 The newly-consolidated Rohingya Solidarity Organisation then formed an armed wing, the Rohingya National Army,

8 operating near the Bangladesh-Myanmar border. They have been inactive since the early 2000s. However, there have been hints of the RSO s links to the Taliban in Afghanistan, with CNN-uncovered footage from the Al Qaeda s archives allegedly depicting Myanmese fighters training in Afghanistan. 13 An interesting point of note is that despite going by various names, the Islamic insurgencies from the 1970s to the early 2000s seem to be joined by a single, continuous thread of influence, alluding to the enduring nature of separatist elements within the Rohingya. Nevertheless, it appears that countless innocents have suffered as a result of the conflict, for with no political gain to show for it. Excerpt from a Human Rights Watch Report 14 The following is an excerpt from a report by the Human Rights Watch, Burma: :The Rohingya Muslims: Ending a Cycle of Exodus? It details the systematic mistreatment and crimes against the Rohingya by both Myanmese and Bangladeshi forces in the 1990s, a pattern that continues to the present day. In February and March 1996, Human Rights Watch/Asia interviewed twenty Rohingyas who had just arrived in Bangladesh, at the beginning of the new influx. We found that forced labor, lack of freedom of movement, and the "forcible disappearance" of family members were the main reasons for leaving Burma. In most cases, the perpetrators were said to be members of a military unit, the Border Administration Force, known by its Burmese acronym, NaSaKa (Nay-Sat Kut-kwey Ye or Nay-sat Lu-win-mu Sit-say-ye hnin Kut-kwey-hmu Hta-na-gyoke). There was also one account of rape. One twenty-four-year-old woman from Rathedaung told us that she had been taken from her home by five drunken soldiers to the nearby NaSaKa camp (which was built in 1992 and had about fifty soldiers) where she was gang raped all night, before being returned to her house at dawn. She said that this happened for five nights in a row before she and her husband fled, leaving their five-year-old son behind. Another woman from Maungdaw township, who had come with her six children, told Human Rights Watch that her husband had been taken away to work as a porter over a year ago, but had not returned: I was then seven months pregnant, with this child, and some villagers who had been taken as porters in the same group as my husband came and told me that he was killed. I waited for a long time, because I didn't believe that he could be dead, but now I have sold everything I had left, and must accept that he is dead. We had three acres of land before, but it was confiscated to build a Rakhine [Buddhist ethnic minority] village. We had to build the village and also build the new NaSaKa camp just one month ago. Since my husband was gone my eldest son, who is twelve years old, had to do the work. He also had to guard the NaSaKa camp at night, while the soldiers slept inside. Many of the new arrivals complained of excessive forced labor. A man from northern Rathedaung who had arrived just

9 the day before the interview took place told Human Rights Watch that he had been repatriated to Burma after severe beatings by the Bangladeshi officer in charge of the Dum Dumia refugee camp in December He had got back the four acres of land he "owned" (see below for discussion of land issues), but found it increasingly difficult to survive, due to forced labor and excessive taxation. His village is predominantly Rakhine, with a small Muslim quarter, which meant that the Muslims had to perform forced labor in the Rakhine area, as well as for the military farther away. Two weeks before he left he had been taken along with about sixty other men in a boat to Ponnagyun where he had to work for ten days building a prawn pond for the army. He said, "It is much more difficult now, even than in 1992, because now we cannot travel even from one village to another." A forty-one-year-old man from Buthidaung said that he had been taken with about forty other men after evening prayers at the village mosque in January They were taken by boat and forced to work on the Kyauktaw - Mrauk-Oo (also known as Myauk-Oo or Myo-Haung) road for fifteen days, then were immediately sent to an army camp in Buthidaung township where he had to work on a road which is being built to service a new hydroelectric plant at Sayde-taung (close to a large military camp)... The above report details primary accounts of rape, slavery, assault, and abuse. Going into the conference, consider that the Rohingya are trapped between two states that both see them as a burden, with corrupt local officials on the ground that abuse and mistreat them, a situation that has persisted for many decades, with no sign of change. Modern Unrest In June 2012, the Rakhine State Riots broke out, coinciding with Myanmar s process of political liberalisation. The riots were primarily sectarian in nature, with tensions being inflamed by an alleged gang rape and murder of a Rakhine woman by Rohingya. Houses were burnt and acts of violence committed on both sides, with 88 deaths and tens of thousands displaced. 15 A state of martial law was declared, allowing military intervention. The role of the military and law enforcement is disputed - some Rohingya have accused the military of excessive violence, while the EU commended the Myanmese government s measured response to the crisis. However, despite peacekeeping efforts, violence broke out again in October, resulting in more deaths and displacement, before finally being put down. Despite this, a boycott of Rohingya businesses led by Rakhine monks continued. The ethnic tensions within Rakhine State are thus far from nascent. 18 Notably, the conflict marked the first time in recent history that a serious proposal was laid out by the Myanmese government to expel the Rohingya, with President Thein Sein calling for the UN to aid in their resettlement abroad, while

10 rounding up several tens of thousands into displacement camps that witnesses described as open-air prisons. The measures were condemned by the UNHCR and Human Rights Watch. 19 The United Nations reported on 28 October that 3,200 more displaced people had fled to refugee camps, with an estimated additional 2,500 still in transit. The conflict led to concerns raised by the UN and the West, with then Sec-Gen Ban Ki Moon warning that the continuing violence might likely cause the reform and opening up process being currently pursued by the government... to be jeopardised. III. Present Crisis Notice: The following information may be disturbing to some delegates. It is, however, a researched account of current events, and details will be retained for accuracy - to decry and combat atrocity, we must not be afraid to understand and confront it. The present crisis in Rakhine State began in October 2016, with the emergency of a new insurgency group, the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army (Arsa). The group has an estimated 500 fighters. Their leader, Ata Ullah, was born in Pakistan, and the group has alleged ties to Islamist terrorists, supposedly receiving support from the Rohingya diaspora in Saudi Arabia The group is considered a terrorist organisation by the Myanmese government, while Arsa in turn has declared war on the Myanmese military. The counteroffensive against Arsa follows a similar template as previous government action, such as Operation King Dragon in the 1970s: a declaration of a State of Emergency to empower military involvement, followed by an overwhelming response, including the targeting and displacement of civilians. Arsa has thus far killed 20 Myanmese policemen, with the deadliest attack so far occurring on the 25th of August 2017, which sparked an intensification of the current conflict to its present heights. Beyond displacement and expulsion, evidence abounds of villages being systematically burnt, the rape and murder of children, and other outrageous and heinous acts. An excerpt from Huffington Post 22 in February 2017, with evidence sourced from a UN report: The military would cut the men up into four pieces and bury them in the ground, so people couldn t photograph proof of the atrocities, the 20-year-old woman explained. Hasina, who fled to Bangladesh in mid-january, said the soldiers who attacked her village rounded up the women and girls. About 13 soldiers took two teenaged girls and raped them while the rest of the women, including their mothers, watched. Forced to watch the brutality, I asked Allah to kill me, asking why he is torturing me, Hasina said, sharing a trauma that manifests itself in the form of frequent nightmares.

11 As recently as on the 4th October, the military has been accused by witnesses of executing fleeing villagers, knifing and shooting children. 23 The chairs feel there is little need to dwell on the horror - the evidence that grave horrors are being committed is indisputable, and one only need to read the news to be reminded of the ongoing atrocity. It is difficult to accurately estimate the number of displaced Rohingya, as the number grows by the day. As of the writing of this guide, more than half a million Rohingya have been forced to take refuge in Bangladesh since this year, bringing the total number to over 800,000. The Bangladeshi government and aid agencies are struggling to cope with the needs of the refugees, with the head of a fundraising agency calling it a humanitarian catastrophe. Access to sanitation and potable water is very limited, leading to disease outbreaks caused by dehydration and the spread of fecal bacteria. The situation worsens by the day, and aid-providers are stretched beyond their limit. In September 2017, A Myanmese spokesperson has been quoted as saying that the government has no policy of negotiating with terrorists, rejecting an Arsa-proposed ceasefire to allow aid groups access to conflict zones. The Myanmese government has in fact blocked UN agencies from distributing aid to certain areas, leaving 250,000 without secure access to food. Media visits are also tightly controlled, with large areas being off-limits. Even in areas where journalists are allowed access, evidence of violence and village burnings has been filmed. Myanmar s de facto leader Aung San Suu Kyi has also caused great controversy by largely avoiding the issue publicly. In a widely-denounced speech, she continued to accuse Arsa as being instigators of the violence, condemned human rights violations (though refusing to apportion blame ), and insisted that the Rohingya were not discriminated against. Many of her arguments have been contested by media outlets, though the true situation is difficult to independently ascertain due to lack of access to affected areas. Notably, the Myanmese government denies allegations of crimes against humanity, with its National Security Advisor telling the UNSC that there is no ethnic cleansing or genocide happening in Myanmar. IV. International Response and Major Bloc Positions The UNHCR has called the present crisis a textbook example of ethnic cleansing that possibly amount to crimes against humanity, characterised by gross violations of human rights. UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres has declared that the current outbreak of violence has "spiraled into the world's fastest-developing refugee emergency, a humanitarian and human rights nightmare." 31 On the ground, the UN emergency relief coordinator is quoted as stating that The conditions in the camps are terrible. We

12 need to do a lot more to scale up beyond what we have done so far. The UN has thus far provided over 300,000 with food and sanitation, 100,000 with vaccines, and 50,000 with some form of psycho-social support, but the sheer size of the operation means that a sustained effort will be extremely taxing on resources, with some victims still being out of reach. 32 The UNSC met in September to discuss the Rohingya conflict, and in a statement expressed concern about reports of excessive violence during the security operations and called for immediate steps to end the violence in Rakhine, de-escalate the situation, re-establish law and order, ensure the protection of civilians. Despite the euphemistic language, the consensus is noteworthy, as British U.N. Ambassador Matthew Rycroft said it was the first time in nine years the council had agreed a statement on Myanmar. 33 The Sec-Gen, addressing the Security Council, propounded a three-pronged approach: "First, end the military operations. Second, allow unfettered access for humanitarian support. And third, to ensure the safe voluntary and sustainable return of the refugees to their areas of origin." Similarly, an independent international commission led by former UN Sec-Gen Kofi Annan advocated for the legitimate grievances of the Rohingya people to be addressed, and warned Myanmar that a highly militarised response is unlikely to bring peace to the area. The commission was in fact appointed by Aung San Suu Kyi, but whether the Myanmar government will bend to international pressure to resolve the conflict remains to be seen. The West The US has condemned the violence in Myanmar, and Trump has urged strong and swift action to end the Rohingya crisis. At a SC meeting in September 2017, US ambassador to the UN Nikki Haley had this to say: "We cannot be afraid to call the actions of the Burmese authorities what they appear to be: A brutal, sustained campaign to cleanse the country of an ethnic minority," "And it should shame senior Burmese leaders who have sacrificed so much for an open, democratic Burma," "The time for well-meaning, diplomatic words in this council has passed. We must now consider action against Burmese security forces who are implicated in abuses and stoking hatred among their fellow citizens." The UK has similarly called for the violence to stop, with Mark Field, Minister for Asia, calling the situation an absolute and unacceptable tragedy. 39 French President Macron has unequivocally labelled the crisis a genocide, and hinted at a course for further action: "When the UN issues a condemnation, there are consequences which can provide a framework for intervention under the UN," Macron said. 40

13 Bangladesh Bangladesh PM Sheikh Hasina was categorical in her condemnation of the crisis: Myanmar has to take back its nationals and give them a safe place to live in their homeland. The international community should put pressure on Myanmar. This must stop We will make arrangements for them [the Rohingya] until the Myanmar government is ready to take them back. 41 The refugees have become a tremendous economic strain, with many people in Bangladesh expressing grievances about the Rohingya refugees. Quoting from the Star: The price of rice has doubled since they came. The price of rickshaws has doubled. Vegetables, soap, you name it, and the price has gone up, Begum (a Bangladeshi villager) said, counting her very real grievances on her fingers. Basic economics is at work here: When demand rises sharply and supply lags in catching up, prices rise. And the Rohingya are rich! she said. They have nice phones, solar panels. The ones who ve been here since 91 are in better shape than us! Joshimuddin, an elementary school teacher who, like many here, goes by one name, chimed in. Crime, too, he said. If a Rohingya beats someone or even murders them, they can just hide in the refugee camp. Then what are we supposed to do? They outnumber us. 42 As such, Bangladesh s primary concern is the repatriation of refugees, but to avoid sustaining conflict, this can only be done after a peace settlement is reached. The Bangladeshi Minister was quoted as saying on the 2nd of October, 2017, that Bangladesh sought a peaceful solution with Myanmar, with a bilateral working group being set up to discuss repatriation. The efficacy of this working group is yet unproven. 43 India A key consideration in the conflict is the Suu Kyi s strong regional supporters who are staunchly allied with her government and its goals. India is keen to curry favour with Myanmar, with PM Modi visiting the country on the 5 th of September 2017 to discuss trade and security, his first bilateral visit since taking office in Before the visit, India had announced its intent to deport its Rohingya population, numbering about 40,000; 16,000 of which are UNHCR-registered refugees. This number, he said, would include some 16,000 Rohingya who have been registered as refugees by the UN. A minister was quoted as saying that the UNHCR registration means nothing. For us, all of (the Rohingya in India) remain illegal migrants. The threatened deportation would contravene the principle of non-refoulement, a tenet of international law dictating that countries cannot forcibly return refugees to places where they will face persecution. India s explicit and blatant disregard of the UN s protection

14 over its designated refugees is also concerning. However, India s security interest must be understood. India s government has claimed to have intelligence on its Rohingya having ties with Pakistani terrorist organisations, a dangerous prospect in a country that has no shortage of insurgencies and religious tensions to contend with. Regardless of the accuracy of these claims of Pakistani ties, it is difficult to dispute that Arsa, even operating on its own, poses a threat to regional security. China and Russia Among all regional actors, China has perhaps been the most stalwart in its support of the Myanmar government. Despite its ties to the former junta regime, China has courted Suu Kyi s government since she took power, deepening economic ties. In April 2017, a long-delayed oil pipeline passing through Myanmar was opened, with more planned for the future. China s Foreign Minister Wang Yi has told UN Sec-Gen Guterres that China understands and supports Myanmar s efforts to protect its security in Rakhine, and that China hopes to contribute to ending the violence in its own way. 44 Most recently, on the 13 th of September 2017, China blocked a UNSC proposal from Egypt to add language to a joint statement on ensuring the right of return to the Rohingya sheltering in Bangladesh. Chinese UN envoy Wu Haitao was quoted as saying, the international community must be aware of the difficulties faced by the Burmese government, be patient and provide its assistance. 45 China is likely most concerned about protecting its economic interest in the region, which destabilisation will undermine. To this end, it is foreseeable that China will continue to stand by Suu Kyi s government regardless of international criticism. Russia has no stake in the Rohingya crisis, but has proved unwilling to condemn the Myanmese government, with its annexation of Crimea still fresh in the minds of many. Russian ambassador to the UN Vassily Nebenzia in fact blamed village burnings on Rohingya terrorists, and was quoted as saying, we must be very careful when we talk about ethnic cleansing and genocide - it is true that these terms may well justify an intervention, a sensitive issue for Russia. Nebenzia further cautioned against excessive pressure on the Myanmese government, for fear that it "could only aggravate the situation in the country and around it". 46 V. Key Questions In the course of their study and debate, delegates are advised to consider the following questions: Do the Myanmese government s actions against the Rohingya constitute genocide? Crimes against humanity? How should this affect UNSC action? Does the UN have a duty to conduct humanitarian intervention, under the Responsibility to Protect,

15 a global political commitment against human rights abuses? What sort of action or intervention falls under the purview of the UNSC? What is to be done about the hundreds of thousands of displaced Rohingya in Bangladesh and elsewhere? What about their needs? Is it safe to repatriate them? What is the future fate of Rohingya within Myanmar? Even with ample evidence of state-sponsored discrimination and oppression, does the UNSC have a right to dictate the actions of the Myanmese government? If so, what can be done? Does the matter of Rohingya statehood fall under the UNSC? If so, what measures can be taken to address the Rohingya s nationalist elements, and their right to self-determination? What should be done about the security threat posed by ARSA and other insurgency groups? Is it a domestic, or international matter? What party or parties are responsible for the violence? Should they be held to account? If so, how, and under whose purview, should they be held to account?

16 VI. Further reading: Kofi Annan s Myanmar Commission s final report on the Rohingya Issue: The UNSC, Humanitarian Intervention, and the Responsibility to Protect: VII. Bibliography 1. Ojea Quintana, Tomás. "UN expert alarmed at worsening human rights situation in Myanmar's Rakhine state." UN News Center. April 07, Accessed November 09, Osborne, Samuel. "Burmese government may be trying to 'expel' all Rohingya Muslims, UN special rapporteur warns." The Independent. March 14, Accessed November 09, t-trying-to-expel-un-warning-a html. 3. D. G. E Hall, A History of South East Asia, New York, 1968, P United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "Burma Citizenship Law." Refworld. Accessed November 09, Dieter Nohlen, Florian Grotz & Christof Hartmann (2001) Elections in Asia: A data handbook, Volume I, p Hugh Tinker, The Union of Burma: A Study of the First Year of Independence, (London, New York, and Toronto: Oxford University Press) 1957, p Yegar, Moshe (1972). Muslims of Burma. pp Thit Maung, Yebaw (1989). Civil Insurgency in Burma. Yangon: Ministry of Information. p Pho Kan Kaung (May 1992). The Danger of Rohingya. Myet Khin Thit Magazine No. 25. pp "မဝ ဒ ဆ ခန." On Je suis Rohingya [#4], History and Operation King Dragon မဝ ဒ ဆ ခန. Accessed November 09, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "Burma: The Rohingya Muslims: Ending a Cycle of Exodus?" Refworld. Accessed November 09, Lintner, Bertil. "Bangladesh Extremist Islamist Consolidation Bertil Lintner *." Bangladesh: Extremist Islamist Consolidation -- Bertil Lintner. Accessed November 09,

17 13. Gomes, William. "Rohingyas trained in different Al-Qaeda and Taliban camps in Afghanistan." Rohingyas trained in different Al-Qaeda and Taliban camps in Afghanistan Asian Tribune. Accessed November 09, United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. "Burma: The Rohingya Muslims: Ending a Cycle of Exodus?" Refworld. Accessed November 09, "Burma s ethnic clashes leave 90,000 in need of food, says UN". Toronto Star. 19 June Retrieved 16 July Hindstorm, Hanna (28 June 2012). "Burmese authorities targeting Rohingyas, UK parliament told". Democratic Voice of Burma. 17. "EU welcomes "measured" Myanmar response to rioting". Reuters. 11 June "Unforgiving history". The Economist. 3 November Wade, Francis. "Burma 'creating humanitarian crisis' with displacement camps in Arakan." The Guardian. July 13, Accessed November 09, "Myanmar: Who are the Arakan Rohingya Salvation Army?" BBC News. September 06, Accessed November 09, Westcott, Ben. "Rohingya violence is 'ethnic cleansing,' UN says." CNN. September 11, Accessed November 09, Joyce, Allison. "Rohingya Refugee: 'They Cut The Bodies Into Four Pieces'." The Huffington Post. February 16, Accessed November 09, e4b07602ad526b Ratcliffe, Rebecca. "Myanmar military accused of killing dozens of fleeing Rohingya villagers." The Guardian. October 04, Accessed November 09, used-executing-dozens-fleeing-rohingya-villagers-rakhine-state. 24. Ratcliffe, Rebecca. "Myanmar military accused of killing dozens of fleeing Rohingya villagers." The Guardian. October 04, Accessed November 09, used-executing-dozens-fleeing-rohingya-villagers-rakhine-state. 25. "UN battles mounting illness in Rohingya camps." Arab News. October 03, Accessed November 09, Holmes, Oliver. "Myanmar blocks all UN aid to civilians at heart of Rohingya crisis." The Guardian. September 04, Accessed November 09, ans-at-heart-of-rohingya-crisis.

18 27. Brocchetto, Marilia. "Myanmar rejects Rohingya ceasefire offer." CNN. September 11, Accessed November 09, Roth, Richard. "UN Security Council finally losing patience with Myanmar." CNN. September 28, Accessed November 09, Brocchetto, Marilia. "Myanmar rejects Rohingya ceasefire offer." CNN. September 11, Accessed November 09, Holmes, Oliver. "Fact check: Aung San Suu Kyi's speech on the Rohingya crisis." The Guardian. September 20, Accessed November 09, ya-crisis-speech-myanmar. 31. Westcott, Ben. "Rohingya violence is 'ethnic cleansing,' UN says." CNN. September 11, Accessed November 09, "In Bangladesh, UN aid chief urges scaling up response for Rohingya refugee crisis." UN News Center. October 03, Accessed November 09, Beech, Eric. "Trump says Puerto Rico's debt will have to be wiped out." Reuters. October 03, Accessed November 09, debt-will-have-to-be-wiped-out-iduskcn1c905f?il= Roth, Richard. "UN Security Council finally losing patience with Myanmar." CNN. September 28, Accessed November 09, Jazeera, Al. "Commission urges Myanmar to end Rohingya restrictions." Myanmar News Al Jazeera. August 24, Accessed November 09, ctions html. 36. "TOWARDS A PEACEFUL, FAIR AND PROSPEROUS FUTURE FOR THE PEOPLE OF RAKHINE." Rakhine Commission. Accessed November 9, "US Says Rohingya Ethnic Cleansing Shames Aung San Suu Kyi." Channel Newsasia. Accessed November 9, shames-aung-san-suu-kyi Brunnstrom, David, and Tommy Wilkes. "Trump urges 'strong and swift' U.N. action to end Rohingya crisis." Reuters. September 20, Accessed November 09,

19 39. Holmes, Oliver, and Patrick Wintour. "UK says 'unacceptable tragedy' of Rohingya crisis risks Myanmar progress." The Guardian. September 28, Accessed November 09, risis-myanmar. 40. "French President labels attacks on Rohingya minority as 'genocide'." Special Broadcasting Service. September 20, Accessed November 09, gya-minority-genocide. 41. Habib, Haroon. "Rohingya: Bangladesh's burden to bear." The Hindu. September 15, Accessed November 09, ece. 42. Bearak, Max. "Conflicting emotions in Bangladesh over influx of Rohingya refugees." Thestar.com. September 29, Accessed November 09, Paul, Ruma. "Bangladesh, Myanmar agree to draw up plan for refugee repatriation: minister." Reuters. October 02, Accessed November 09, Blanchard;, Ben. "China offers support to Myanmar at U.N. amid Rohingya crisis." Reuters. September 19, Accessed November 09, "Rohingya: US demands prosecution of Myanmar officials." News Al Jazeera. September 29, Accessed November 09, icials html. 46. "Rohingya: US demands prosecution of Myanmar officials." News Al Jazeera. September 29, Accessed November 09, icials html.