special collecxions tdouqlas LlbRAR^ queen's UNiveRsrry AT KiNQSXTON kinqston ONTATliO CANADA

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2 special collecxions tdouqlas LlbRAR^ queens UNiveRsrry AT KiNQSXTON kinqston ONTATliO CANADA

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4 spe CO t)c Lit que at 1 kinq

5 TRUTH againft CRAFT: O R, Sophistry andpalshood dete&ed. In ANSWER to a PAMPHLET I N T I T L E D, The CASE fairly Jlated: AND LIKEWISE TO The Defence a/vz^ Considerations, Magna ejl Veritas et prevalebit. DUBLIN: Printed in the Year Mdccliv.

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7 TRUTH againft CRAFT O R, Sophistry andfalshood detedted. WHEN a Controverfy comes to be reduced to fo wretched a State, that the principal Advocate on one Side of the Queftion, after having been convicted of the groffeft Mifreprefentations in Matters of Fact, mocking Abfurdities in Points of Argument, and of the moil pernicious Doctrines in regard to the effential Rights of Men, and the political Liberties of this Country, mail, inftead of prudently acquiefcing, proceed to take Refuge in the laft and mod defperate Shifts of Impofture ; flatly denying in the ftrongefl Terms, what he had, in his former Pamphlet, in the ftrongefl Terms afferted ; affirming, on the other hand, Fads to be true, in direct Oppofition to Eye-fight ; and after playing a Number of Pranks of this Sort, the Spirit of Peter in the Tale of a Tub, proceed to a Conclufion with an Air of Triumph, by making an Appeal to the Public, whether the Considerations did not remain UNAN- SWERED? an Appeal of much th^ fame Species of Modefty, and carrying much the fame A 2 Degree bo-ho^<\ in

8 [ 4 ] Degree of Infult on the Senfes of Men with that of his worthy Predeceffor juft now mentioned, who appeals to Martin and Jack, whether the Lump of Bread he held in his Hand, was not as good Mutton as ever waspurchafed in Leaden-ball Market. When Matters are brought down to fo miferable a Pafs as this, it is no great Wonder that a Writer of fuch diftinguifhed Merit as the Author of the Pamphlet, intituled, The Proceedings of the Honourable Houfe of Commons, &c. vindicated, mould judge it unfuitable to his Character to appear any longer in the Lifts with fuch an Antagonift. Yet fome little Notice would ftill feem requifite to be taken of thefe fingularly intrepid AlTertions contained in this Antagonifts Reply ; fo much Notice, at leaft, as plainly to fhew, that he has in Fact abandoned the Caufe which he would be thought to defend ; and has, at the fame Time, rendered himfelf unworthy of the leaft Degree of Credit for the Future, fo as to be able to unfettle the Perfwafion of any reafonable Man, mould he continue to write on ; for doubtlefs, write on he may, to the End of his Life, or till no one will read, if he is always to take the Licence of denying the Principles in his fubfequent Pamphlet, which he had been ftrenuoufly labouring to eftablifh in the one that had gone before. This, therefore, (hall be Part of the Purpofe of the following Pages ; a Talk in itfelf highly difagreeable, but in fome fort rendered necefiary ; and in fome degree too the lefs irkfome, as it will naturally and ufefully fall in, -after having anfwered the principal Intention of this Paper, which is, to adminifter fome neceflary Tnftru&ion and Admonition to a late Writer, who, without

9 t 5 ] without having acquainted himfelf with either Text or Margin of the real Subject in Debate, has unaccountably thruft himfelf into this Controverfy ; on Pretence, forfooth, at this Time of Day, of giving to the Public a true State of the Cafe, or, as it is expreffed in the Title of his Pamphlet, The Cafe fairlyjiated. It is peculiarly aftonifhing in regard to this Gentleman, that he, from whom fo much better Things might hare been reafbnably expected, fhould, contrary to the Tenour of an Admonition which he is fo well acquainted with, go about to teach quite another Doctrine concerning the Meaning of the capital Point in Debate, than what had already been moft explicitly taught by thofe who were vefted with Authority for promulgating the Myflery, and laying down the Doctrine. The ever memorable Tranfaction which gave Occafion to the prefent Debate, was compleated in Parliament the Seventeenth oi December^ feventeen Hundred and Fifty-three ; and furely it mull have a very extraordinary Appearance in the Eye of common Senfe, for any Perfon to imagine, that, in Virtue of his polemical Abilities however diftinguifhed, it could at this Time of Day be practicable to caufe a Conceit which he happens to be fond of, and which he chufes to call a fair State of the Cafe, to be now received by the Public, as the whole of the real Queftion, which on that Day had received its final parliamentary Decifion, when in Fact, from the Beginning of this Winter to the Conclufion of that great Event, this Conceit was never once mentioned by either one Side or the other, as conftituting any Part of it : So fmgular an Attempt is in reality no way inferior in Point of Abfurdity, to

10 C 6 ] to what it would be in any modern felf-fufficient Dutch or German Divine, affecting Moderation, to go about, at this Diftance of Time to prove that the Debate in the Synod of Dor/ did not relate to the antecedent Predeflination and fovereign Decrees of GOD, but was wholly reduceable to the harmlefs Queftion ; whether it was not decent and proper for Men to make Acknowledgements of Thanks to their Maker, by the Favour of whofe Providence, our Tables are covered, and we are enabled to relifh and enjoy the Fruits of our own Labour? Or that admitting this was not then underftood by either Party to be any part of the Subject of that Synods Debate, yet as it was in fbme manner extractable out of the Terms in which the Queflions were expreffed, it ought for the Future to beconfidered as thewhole of the Doctrine, which the orthodox Contra-Remonjirants wanted to eftablifh. Who would not laugh, if fuch a Man there be? Who will not grieve, if the applauded Combatant, Of Tindal, Morgan and Bolingbroke be he? Be this as it will, no Mans Reveries can make any Alteration in the Nature of Things, or change the State of Fads already tranfaded. From what has been obferved, there would appear a peculiar Propriety in clafling thefe two Writers together ; the only Writers on the prerogative Side of the Debate, who feem to have engaged any material Share of the public Attention ; for tho fuch a Conjunction may be highly unacceptable to the Author of the Confederations, and poflibly to both ; yet as the One in his firft Performance found himfelf under a Neceflity of afferting

11 [ 7 ] ferting for Fa&, what has to a Demonstration been proved to be falfe ; and again, in his Second, flatly to deny what it is fcarcely conceivable his own Eyefight mould not have convinced him to be true and as the other before he could appear in the Defence of a Caufe, fo utterly repugnant to his well known Principles, found himfelf compelled to have Recourfe to the old; and always accounted difhoneft Trick of the Schools, totally to change the Terms, and thereby, as far as in the Power of the Sophift, the real Nature of the Queftion ; it cannot but ferve a valuable Purpofe thus to join thefe Pleaders together, as the Public will thereby have the eafier Opportunity to judge concerning the Merits of a Caufe, when it (hall appear, that nothing but Falfhood and Sophiftry, and Doftrines manifeftly fubverfive of all Liberty, have, by fuch able Advocates, been advanced to fupport it. But tho there be thus far a Conformity between thofe two fcholar-craft Writers, yet no attentive Reader can well fail to obferve what a remarkable Difference there is between the Writers in Defence of the Rights of the Country on the one hand, and all thofe who have written in behalf of imagined Prerogative on the other ; the Firft are not onjy invariably confiftent with themfelves throughout their refpe&ive Productions, but univerfally confiftent, and in all material Refpefts, furprizingly coincident, tho abfolutely without the leaft Communication the one with the other ; no fmall Preemption this, that Truth, which can be but one, is the Foundation of both ; the other, fo ftrangely difcordant, that the Writers are not more numerous, than are their different Hypothefes ; an almoft infallible Proof, that as Error is infinite, the Subject thefe Gentlemen would be understood to fupport, can

12 [ 8 1 can have little or no Connexion with the invariable Principles of Senfe and Honefty. It is farther remarkable, in refpect to the Author of the fair State of the Cafe, that he manifefts a particular Fondncfs to fpeak the fame Language with the Author of the Confiderations t tho it is certain, and fhall foon be demonftrated, that his Principles and the Doctrine of the Confederations Hand in fuch Variance the one from the other, as no Art can reconcile ; Thus this Writer 28 and 29, fpeaking of the Power with which in p. it was apprehended the Crown might naturally come to think itfelf vefted in Virtue of the Houfe of Commons parting this Claufe, namely, that the Prince and his Servants, would have the uncontroulable, becaufe unaccountable Power of difpofing of the redundant public Money in whatever manner he and they mould fee fit, expreffeth himfelf dogmatically in the following Words. * But the Truth is, that the Claufe hath nothing * to do with this matter at all : His Majefty, if the Claufe had paffed, would not have acquired any * new Power over the Money in the Treafury which 1 he had not before. Compare this with the 4th Page of the Confiderations, &c. Now this Author ought to have known, that this is no better than a barefaced and fhamelefs begging the very Qneftion in Debate : According to the declared Apprehenfion of thecommons who rejected the Claufe, the pafling it in the prefent Circumftances, would have been vefting, in the ftrongeft Manner, a new and unconftitutional Power in the Crown, by diverting themfelves of an old effential conftitutional Right ; and according; to the Apprehenfions of common Senfe, the pailing this Claufe would have been the giving * a new Power of fo evil a Tendency, as under a lawlefs-

13 [ 9 3 a lawlefs-fpirited Prince muft render the Property of the Community an eafy Prey to the Crown and its Minifters ; and a Power of fuch a Nature, as even under the honefteft Prince upon Earth, might irremediably intail infinite Mifchief on this poor Country. Every one knows, that there is one Circumflance of great Unhappinefs, infeparable from the Crown of Great Britain, that let the Prince have the befl Heart, and the founded Underftanding which his Subjects can wifh, yet, in Variety of Cafes, muft he unavoidably find himfelf under the invincible Neceflity of beholding the State of his Subjects, not according to Truth, and in its genuine Colours, but under whatever political Varnifh his Minifter fliall fee fit to daub over it. In fuch a Situation how wicked muft it be, and how nearly approaching to the higheft Offence in the Law, to go about to perfuade the Public, that the Actions of the Miniftry are imputable to the Perfon of the Prince ; that the Maffacre of Glancoe, for Inftance, wasjuftly to be laid to the Charge of the perfonal Spirit of the glorious King William \ or the palling of Woods* Patent to the perfonal Intention of that thoroughly honeft-hearted Prince, and Father of his Country, his late Majefty King George. And furely it ought to be reckoned amongft the worft of all Injuries which a Man can commit, in refpect to the State, to attempt to beget an Apprehenfion in the Bread of his Majefty, that a constitutional Oppolition to the deftru&ive Meafures of a Minifter, or of his Favourites, is Difloyalty to himfelf, when, perhaps, it is the very higheft Teftimony of Duty and Attach- B ment,

14 [ to] merit, which can poilibly be given to hm See, in regard to this Subject, a Pafiage quoted below, from the 28 th Page of the Cafe fairly Jlated * 5 a PalTage, which nothing, but the utmoft Degree of Ignorance, even all the Ignorance that is fitppofeabk in a Man who fpends moft of his Life in his Clofet, can render in any Degree excufable ; its obvious Tendency being fo grofsly malignant : But certainly a Man, who is yet to be inftru&ed in that truly neceltary and eltential Principle, in regard to the Adminiftration of Great Britain, that all that is Good, is to be imputed to the Prince, and all that is Evil to be charged, as far as the Nature of the Thing will poilibly permit, folely on his Miniftry, ought not to have meddled in fuch a Kind of Controverfy. This, it is true, is not now to be remedied, and therefore, the next befl thing to be done, is, to attempt, if poflible, to reclaim the Author himfelf, and likewife fuch of his Readers as may happen to have been milled through their Rcfpedt to his Authority, from the prefent Error of their Ways, by making it evident, that tho* he has by fome unaccountable Influence, been unhappily induced haftily to range himfelf on the fide of ufeiefs and groundlefs Prerogative, yet * The feveral Confederations that have been hitherto * offered, may perhaps tend to remove or lerten the Prejudices * ftiany have entertained againft the Claufe, which was fent * ever by his Majefly, with the Advice of his Privy Coun- * cil it) Great Britain : I fay, by his Majefty : For to fup- * pole, as fome have infmuated, that he was fuch a Stranger to the Tranfaclions of his Parliament, or of his Privy * Council, as not to know, that fuch a Claufe was lent * over hither in his Name, or what it was, would be, in * my Opinion, to call a great Reflection on his Majeftys Wifdom and Attention to the Affairs of his Government/ See /. 28. in the Cafe fairly Jiated,

15 t II ] yet fuch is ftill the Force of his good old Whig Principles, as every now and then, in this very Pamphlet, to conftrain from him Declarations and Conceflions as ftrong and as full as need to be wifhed for, in behalf of that very Right of his Country, which he is now underftood moll zealoufly to contravert. Naturam expellas furca tamen ufque recurret. This is indeed fo remarkably the Cafe through the whole of this Pamphlet, that it will not be a Matter of any great Difficulty to fhew, that once this Gentleman comes diftinctly to underftand the real Queftion in Debate, if he will be but true to himfelf, and to the Character of an honeft Man, he muft inflantly become an avowed and zealous Convert to the Caufe of his Country, and be as forward, for the Future, in applauding the Spirit and Principles on which the Claufe was rejected, as he has fhewn himfelf eager, in his prefent Pamphlet, to cenfure and condemn them. In order that the Public, as well as this Author, may have the whole of this Matter placed clearly before them, it may be proper to let forth, in as diftinct a Manner as pollible, the. real Subject of Debate; whence it will inftantly be feen, how totally different, and how intirely befides the Purpofe, is the fond Conceit of our Author, which He by dint of his Arts in Reafoning, in direct Oppofition to Fact and to Senfe, will needs have the World at this Time of Day to confider, as the Cafe fairly fated. Next, it will be eafy to demonstrate from the whole Strain of the Reafoning, and from the B 2 Principles

16 [ 12] Principles acknowledged in this very Pamphlet that had our Author been fo fortunate as to have underftood the Point in Debate, in the fame Senfe in which the contending Parties themfelves underftood it, and which, for that very Reafon mufl now, and for ever hereafter, be admitted as the only fair State of the Queftion ; inftead of an Adverfary, we mull have had him an Advocate for the Caufe of his Country ; an Advocate, on the fame Principles, and for the fame Reafons, with thofe very Writers, whom he hath fet himfelf, with fo much loll Labour, and fo prepolleroully, to refute. After thefe few Articles are fairly and properly difcharged, nothing farther can remain, in regard to our prefent Author, than to conclude with fome ferious and free Expostulations in regard to the Wifdom and Morality of the Part he has acted. In the mean Time, it is but honefl to acknowledge, that it is not principally for the fake of our Author, or of his Admirers, that thefe Pains are taken : The Heady Perfeverance of the Public in jufl Conceptions and fuitable Sentiments concerning the real Nature of the Caufe in Debate, is plainly growing every Day of higher Importance to the Welfare of this Country ; not folely in regard to the future Prefervation of thpfe eftential Parliamentary Rights but in order to this Nations fo critically refcued, Properly, and by Ways and Means moll truly conflitutional, difcharging their prefent indifpenfible Duty of diftinguifhed Honour, Gratitude, Trull, and generous Fellow-feeling, in.refpect ro thofe of her Sons, by whofe Wifdom, Fortitude, and inflexible Integrity towards their Country,

17 1 13] try, and to the Prince who is the Father of it, this Deliverance was accomplifhed. Therefore it is, that the prefent Tafk is fo readily undertaken ; undertaken from the fulled Conviction, that the rejecting of the Claufe was abfolutely requifite for vindicating the eflential Parliamentary Rights of this moll: loyal Kingdom; and that what Reprefentations foever may have been fent or carried into England, antecedent to thofe worthy Patriots, who invariably flood firm to the united Interefls and Rights of their King and their Country, unhappily incurring Marks of his Majeftys Difpleafure ; the only real Crime in which they could pofftbly ftand guilty, even in the Eye of Envy and Revenge beholding their Conduct, was their fo refolutely thwarting the Ambition of a few Individuals -, an Ambition, which were it truly underflood, could not fail of becoming as odious in Fact, as it is in its Nature injurious to the Honour and Intereft of his Majefty, and of his Majeftys mod faithful and zealous Proteftant Subjects of this Kingdom. No one who has any juft Conceptions of his Majeftys Greatnefs and Righteoufnefs of Heart, can fo much as fuppofe him capable of conceiving Difpleafure againft the beft of his Servants, merely for doing what they apprehended to be their indifpenfible Duty in Parliament ; every one, be their Denomination or Party in other Reflects what it will, muft be equally obliged to confefs, that the Gentlemen who have been lately diftinguifhed by Marks of Severity, were at leaft as able Servants, and are and ever have been as loyal and zealous Subjects, as any who have been, or can be found to fill up their Places. The

18 [ i4] TheConcIufion is therefore unavoidable, that had thofe worthy Subjects been fairly reprefented, they could not have incurred fuch Marks of Severity. But this will ftill be more evident from what is to follow. The firft Thing now to be done is, in as diftinct a Manner as poffible, to lay before the Reader the real Subject of Debate : For this Purpofe, his careful Attention is moft earnefllj requefted to the following Particulars. * That the Houfe of Commons, by fending over the Bill without the Preamble, meant clearly to altert, that, in their Apprehenfion, the Commons of Ireland had in themfelves an ancient, inherent and conftitutional Right, to point out to the Crown, by Heads of a Bill, as well as by Addrefs, fuch Ufes of public Money remaining in the Treafury unapplied at the Time of their Meeting, as they judged moft conducive to the Eafe of the People, and for the public Service of this Kingdom ; looking on the public Money as the Money of the Nation, intrufled to the difpofal of his Majefly as a Royal Truftee, and upon themfelves, of all his Majeflys Counfellors, to be the very belt qualified for advifing his Majefly concerning the real Nature and State of the Country, in regard to thefe Articles ; and more particularly, as in Cafes of Deficiencies in the Treafury, the Houfe had invariably riianife/led their Readinefs to bring the Nation into Debt, rather than the Exigencies of Government mould not be feafonably fupplied, fb they could not but think themfelves, on the Principles of Juftice and common Senfe, both intitled and obliged, as foon as the parliamentary Funds produced a Redundancy, to point out to his Majefly an Application of this Surplus, towards difcharging that

19 1 15] that Debt, which they had been obliged to bring upon the Nation, in confequence of thele Funds having proved formerly deficient ; That the Exercife of this Right could in no cafe interfere with the Rights or Prerogative of the Crown, as his Majeftys Power, either of accepting or rejecting their Advice ftill continued entire; That his faithful Commons, had always been ready to receive with Gratitude, and acknowledge with Thankfulnefs his Majeftys Recommendations; but to make a Parliamentary Acknowledgment, that the Commons had no Right to offer their Advice in regard to the Application of the public Money, which had been raifed off the People the Seflion before, till his Majefty fhould be firft gracioufly pleafed to intimate his Leave, or previous Cyifent, and that it was folely in virtue of his thus previoufly fignifying, that he would confent, they had now taken the Liberty of offering their Advice ; this was in their Appreheniion, fo directly contrary to the known Parliamentary Rights and Conftitution of this Country, that the indifpenfible Duty they owed to the King, and to their Condiments in conjunction, and the facred Regard which is always due to Truth, would not upon any Confideration, permit them to comply with it : And as all this was confejfedly imply d in palling the Claufe, inferted and fent over by the Privy Council of England, they therefore found themfelves laid under the diftrefling Neceflity of rejecting the Bill. Thatthefe were the real Merits of the Queftion, on the Side of the Commons ; no Man of Truth, who was prefent at the Debate, or has fmce had an Opportunity ofknowing the real State of that ever memorable Tranfaclion of the 17th of December^ can poffibly deny. ( And

20 [,6] And is there a Man of Honour in the Kingdom, fo far poflefling the Spirit of a Whig, as to dare to judge for himfelf in Matters intimately affeding the Rights of his Country, as well after his Governors have made known their Sentiments, as before? Is there a Man of this Spirit in the Nation, who muft not think himfelf obliged to do all poffible Honour to the Men, who, by refolutely oppofmg this new and deftructive Doctrine, have delivered their Country? delivered it, many of them, at the well-known Hazard of being ftript, through malevolent Mifreprefentation, of various highly honourable and profitable Advantages peculiar to themfelves? And is there a Man of fuch Spirit and Principles, as juft now (Jefjribed, and confcious of being a Sharer in this great Deliverance, whofe Heart doth not glow with a generous Sympathy and moft affectionate Defire, by every honeft Means in his Power, to alleviate the Sufferings which the malignant GlofTes of Anger, Detraction, and unmeafurableambition, have already brought upon fome of the moft eminent of thofe inflexible Patriots? Nay, muft not even the Heart of our Author, and of all who are pleafed with his State of the Cafe, fo far as an ingenuous and liberal Spirit continues to have any Influence, be flung with Remorfe, when once they are fenfible, that the Pains they have with fo much Officioufnefs been taking, to diveft thofe Gentlemen of the Efteem of their Country, whom the infidious Arts of its Enemies have been able to diveft for a Seafon of the Favour of their Prince, have, in reality, been imployd againft Men, who, above being awed by the Threatnings of Power, when the effential Interefts and Rights of this Kingdom feemed to them to be at Stake, went fteadily on, in the Difcharge

21 [ 7 ] Difcharge of their Duty, directing and confining all their Proceedings, to the neceftary Vindication, of what our Author himfelf exprefsly pronounces, to be the fundamental parliamentary Rights of this Country. See the Cafe fairly fated, p. 22. and firft Paragraph of p. 23. See likewife p. 2. wherein he hath thefe Words; c And if this were really the Cafe, the Gentlemen who were in Oppofition to the Court, certainly * ought to be diftinguifhed as eminent Patriots., and deferve all the Honour and Applaufe, that their Country can bellow upon them. That this was really the Cafe, and that the Doctrine acknowledged in fuch ftrong Terms by our Author to be deflructive of the eflential Rights of this Kingdom, was the real Doctrine intended, in virtue of the Claufe, to be made the eftablifhed Doctrine for the Future, in regard to all public Money redundant in our Treafury, no-body can have any Doubt, who either was prefent at the Argument, or who has read the authentic Comment contained in the Confiderations, where it is avowed and laid down by the Author, in almoft every Page of that Book ; at prefent, there needs only to mention a very fhort, but peremptory Paffage in the 35th Page. If fuch Trull be in the Crown, the * Kings Confent is neceflary previous to public * Deliberations on the Application. All Deliberations of the Houfe of Commons, where there are two or three hundred Men, mull, in their nature, be public ; fo that here we are plainly given to understand, that tho there mould ever fo large a Sum of the Peoples or public Money be got into the Treafury, yet the natural Guardians of the Properties and Liberties of the People are not to be at Liberty to take the leaft Thought about it : It may remain there for C ev^r.

22 [ >8 ] ever, without the Nation, whofe Money it ftill is, being any thing the better for it ; and if they arc nothing the better, they will quickly be fenfible, that they are vaftly the worfe ; and it may be otherwife difpofed of, without the Guardians of the Property of the Nation, being any thing the wifer, unlefs the Crown, from its own mere good Pleaiure, fhall condefcend, of its own Accord, to tender the Accounts. Seep. 41. of the Confederations. All this Doctrine we fee can be confidently laid down, and the Authors the next Moment, with equal Confidence affirm, that no new Power is thereby added to the Crown, but all is in Affirmance only of the Kings antient Right! Matchlefs Effrontery! Much lefs however, than what has been juft now obferved, is more than is requifite, in regard to our prefent Author. No body can difpute, that the Senfe above-mentioned, was the Senfe, in which the Claufe was underftood, at leafl, by one Side of the Queftion, namely, by the Men, who from a Variety of Circumftances were juftly rendered jealous for the Liberties of their Country ; and that it was folely from their conceiving the Claufe in that Light they had oppofed it : Now, what would it avail our Author, in Juftification of the Part he has acted towards thofe Gentlemen, even tho it were admitted that the Claufe was in fact capable of another and more harmlefs Senfe than what it was underflood in, by thofe jealous Patriots? tho taking in the neceffary concomitant Circumftances it is demonflrable it was not. Surely our Author will have no Difficulty in allowing, that every Man, acting as a Member of the great Council of the Nation, is under a ftrictly moral Obligation to judge for himfelf, and

23 [ i9l and to govern his Conduct accordingto the inward Senfe and Perfuafion of his own Mind ; thofe Gentlemen therefore conceiving the Meaning and Intention of the Claufe in the Manner juit now fet forth, and our Author exprefsly acknowledging, that fuch a Meaning and Intention would render the Claufe, not merely bad, but destructive of the Fundamental Parliamentary Rights of this Country, what can be more evident, than that, our Author himfelf being Judge, thefe Gentlemen were under an indilpenfable Obligation to do what they did, in oppofing the Claufe and rejecting the Bill? On the other hand, doth not common Senfe make it evidently neceffary, in regard to the debating and palling of Bills, that when one Side conceives the Manner of Expreflion to carry a Senfe injurious to the Country, and the other Side doth not controvert, that the Claufe, as it is worded, is liable to have this Senfe put upon it, mould it pafs into a Law ; then, unlefs the Party originally contending for the Claufe do really mean to have it carried into a Law, in that very Senfe which the other thinks hurtful, either the Form of Expreflion is directed to be altered, fo as to remove the Caufe of Objection, or elfe the Claufe muft, of neeelnty, be inftantly laid afide. In regard therefore to the Cafe now before us, feeing the Party contending for the Claufe, never once in the Debate attempted to fhew, that it was not plainly fufceptible of the Senfe in which it was understood by the Friends of the Country ; doth it not demonstrably follow, that they not only acknowledged the Claufe capable of being construed into fuch a Meaning, mould it pafs into a Law, but that this Meaning is the very Senfe which C 2, the

24 L ao ] the Leaders of this Party wanted to have got eflabliflied for the Future, as the Doctrine of this Country ; to the Deftruction of the eftential Parliamentary Rights of this Kingdom. It mu ft now be left to this officious Writer to explain, upon what honeft Principle it was that he has been prevailed on to exert all his Influence, in order to derive Honour on the Men who had been doing all in their Power to carry into Execution a Meafure, which, had it fucceeded, might at any Time be made life of for ftripping this Country of, what he himfelf exprefsly pronounces, a fundamental Parliamentary Right of this Kingdom -, and, on the other hand, to practife all the little Arts which his Genius could invent, to detract from the Merit of thofe Men, and to render their Character equivocal and fufpicious, by whofe Integrity and Refolution, that eflential Right was vindicated and preferved. It will, in a particular Manner, be incumbent on this plaunble Gentleman to explain, how either his Head or his Heart could permit his attempting ib grofs a Delufion, as to make the Public believe, that the Merits of the ^ueftiou depended on the abftraft Meaning of the IVords of the Claufe, directly contrary to Fact and to Senfe; when it is impoflible in Nature, that there can now, or for ever hereafter, be any other proper Queflion concerning this Matter, than fingly, whether it was fit for the Houfe of Commons of Ireland, to have the Claufe, c in the Senfe in which it was then underitood * by them, palled into a Law? What can it poflibly fignify, in regard to the Matter in Debate, into how many Senfes the Words of the Claufe

25 [2. 1 Claufe are capable of being conftrued, if it muft now be agreed, that in the particular Senfe in which they were underftood by the Houfe of Commons, there was an abfolute Neceffity laid on the Houfe, if they would be but true to the fundamental Rights of their Country, to give their Negative to the Claufe, and, in Confequence of doing fo, to reject the Bill? Can any thing be more monftrous in Reafoning, and indeed likewife in Language, than to attempt making an effential Diftinction between the Intention and Defign of the Claufe it felf, and the Intention and Defign of the Persons who were the Authors and Supporters of the Claufe, the only Subjects to whom Intention and Defign are in this Cafe properly applicable? And as it is now put paft all Doubt, that the Senfe which our Author, in p. 1 8, finds fo much Fault with the Writer of the Remarks for having put upon this Claufe, and which he acknowledges in this Place to be a bad Senfe *, and in a former * That which (eems to have created the chief Prejudice againft the Claufe in the Minds of the People is an Apprehenfion, that it tended to give the King fuch an abfolute Power over the Money in the Treafury, that without his previous Confent the Parliament would not be allowed fo much as to give his Majefty any Advice relating to the Application of it, much lefs deliberate about forming a Bill concerning it. And that though it mould appear to them to have been manifeftly embezzled, and applied in a manner even prejudicial to the Public, they could not without the Kings exprefs Allowance and Confent enter upon any Enquiry with regard to it. And that this would be a great Infringement of our Liberties, and of the raoft valuable Rights of Parliament. This is the Strength of what hath been urged againft the Claufe ; efpecially by the Author of the Remarks on the Confiderations. And this feems to be the true Caufeof that Zeal which he hath every where exprefted againft it. It is on this Foundation

26 [22] mer PafTage, to be deftru&ive of the fundamental Rights of this Country, was the very Senfe, in which die Claufe was univerfally underflood by the Houfe of Commons in the Day of the Debate ; there is not any help for it, nor is there now any poflible Remedy, but that our Author, whether willingly, or out of Neceffity, mu ft acknowledge, that, The Gentlemen, 1 who were in Opposition to the Court, cer- tainly ought to be dijlinguijhed as eminent Pa- * triots, and deferve all the Honour and * Applause that their Country can be/low 1 upon them. What his own Favourites, the Gentlemen who followed the Court in that Queftion, deferve, mall readily be left to his own Breaft to determine. How utterly out of Purpoie therefore, and without the fmalleft Degree of relation to the real Subject in Queftion, is that great Wafte of Reafoning, concerning a poflible abflract Meaning of the Words of the Claufe from p. 19, top. 24! But as there is a Pofition affiimed for an Axiom in the Courfe of that Reafoning, which, confidering the Perfon it comes from, dation that he reprefents it as ftriking at the very Root of our Liberties ; and as tending to make void the everlajling mojl righteous Title of the Community to a valid Security for their ef- [ential Rights and Liberties. And he talks of an infinite deal of Milchief ivhich imminently threatned this Country, and which was carried off by rejecting the Claufe. But this Gentleman, and the other Writers that have appeared on that Side, feem to me to have very much neglecled that which is the principal Thing they ought to have proved, and that is, that the bad Conftru&ion they would put upon it, is the real Intention and Defign of the Claufe itfeif. This therefore is what I fhall diftindtly examine, fince it is upon this that the whole Force of the Objections againft the Claufe, and the Arguments for rejecting it manifeltly depend. Cafe fairly fitated, p. 18.

27 [23] from, is, beyond meafure aftonifhing, it cannot be parted over without particular Observation. In p. 19. the Author has thefe Words, To * ojjiji in this Inquiry, IJball lay down two Prin- * ciples, which cannot be reafonabjy contejled. The * firft is, that in judging of the true Sense and Intention of the Claufe, we are to judge by * the Words and Expressions of the Clause it self, and in^>. 23. to the fame Purpofe, 4 There is no proper way of judging of the In- tention of the Claufe, but from the JVords of < the Claufe / Singularly lamentable would be the Event, if our Author, after the honeft Zeal he hath fo often teftified in behalf of Chriftianity, mould, by clafling himfelf wrong, in a Debate upon Politics, come to be quoted as an Authority, in behalf of the foolifheft Clafs of the deiflical Writers ; Men who are for ever infilling, that then * is no proper JVay ofjudging of the Intention of our Saviour, bat from the Words of our Saviour. Hitherto it has been thought abundantly fufficient, in order to render contemptible and odious the illiberal Jokes of that Set of Men, barely to obferve, that inflead of interpreting Mens Intention merely from their Words, it is a Rule effential to Juftice, and founded in Nature and common Senfe, always to interpret the Words according to the Intention, fo far as that Intention is capable of being found out : Alas! furprifing Critic and Cafuift! what would become of the Labours of your Life ; and, which is ftill of infinitely more Confequence, what would become of the bed Caufe in the World, fo far as it depends upon the Interpretation of Words, if, for Inftance, thefe Inftru&Lons of our Saviour, refifi not Evil. «Take

28 [24] * "Take no thought for your Life, &c. c He who hat- * eth not his Father and Mother? &c. cannot be my * Difciple. And multitudes of other Paffages, were to be conftrued and judged of, merely from the Words? Strange! that Laws mould derive the whole of their Obligation from the Intention or Will of the Power which enacts them, and that whatever Merit there is in obedience, mufl folely arife from the Subjects voluntarily paying thatrefpect which is due to the Wifdom and Authority of the righteous Legiflator, and yetthat the Subject: need be under no kind of Concern, in regard to this Wifdom, Will, or Intention, it is enough that he conforms io whatever Senfe his refpective Genius fhall be able to extract out of the Words, and mall fancy to be moll natural, or grammatical. Befides, is there not an almoft infinite Difference between a Difficulty that may in fome Cafes arife concerning the Intention of a Law already pafted and eftablifhed, and the immediate declared Senfe and Intention of the Legiflature, or any of its Branches, concerning the Meaning of a Claufe, juft then under Deliberation, whether it fhall be pafted into a Law, or not? What a Mixture of Abfurdity, and total Perverfion of that which is right, has here been difclofed? and yet more or lefs of this, will always be found, when Men fuffer fomething elfe than Righteoufnefs and Truth to have the controuling Direction of the Powers of their Mind. Surely it is high Time for this Gentleman, to break off all Connexion and Communication with fuch Politics and their Authors, as have already fried fo baneful an Influence both on his Senfe and on his Simplicity of Spirit. Evil

29 [2 5 ] Evil Communications, it is unavoidable, muit pervert found Senfe, as well as corrupt good Manners ; how effectually they have had thefe Operations in the Inftance now before us, will ftill farther appear from that amazing Attempt of our Author, when after having, as he imagined, by dint of his fingular Art in Ratiocination extracted an harmlefs Meaning out of the Words of the CLiufe, taken abftractedly from the Intention of the Parties contending about it, He fets himfelf to confer all the Popularity that could poflibly arife from taking the Claufe in this fame harmlefs Senfe, upon the Leaders of the Party, who voted for the Claufe ; tho he was very well allured, that thefe Leaders were far from intending this harmlefs and nugatory Conftruction ± and had, at leaft, vehement Caufe to fufpeff, that thofe Gentlemen actually meant that very Senfe, which he himfelf pronounces to fland in direct Oppofition to the fundamental Parliamentary Rights of this Kingdom. While, on the other hand, he fhews himfelf moil folicitous to detract from the fo univerfally acknowledged, and truly exalted Merit of the Deliverers of their Country, by endeavouring to make the World believe, that the Step they were drove to the Necefrky of taking, in confequence of that painful Alternative, either of hazarding, through Mifreprefentation, the Difpleafure of his Majefty, or otherwife to betray what they were fully perfuaded was a fundamental Parliamentary Right of this Kingdom ; That this Step had been frowardly or wantonly taken, merely in Oppofition to this fame harmlefs Senfe of the Claufe : and all this, when it is hardly conceivable, that he could be ignorant, or rather could have forgot, that thefe very Men D had

30 [ 26] had teftiried their Willingnefs to underftand and approve of the Claufe in this fame harm- Ids Senfe, fo far and fo long as the Nature and Circumftances of the Cafe would iuffer it to wear fo inoffenfive a Colour ; and That they had chearfully and frequently repeated their thankful Acknowledgments of his Majeftys gracious Attention to the Eafe and Happinefs of his Subjects, in recommending the Application of the Money in the Treafury, towards the Reduction of the national Debt ; furely fo far as recounting, fignifies the fame Thing with declaring, t be was ready to give bis Cbnfent, and our Author in the whole of his Reafoning, feems always to confider them as fynonymous Terms, fo far hus the Houie of Commons moft thankfully expr fted their Acknowledgments to his Majefty for having in this Senfe previoufly declared, t>. it he would confent : after having had this Matter fo directly under his Eye, it will be no eaf Talk, to vindicate this folemn Gentleman fi )in the Imputation of fome very infidious Defign, in reprefenting, that the whole of the Debate was occafioned by the Patriots of this Country refufing to make this Acknowledgment, in this very Senfe. That the Author has in Fact exhibited thofe Gentlemen in this moft injurious Light, is put beyond all Doubt by Paifages every where occurring in al mod every Page of his Book, particularly, from that remarkable PafTage in p. 12. and 13, in which he puts the Defign of the Houfe of Commons, whether out of a fudden Fit of Humour, or from fad fober Earned, into fo ridiculous a Light, as muft make every one laugh. See likewife the PafTage already quoted from the 21ft and 2 2d Pages ; and in p. 23. fpeaking

31 [ 27 ] freaking of the Privy Council of England, the Author has thefe Words, efpecially, when they had great Reafon to think, that the Claufe was 1 omitted here, upon this Principle, that his * Majefty ought not to have previoufly fignified his Confent; (plainly taking this Word in the fame Senfe, with that of Recommend) nor the Commons to acknowledge it. Again, in^>. 25, 6 the Queftion therefore is, whether it be not * moft fit and proper for his Majefty to recommend 6 that Application, c5v. And not to multiply Paffages in a Cafe fb evident, the Reader is only delired to caft his Eye over p. 31, where, after the following PaiTage, the Author, in as exprefs Terms as any Man need to make ufe of, fairly gives up the whole of the real Merits of the prefent Debate ; The Proceedings to be vindicated by Prece- 1 dents is, the rejecting an Act relating to an * Application of the Money in the Treafury, 4 confeffedly of great Utility and Advantage to * the Public, becaufe it contained a Claufe, ac- knowledging his Majeflys having previoufly * fignified, that he would confent to that Ap- plication. This is manifeftly, fakh our Au- thor, the true Point in Queftion. By the Way, faith the Writer of this Paper, this is altogether a falfe and abfurd Reprefentation., containing no one effential Circumftance of the real Point in Queftion ; a Queftion which related not at all to the Matter of Fad of his Majeftys having fignified his Confent ; but abfolutely and folely was no other than this. Whether the Hoitfe of Commons were not Jlriclly obliged to wait for this Confent, before they could be at Liberty to propofe any Application whatfoever of fuch redundant Money? and whether they were not likewife jlriclly obliged, in the Heads cf the Bill, which they fhould bring in, in Pnrfuance of this previ- D 2 ous

32 acknowledge. [ 28 ] ous Leave, in mojl exprefs Terms to acknowledge? that it was only in Virtue of this previous Confent, that thefe Heads of a Bill in regard to th$ Application of this public Money, had been brought in? Neither of which Articles was the Houfe of Commons, according to the exprefs and declared Sentiments of our Author immediately following, under any Obligation, not even of Parliamentary Fitnefs or Decorum, of which our Author feems to think himfelf fo competent a Judge, to comply with ; and therefore it follows, beyond all Poflibility of Contradiction, that our Author has, in a moll explicit Manner, given up the whole of the Caufe he would be underftood to contend for. This whole PafTage, though it is of fome Length, deferves to be fet down, as at the fame Time, that it clearly lets the Reader into the native Sentiments of the Author, in regard to what is, in truth, the Point in Debate, it fully ferves alfo to mew in what Senfe it is, that he had throughout his Pamphlet underftood the Phrafe of his Majeflys declaring that he would confent *. Could Cafe fairly fiated, p. 9 1 * Many ofthefe Precedents are defigned to fhew, that the Commons have a Right without any previous Confent from the Crown, to point out fuch particular Applications of the publick Money as they judge to be for the publick Service. Put thefe do not properly come up to the Point. They that are for the Claufe may very confidently acknowledge, that when the Parliament judge that any particular Application of the publick Money lying in the Treafury would be of great Advantage to the Publick, they have a Right as his Majeftys Great Council to give their Advice relating to that Application, v. here it hath been omitted or negle&ed by the Crown. But the allowing fuch a Right as this in the Commons doth not preclude his Majeily from previoufiy lignifying his Confent to any particular Application, nor make it improper for then} that Content, when it has been previoufly declared.

33 [ 29 ] Could our Author have but fatisfied himfelf with mggefting every thing that was plaufible on behalf of the Gentlemen of this Country, who divided for the Claufe, tho* his Partiality might be wondered at by fuch as were acquainted with his Principles, yet would it have been far from bringing upon him any Severity of Cenfure : Thefe Gentlemen, it was evident, flood much in need of an Advocate, and great Indulgence is always due to the Pleader, efpecially where the principal Inducement appears to proceed from Compaflion and Humanity ; for this Reafon it is, that the Writer would willingly fuggeft in mitigation of the Conduct of our Author, every thing that a proper Regard to Truth, and the Importance of the Caufe he has medled. in, will reafonably permit; he therefore can readily fuppofe, that a great Part of the Incongruities, into which this Author has fallen, may have been owing to his ftudious and retired Manner of fpending his Time ; when, fpeculating in his Clofet, and little acquainted with what is every Day occurring in active Life, he might, for Inftance, naturally confider it as a Matter hardly to be believed, that fo great a Number of the profeited Guardians of the Rights of their Country, mould at this Time have appeared in the Support of a Do&rine, fo manifeftly deftructive of the principal Articles of Parliamentary Liberty ; clared. If it fliould be allowed, that the Commons have a Right to advife, or even to bring in Heads of a Bill concerning a particular Application of Part of the publick Money lying in rhe Treafury, when they judge it necelfary for the publick Good to do fo, though there has been no previous Content fignified on the Part of the Crown, yet it will by no Means fol? low,.hat when his Majefty hath previously Signified his Content, the Commons lhould reject a Bill merely becaufe it contained an Acknowledgment of that Confcat.

34 Liberty ; [ $o ] yet had this Gentleman been feafonably attentive to the political Proceedings during the Courfe of this Adminiftration, he might in fome Meafure have learned to account even for this lingular and aftonifhing Appearance ; probably he was altogether a Stranger to thofe new Rules of Discipline, laid to have been fent over previoufly to this laft Seflion of Parliament, in order to be carefully communicated to all fuch Ears as were fitted to be entrufted with fuch truly gallican Arcana of Government ; whereby * not only the Servants of the Crown, but all the other Members of the Koufe of Commons, * who had exprefted their Inclinations to ferve the King and Government, were inftrucled * and admonifhed to be more cautious for * the future, than ever hereafter to pretend * to diftinguifh between what were immaterial Points in the Transactions of Parliament, and * fuch as were not ; or ever to differ from thofe 4 in whom the Governor mould be pleafed to * place his principal Confidence ; left he mould be laid under a Neceffity of exerting the Au- * thority of the Crown in a Manner, which, if you will believe the Author of thefe Rules, would be always difagreeable to him. Indeed it will be no great Wonder, if our Author mould (till find it a matter very difficult of Relief, Tbat the Sons of Britain, Men chofen by their Country to be the Guardians of its Rights, and to have a principal Share in giving of its Laws, could through any Influence whatever, be brought to fubmit to a Difcipline fit only for the Servants of an eaftern Centurion ; c To one he faith, go, and he goeth ; to ano- 4 ther, come, and he cometh ; and to a third, 6 do this, and he doth it. But

35 [ 3 ] Bat it is hereby moft earneftly recommended, not merely to our Author, but to the Public in general, to make hemfelves fure, whether any fiich Inftruclions had, in reality, been given and promulgated, agreeably to the Fama clamofa y or not? For fhould what is To univerfally taken for granted, turn out, upon the ft.ricr.eft Enquiry, to have been, in reality, the Fact ; there can be no farther need either of reafoning or Witneffes : nothing can be more evident that whoever is capable of committing fuch an Outrage on the Dignity and Liberties of our Members of Parliament i muft be incapable of feeling any Remorfe or Reluctance in attempting whatever Meafure would beft fuit his Purpofe, however deftructive it might prove, to the moft effential parliamentary Rights of this Kingdom. Should Rules to this Purpofe, after a ftridr. Examination, turn out to have been genuine ; alas! there can be no need of an Inquiry how far and by whom they have been complied with ; nor can any one be at a Lofs to difcern, that had the Compliance been more general, the moft precious Article of the Liberty of Man, as well as the moft eftentiai Article of the Rights of Parliament, muft have been for ever given up ; with this moft aggravating Circumftance, that all this Mifchief would have been brought upon this Country, in the Home, and by the Hands of her own deluded Sons. But, blefled be God! a very different Spirit moft glorioufly prevailed ; and refcued this Land, as yet a Land of Liberty, from infinite Evil a Spirit which cannot be better defcribed than by ufing the Words, with a fmall Accommodation, in which one of the fineft Stories in all Antiquity is expreffed by Daniel the Prophet in the?d

36 ; t 32 ] 3d Chapter of his Book : After having firfl represented Nebuchadnezar as calling before him three principal Men of the Jews, and requiring them, under a moft fevere Penalty, to worfhip an Image which he had letup, thefe three principal Men are introduced as expreffing themfelves to the following Effect ; O Nebucbad- nezar, we are not careful to anfwer thee con- cerning this Matter ; our King whom we ferve * is able to deliver us from all thy Penalties, and he will deliver us out of thine Hand, O. * But if not, be it known unto thee, O, c that we will not ferve thy Favourites, nor worc {hip that Golden Image which thou haft fet up. The whole Story is moft worthy to be read, and will all along admit of moft natural Accommodations, concluding, as every one muft naturally expedl it fhould, that thefe three great Men were foon afterwards promoted. But let all Matters of this Sort be underftood as they will, it is now apprehended that, from what has been fo diftinclly pointed out in the foregoing Pages, in regard to the Contrail between the real Principles of our Author, and the profeflfed Defign of his Book, the Reader and, perhaps by -this Time, likewife this Gentleman himfelf will be pretty well prepared to judge of the Juftnefs of the following Argument ; which is thus put into Form, that our Author, if he fhall fee it neceffary, may, with the greater Precifion, a manner he feems not very fond of, make his Reply. Whoever is convinced that the Commons of Ireland have a Right in themfelves, to call for, and look into, the national Accounts to inquire into the Redundancies as well as Deficiencies of the national Funds ; and to

37 t 33 3 to give Advice to his Majefly, as well by Heads of a Bill as in any other Manner, in regard to what appears to them the mod ufeful or neceflfary Application of any fuch Redundancies ; and in confequence to vindicate and affert this Right by parliamentary Meafures, when in any Inftance they find themfelves in danger of being deprived of it, mull of neceflity acknowledge that the Commons of Ireland, in the laft Seflion of Parliament, did no more than they had a Right to do, nor than their Duty laid them under an indifpenfible Obligation of doing in regard to the Bill for difcharging the pub* lie Debt. But the Author of the Cafe fairly fiated has, from repeated Paflages in his Book, manifefted a full Conviction that the Commons of Ireland have the above Right in themfelves, and are mod juftly intitled to the full and free Exercife of it in all the feveral Inftances juft now enumerated. Therefore the Author of the Cafe fairly fated muft of neceflity acknowledge that the Commons of Ireland, in laft Seflion of Parliament, did no more than what they had a Right to do, and than their Duty laid them under an indifpenfible Obligation of doing, in regard to the Bill for difcharging the national Debt. Which was the Thing to be proved. Having thus pretty fully ftated all Matters with this Author on the Subject of Reafoning, it remains, that the Writer mould now difcharge the remaining Part of his Talk, in regard to this Author, by entring, for a few Minutes, into a E free

38 [ 34 1 free Expoftulation in regard to the truly furprizing Part he has acted, relative to this Debate : And Fsrft, Sir, it might, not without Reafon, be afkedofvou, who, while * confcious of not thoroughly underftanding the Queftion, yet fo readily, undertook to plead the Caufe of Prerogative ; Felt you noremorie in thus intermeddling, before you had made yourfelf fure that nothing unfriendly was meant to the Liberties of the Country ; efpecially, as hitherto it has always been infeparable from the native Jealoufy of a Whig, inftantly to take the Alarm, as foon as he hears the Word Prerogative made ufeof in Oppofition, or even in Contra-diftinction to the Rights of the But as this might poflibly be owing Community? to the Arts and Importunities of infidious Advifers, or to fome ftill more harmlefs Caufe, it may be more proper to confine the Inquiry to the Spirit, and to the Manner, with which you have conducted yourfelf, in the Management of this Controverfy, after you had chofen your Side. And here, Sir, you are defired to explain, how you could take upon you to reprefent the general Body of his Majeftys molt faithful Proteftant Subjects in this Kingdom, Subjects whom you yourfelf know to be univerfally and zealoufly faithful, as complimenting Gentlemen of this Country at the Expence of the King ; merely becaufe they had not underftood the Point in Debate in the Senfe which you fpend a great Part of your Book, in proving it was capable in the Abftract of having been underftood in, but without any regard to the Intention of the Parties, which yet was the fmgle Circumftance on which the whole Queftion depended : And * See the Authors Preface, and the 24th Page of his Book.

39 [35] And becaufe, on the contrary, the People had moft truly underftood the Queftion in the very Senfe in which it was invariably underftood by the Friends of the Country from the Commencement of this Seflion, and avowedly underftood by the Leaders in the Oppofition, indeed the only Senfe in which it was capable of being underftood on the Day of the Debate ; therefore is your Country to be reprefented by you, putting Difbonour on his Majejly, and as under the Power of Prejudices, which muji of Necejfity, diminijh the Zeal and Affetlion of his Majejly s Subjecls to his /acred Per/on and Government ; nay, as infinuating, that his Majejly was for ajfuming a Prerogative which doth not belong to him, and which is fubverfive of the Liberties of his People, p. 2. and 3. A moft odious 3nd falfe Exhibition of the Spirit of this Country! fpringing from that Root of Bitternefs, which occafioned your taking fo much Pains to prove that the Claufe was his Majeftys own, and that he muft, in Perfon, be anfwerable for it, than which nothing can be more injurious and abfurd. See what has been already faid on this Subject, p. 9. as Mark, however, Sir, that you have, in this very Place, notwithftanding all thofe unfriendly Infinuations, exprefsly acknowledged, that were the Claufe to be underftood in the Senfe therein mentioned, and which it is but reafonable to think you muft, by this time, be fully convinced is the real Senfe in which it was, at the time of the Tran fact ion, univerfally underftood ; then * the Gentlemen, who were in Oppofition to lie Courts certainly ought to be diftinguijhed as eminent Pa- triots, and deferve all the Honour and /Ipplaufe * that their Country can bejlow upon them. That thefe Gentlemen underftood it in this Senfe you E 2 have

40 . uld [ 36] have already, if you are a Writer of any Candor, as good as confeiled ; in p. 5. you have thefe Words ; And, it muft be Juppojed, that they i " not, on the Account of that Claufe, have 1 1 rnetted an Act of Juch Importance to the Public, they had not regarded this Claufe, as having an if ill Ajpett on our Liberties, and as dejigned to invejl his Majejly -with unconflitutional Powers, preju- 4 dicial to the Rights and Privileges of Parliament. Pity it is, Sir, that the Suppofition of your being a Writer of Candor, mould neceffarily bring along with it the Imputation of your having ft ewn yourfelf a very inconfiftent and inconfiderate Writer ; You immediately go on thus, On the other Side, his Majejly, with the Advice of * his Privy-Council in Great-Britain, hath, in a i very effettual Manner, fignified his Displea- sure againjl that Proceeding of the Houfe of Com- * mons, as an unwarrantable Infringement of his * royal Prerogative, 1 What, Sir, could tempt you to exprefs yourfelf in fuch a Manner, and in fuch Terms as thefe? Did you, the profeifed Advocate for Prerogative, in fad, fober Earnefl, mean to exhibit this Prerogative in the mofl odious of all Colours, by reprefenting his Majejly s DiJpleafure having been effectually kindled againfl his faithful Commons of Ireland ; Subjects, who have never ceafed to deferve his Majeflys diftinguifhed Regard and Complacency? Behold, Sir, the wretched Effects of your Petulancy in prelling the royal Perfon of his Majefly into the Controverfy! But however untoward the Appearances may be at prefent againfl you, your old Acquaintance will never differ himfelf to ftifpect that you could feriouily mean to represent his Majefly as conceiving high Difpleafure againfl the worthier! of his

41 [ 37] his Commons of Ireland, thofe who, in your own Judgment, deferved all the Honour and Applaufc that the Country can be/low, merely for thefe Pa; triots oppofmg, under a Senfe of indifpenfible Duty, a Meafure of his Miniftry, which appeard to them to have an ill A/peel on our Liberties, 1 and as defigned to invejl his Maje/ly with uncon- * flitutional Powers j and therefore, Sir, no Alternative can remain, but that you mull be forced, along with the great Body of your Country, to refolve many of our late Appearances into this unavoidable Conclufion : That thefe Gentle- * men muft have been reprefented in a mod 4 injurious Light to his Majefty, otherwife, it would have been impoflible that fuch diftrefling Events, as have happened in the Courfe of this Winter, could have befallen thefe Gentlemen and their Country : If it fhould be faid, that this Conclufion is of a very high Nature, let it be obferved, that it is infeparably connected with a Subject of a much higher Nature : That it is abfolutely neceftary his Majeftys moft faithful and diftinguifhedly zealous Protectant Subjects of Ireland fhould continue fixed and unalterable in the rational Belief, that if his Majefty had beheld the Conduct of his Servants in the Light, which, by them is known to be the only fair Light in which it ought to have been exhibited, it would have been impoflible but that fuch faithful and able Servants fhould have continued to poftefs the fame Share in his royal Confidence and Favour, which they were known to hold before the Commencement of the prefent Adminiftration : In this all honeft Men, of whatever Side of the Queftion, if they entertain juft and fuitable Conceptions of his Majeftys Greatnefs of Mind, muft neceftarily join, as it is a Truth univerfally known, and in moft exprefs Terms

42 [3*3 Terms acknowledged by yourfelf, that the «Caufe of thefe Gentlemens Oppofition to the «Claufe, was their regarding it, as having an ill * Afpefl on the Liberties of this Country \ And as it is the eftablifhed and invariable Character of his Majefty to be not only as careful of the Rights of his People, as he is of his own Prerogative, but ready to relinquifh every Prerogative, as foon as it comes in Oppofition to any of their eflential Rights, it is impoflible he could be difpleafed with any of his Servants merely for averting, in a parliamentary Way, what they underftood to be eflential to the Liberty of their Country, and efpecially, with fuch Servants as were of unquestionable Fidelity, and had long ferved his Majefty with diftinguifhed Abilities : Therefore it mull be equal to Demonftration, that Means have been found out to exhibit thefe worthy Servants and Patriots in a Light to his Majefty very different from what all his Majeftys faithful Subjects of this Country know to be the only true one. And now, Sir, be pleafed to look back, and fee what prepofterous Meafures you have been taking : The Force of Truth has compelled you to acknowledge, that thefe Gentlemen have done nothing but what was highly worthy of eminent Patriots, in oppofmg the Claufe, in the Senfe in which they underftood it j and furely you would not have had them to have complied with this Claufe, in a Senfe in which they did not underftand it: You are likewife perfectly convinced that the great Body of his Majeftys faithful Subjects of this Kingdom did Honour to thefe Gentlemen, merely on their being perfwaded that the Senfe in which thefe Patriots underftood this Claufe, was the true and real Senfe ; and in this Light this Body of the Country were as much obliged to do Honour to thefe Me}\> as thefe Men were

43 were obliged to give all [39] parliamentary Oppofitioil to the Claufe-, yet you inftantly proceed toreprefent them as doing Honour to thefe Gentlemen^ at the Expence of his Majefly! How could you find in your Heart to throw out the flighted Infinuation to the Difadvantage of this Body of Men? Men, whom you know to love and honour his Majefty with fuch Sincerity and Strength of Affection as to be ready to lay down their Lives in his Service; a Strength of Affection which it would be impoflible for them fo invariably to retain, unlefs they had learned to make an infinite Difference between the Peribnof his Majefty and fome of his Minifters. But to make you ftill farther fenfible how little qualified you were for an Undertaking of this Sort, let us next inquire what you could poffibly have in your Thoughts in favour of the Genmen wbo voted for the Court, after having made fuch Acknowledgments, conftrained by your native Senfe of Juftice and of Truth, in honour of the Men who voted for their Country? The latter, you yourfelf own, rejected the Claufe, becaufe they underftood it in a Senfe, which if it were really the Senfe, would have moil juftly diftinguifhed them as eminent Patriots, and rendered them deferving of all the Honour and Applaiife that their Country could bejloiv upon them ; they therefore are at lead entitled to all the Merit of the worthieft Intention : It has been proved in the courfe of this Paper that the Gentlemen, or, at leaft, the Leaders of the Gentlemen, who voted for palling the Claufe, underftood the Claufe in the very fame Senfe with the Patriot Majority by whofe Votes the Claufe was rejected ; what, think you, mud have been their Intention? or what can all your Partiality in their Favour fuggeft in their Defence? You

44 r 4 ] You will not wonder, Sir, that, feeing you thought proper to take fuch particular Notice of the Remarks, the Writer of them fhould wifh to be informed, how it came to pafs that you totally overlooked the 8th and 9th Pages of the Supplement, where the whole of that Senfe of the Claufe which you lay fuch Sr.refs on, and reprefent to the Publick as the only fair State of the Cafe, was minutely difcuffed, and the manner in which it came to be exploded, previous to the Debate on the 17th of December circumftantially explained ; fome Folks may be tempted to think that this Overfight of yours muft have been committed through Defign; for had you condefcended to take any fair Notice of this Article as it {lands in that Paper, it would not be an eafy Matter to affign any good Reafon, that * an old Notion, fo thoroughly obfolete, fhould, 6 at this time of Day, under the Guife of a c new and fair State of the Cafe, have been c brought upon the Stage. Indeed, after the Pains which that Writer had taken in feveral Parts of his Remarks, and particularly in the 10th and nth Pages of the Supplement, to reduce the whole Merits of the Debate into a few diftind Proportions, on purpofe to afford to every fair-minded Reader an eafy Opportunity of difcerning and pointing out any Falacy or Deception, if fuch were to be found, it was no fmall Surprize to him that you, Sir, who are fo well acquainted with the Canons of Coutroverfy, fhould have neglected fo unexceptionable and fpeedy a Method of bringing the Caufe to an Iffue : But if this was an GmifTion, likewife by Defign, it can have anfwered no Purpofe ; as by your charging the Remarker in p. 1 8th, with begging the Queftion in taking that

45 t 4i ] that for granted, which ought to be proved, you have thereby plainly acknowledged, that if * this could be proved, the Caufe you have efpoufed muft be inftantly given up ; you your felf pronouncing it, bad, and injmious to the fundamental Rights of this Country ; and it having been in the Courfe of this prefent Paper repeatedly proved, that this very Senfe which you fo highly condemn, was in reality the Senfe in which your Friends underftood the Claufe when they were fo zealoufly contending for having it paffed ; can any thing therefore be more clearly demonftrated than that, you yourfelf being Judge, your Friends were contending 4 for a very bad Claufe. * In this Inftance, Sir, you cannot but fee, that the Diftinction you feem to have been originally fo fond of, between what you call the Intention of the Claufe, andthe Intention of thofe who infifted on the Claufe, can be of no kind of Significancy, becaufe the fole Subject of Debate from the Beginning of this Winter was no other than this, * What would be the Operation of contenting to * this Claufe, taking it in the Senfe fo repeatedly * mentioned, of precluding the Houfe of Com- * mons from bringing in any Heads of a Bill rela- * tive to the Application of Money redundant in the Treafury, without firft having received Leave from his Majefty to bring in fuch Heads of a * Bill ; and likewife exprelly acknowledging in 6 thofe Heads of a Bill, that without their having 4 had a previous Notification that he would con- fent, they were fenfible they had no Right in 6 themfelves to propofe any Application whatfoever of any public Money redundant in the Treafury. were for naffing this Thofe who, in this Senfe, Claufe, infilled, that by paffing it, no new Power F would

46 t*3 would be added to the Crown : Thofe, on the contrary, who oppofed the Claufe, fledfaitly maintained, that the pafling of this Claufe would not only mod certainly inveft his Majefty with Powers that were new, but with Powers manifeflly inconfiftent with the fundamental parliamentary Rights of this Kingdom ; and in this latter Judgement you, Sir, have, in as full a manner as Words can exprefs, declared your Concurrence ; and furely, Sir, you, who are fo well practifed in the Rules of legitimate Argumentation, cannot be infenfible, when you take time to reflect, that reafoning from any abfrract Signification of Words to the real Intention and Meaning of the Perfons who made ufe of thofe Words, mud in nil Cafes be evidently impertinent and fophiflical, unlefs it can be fhewn that thefe Words are not only capable of fuch abftract Meaning, but that they are not capable of any other. In Page 9th you have thefe Words, And 4 fuppofing fuch a public Truft of applying the Money given by Parliament to the Crown with- * out any fpecial Appropriation, to be eminently veiled in his Majefty, it feems to be very * proper and reafonable, that his Confent mould * be had, and fignified previoufly to the Appli- cation of that Money, to a particular Service. And now, Sir, after having attentively confidered this PafTage, are not you fenfible that the apparent and mod obvious Meaning which it tends to convey is, to reprefent the Houfe of Commons as wanting to take the actual Application of the public Money into their own Hands ; and this too without troubling their Heads to obtain before-hand, either his Majefty 1 s Confent or AfTent? But tho the Words are mod evidently capable of having this Senfe put upon

47 [ 43 ] upon them, would not you, Sir, be apt loudly to complain, if any one fhould go about to infer, that therefore it is in this Senfe that you rauft for the future be underftood to have made ufe of them? You, as well as all the reft of the World, cannot but know, that the only Right which is claimed by the Commons of \ Ireland, in regard to public Money remaining in the Treafury, is either to make it an Article in the Eftimate for the enfuing Supply, or to propofe to his Majefty fucb other Ufe or Application of this public Money as to them appears ftill more conducive to the Eafe of his Majeftys Subje&s, or to the public Service of this Kingdom ; leaving his Majefty in the full and intire PoffeiTion of his conftitutional Right of confenting or refufing to make fuch a particular Ufe or Application of this Money as they had propofed. And now, Sir, lay your Hand on your Heart, and pleafe honeftly to pronounce, even though it fhould refute the whole Purpofe of your Book, whether \tdoth notfeem to be very proper and reafonable that the Parliament of Ireland, in virtue of whofe Authority fo much Money had been raifed, as, after having anfwered all the Exigencies of Gor vernment during the Interval of their fitting, to leave a large Redundancy ftill to be difpoied of for the Eafe of the People and for public Services, that they, in Virtue of their being the original Grantors of this Money, and likewife his Majeftys principal Council, in regard to the Interefts of this Kingdom, and beft qualified to know in general what thefe Interefts require, fhould be free from all Reftraints, and at full Liberty to advife his Majefty concerning, what they apprehended to be, the propereft Ufe or Application of this Money? and whether it would not be, in Truth, highly proper and perfectly confifteiu Y z with

48 [ 44 ] with the Dignity of the Crown, and every Prerogative that can be of any Uie to the Kingdom, that, in fuch a Situation, the royal Truftee mould leave the original Grantors at perfect Liberty to give their Advice ; and even that he mould afk them to aflift him in devifing the beft Purpofes to which this redundant Money could be applied? Is not this even lefs than the whole of what the faithful Commons claimed as their conftitutional Right this Jail Seffion of Parliament? And could they poffibly have claimed lefs than they did, without ceafing to poftefs, and relinquifhing their Title to what yet it is abfolutely neceitary they mould continue to poftefs, fo long as we are to continue a free Gov r nmeitt, namely, the principal Power over the Purfe of the Nation? Is it not a perfect Deluhon to talk of the parliamentary Remedy of with-holding of Grants f Is not the Support of the civil and military Eftablifhment abfolutely neceffary for the Safety of Ireland? And are not parliamentary Supplies abfolutely requifite for affording this Support? What then can poffibly -remain towards affording any tolerable rational Security of this effential Power, other than the Reprefentatives of the Nation continuing in full Poffeffion of their inherent Right to recommend and point out to his Majefty fuch Applications of all Money already brought, or in the Interval of their Adjournment or Prorogation to be brought into the Treafury, as they (hall judge moft conducive to the public Happinefs and Safety of the Country, and to call in the Aid of the Laws to punifh all fuch Officers of the Crown as they mail find guilty of Mifapplications and Embezzlements. The Author of the Confederations, that Writer of Authority, was either directed, or permitted to tell us, that unlefs Supplies were wanted, the * national

49 [ 45 ] c national Accounts would not be tendered. Common Senfe muft always tell the Houfe of Commons, that Supplies muft be granted, whether the national Accounts fhould be tendered, or not ; what then can there poflibly remain towards preferving to the Parliament of this Kingdom the principal Power over the Purfe of this Kingdom, but the Reprefentatives of the People continuing in full and quiet Poffeflion of the above eflential and unalienable Rights? Having thus, Sir, at great Length, endeavoured to make you fenfible, that if you will be true to your own acknowledged Principles, you muft, ofneceffltj <eclare yourfelf in Oppofition to the Party in whole Favour you have been prevailed on to write : It would be high time to bid you farewel, though Incongruities more numerous than the Pages of your Book remain flill ready to be pointed out. But before your old Acquaintance finifhes this Part of his Deiign, it may be proper, once more, to expoftulate with you, why, having betaken yourfelf to a Senfe of the Claufe, which had no Sort of Relation to the Precedents which had been produced in Favour of the Proceedings of the Houfe of Commons, all of which were urged from underftanding the Claufe in a Sen(e totally different ; you yet took it into your Head to animadvert upon fome of thefe Precedents, which had fblely been produced, in Confirmation of Rights, which you exprefsly acknowledge to be fundamental parliamentary Rights of this Country r But much it were to be wifhed that Incongruities were the word thing that occurred in this new and mod officious part of your Enterprize ; and

50 ; [ 46 ] and flill it is to be hoped that, now the Fit of unnatural Zeal is probably pretty well fpent, you yourfelf will be aftonifhed at what you have written on this Article of the Debate, particularly in the 35th Page of your Book. In the preceding Page you take notice of a fhort Paflage in the Proceedings, &c. relating to the Precedents juft before produced, where the Author pronounces, that one rifen from the Dead could not convince Perfons, who will * fhut their Eyes againfl fuch conclufive Evi- * dence as this ; and furely, Sir, it was but realonable that fo ftrong an ExprefTion coming from fo able and diftinguifhed a Writer, whofe Authority, in thefe Matters particularly, you could not but inwardly refpecst, fhould have put you on your Guard, fo as to make yourfelf fure that you had fomething very material to offer, before you would engage in a Matter which your own State of the Queftion did not in any Sort make it neceffary for you to meddle with : Inflead of which you fet out with a quaint Obfervation, fo big with Abfurdities, if you did not mean Delufion, as makes it difficult to chufe where to begin in expofing it ; your Words im~ mediately following the above fhort Quotation are thefe, joining the Remarket" with the Author of the Proceedings j c But here it may be obferved, that thefe ingenious Writers feem to have carried it * further than they themfelves intended. If the Pref cedents here produced by them, were to the purpofe, * they would prove, that the Commons have not only 1 a Right, but the fole Right, not only of raifing the Money, and of appropriating Part of it, when 1 they raife it, to fpecial Ufes ; but of applying c 1 the unappropriated Surplus remaining in the Freafury. For they reprefent it as the conjlant Ufage for the Commons them/elves to apply the feveral Surplujfes

51 t V 1 * Surpluses ; which would be to leave his Majejly m * diflincl Power of Application at all, and this is what thefe Gentlemen would not he thought /o pre- 4 tend, and would indeed he inconjijlent with the prefent Conjiitution of this Kingdom, &c. Whatever bad thing this Word it in thefecond Line fignifies, you feem willing on your firft letting out to acquit thefe two Writers, of any bad Intention concerning it j but this Candor and Senfe of common Juftice feems to have made their abode with you, but for a very little Space for before you get to the End of this very PafTage, after telling us, that this bad thing would not leave his Majefty any diflincl: Power of Appli- cation at all, you immediately come in with an Exprefllon as full of Malignity as it can hold, viz. and this is what thefe Gentlemen would * not be thought to pretend. What Apology can an honefl Mind form to itfelf for having thrown out fo foul an Infinuation? The Reprefentation here given of thofe Gentlemen is not only in itfelf highly injurious, but it is hardly conceivable that you yourfelf mould not have perceived it to be void of all Foundation -, even when you were fuffering fuch Strictures to flow from your Pen. Was it poflible for any Man who has looked into thefe Writers, to form the leaft Sufpicion that either of them ever meant, to reprefent it * as the conflant Ufage, or even the Practice in any one Inftance, for the Commons themielves * to apply the SurplufTes? To apply them, in the Senfe in which you here want that this Word mould be underflood j which Senfe is fixed by

52 [ 48 1 by the Words that immediately follow, and for the fake of which Infinuation the whole feems to have been written ; which would be to leave his Majejiy no diflincl Power of Application at all. You knew, Sir, as well as you know the Intentions of your own Heart, that all that was meant by either of thefe two Gentlemen, in producing thefe Precedents, (produced feparately, and without the leafl Knowledge of each others Purpofe,) was no other than to demonfh-atc from unvaried and unqueftioned Cuftom and Ufage, That the Houfe of Commons claimed and Firjl, exercifed a Power, in virtue of a Right inherent in themfelves, of calling for the national Accounts i rectifying all Miftakes which the Officers of the Crown appeared to them at any time to have committed in their Manner of ating them ; cenfuring thefe Officers in Cafes where it appeared to them that there had been Mifapplications; and bringing whatever Ballance of the public Money formerly granted, and now in the Treafury, or in the Hands of the Collectors, as fo much Money ftill remaining to the Credit of the Nation. That the Houfe of Commons And, Secondly, did likewife, in virtue of a conflitutional Power inherent in themfelves, claim and exercife the Right of pointing out to his Majefty fuch an Application of this redundant Money, when at any time they happened to find any fuch Redundancy, as appeared to them moft conducive to his Majefty s Service, and to the Eafe and Security of his Majeftys Subjects in this Kingdom, making not the leafl: Difference, in the Exercife of this Right,, between the Refidue of the Money which had already been paid out of the Pockets of his Majeftys Subjects, and brought into

53 [49] into the Treafury for the two Years that were parted, and the Money which was now to be brought into it for the two Years to come : Tell honeftly then, Sir, do not the Precedents produced by thefe Gentlemen fully and irrefiftibly prove every Tingle Article contained under thefe two Proportions? And tho both the Proportions, and the Precedents brought to fupport them, may be but very little to the Purpofe in regard to your Senfe of the Claufe, which probably was not, at that time, fo much as once in the contemplation of thofe Writers, having appeared to them totally foreign from the real Queflion in Debate ; yet furely you mult allow that they are dire&ly to the Purpofe, in refpecl to the Author of the Confederations, againjl whom they were writing -, who had fet himfelf to defend and propagate a Doctrine, diametrically and confeifedly oppofite to every material Article in thefe Proportions? In what a State muft your Mind then have been, when you wanted to make your Readers believe, that thefe parliamentary Precedents were not to the Purpofe! or when you affert that thefe Prece- * dents would prove, that the Commons have * not only a Right, but the fole Right not only of c raifing the Money, and appropriating Part of it, when they raife it, to fpecial Ufes, but of applying the unappropriated Surplus remaining * in the Treafury. For they (that is, thefe Writers) reprefent it as the conftant Ufage for the Commons themfelves to apply the feveral Surpluffes. Thefe, Sir, are your own Words : Would God they were not to Thus much, Sir, concerning the Morality of this remarkable Quotation ; now a few Words more in regard to the Senfe. You tell us thar G thefe

54 [50] thefe Precedents on which the two Writers lay lb much Strefs, would prove that the Commons * have not only a Right, but the fole Right, &c. Pray, Sir, are they not real Precedents, or authentic Records of former Tranfadtions of the Houfe of Commons, fairly and faithfully quoted? Were not thefe Tran factions, public parliamentary Tranfactions ; never called in Queftion, but fully and invariably approved of, as truly conftitutional, by the Crown and the Miniftry, and all Parties concerned? How then can the bare quoting of thefe prove any thing beyond what was the real Meaning of the refpe&ive Transactions of which they are the Records? efpecially, how can the quoting of them be faid in any Senfe to prove that the Commons claimed the fole Right of raifing, and appropriating, &c. fo directly inconfiftent with the Conftitution of this Kingdom * Surely, Sir, nothing fhort of Repentance and Converfion can procure fuch complicated Offences againft Candor and Senfe to be blotted out. Again, Sir, what poflibly can be faid for your fo ftrenuoufly exerting your Talents in Argumentation, p. 40, and 41, in order that the clandeftine and anticonftitutional Tranfaction in the Year 1751 mould yet be received into the Clafs of legitimate Precedents? However confident you may poflibly think it with orthodox Divinity; yet furely you mult acknowledge it totally repugnant to the firft Principles of Morals, that any Action mould be imputable in any other Proportion than that in which it appears to be voluntary ; and whether the Houfe of Commons pafling the Bill in the Seflion , as it came altered from England, did not abundantly appear to be fore againft their Will, let all the World judge! But

55 I 5i ] But if you have happened to read over what the Writer of the Remarks has urged upon this Head, in his 4th Number, from p. 43, to the End of the firfl Paragraph in p. 48, and are not yet convinced that the Precedent is lb fpurious, as to render the infifling on it infamous, nothing that is in the Power of your old Acquaintance farther to fuggeft, would be able to make any Imprellion ; the utmoft he can do, is earneftly to recommend it to you once more to review the latter End of that Number. It remains now only to take fome Notice of your Angularly prepofterous Attempt to get rid of that truly legitimate and inconteftable Precedent, taken from the parliamentary Grant in the Reign, of Charles II. of the Sum of two thoufand Pounds to Sir Henry Tichburn, urged at the Concluiion of the third Number of Remarks. It is not denied by you, that the Houfe of Commons, without any Leave, or any previous Notice whatever from the Crown, were the firft: Movers in regard to the Application of thefe two thoufand Pounds, out of a Fund, granted to his Majefty fome Years before ; and therefore, in its obvious Senfe, the whole of this Tranfaclion would appear to be a full and direct Proof of what it is adduced for, namely, that the Houfe * of Commons, even at that Time, when Notions of Prerogative ran fo very high, had not the leaft Doubt of their having an inherent Right to point out to his Majefty, by Heads of a Bill, fuch Applications of. Money formerly grant. 1 by Parliament, as appeared to them neceftary or, expedient for the Ufes of Government : No, fay you, this Inftance is not to the Purpofe 4 The Hearth-Money was granted to the King in G 1 lieu

56 [ 5* J 4 lieu of the Profits of the Court of IVards, but 4 in the original Act by which the Hearth-Money * was granted to his Majefty, the Crown was exprefsly precluded from charging it with Gift, Grant, or Penlion ; and that therefore the Crown had no Power to grant Sir Henry Tichburn two thoufand Pounds, or, in Truth, to pay him a juft Debt, unlefs enabled by the whole Legiila- out of this Tax. ture to do Co, See now, Sir, what it is to meddle with a Matter which you either know nothing of, or which you were obliged molt abiurdly to mifreprefent, before you could pretend to invalidate its being a direct Proof, that, as far as Prece- dent can be a Proof, the Houfe of Commons * under King George ought to be allowed the fame * Right over the public Money, that was mani- feftly claimed, pra&ifed, and recognized, as 4 their inherent Right under Charles thefecond: In Earneft, Sir, could you really mean, that King Charles was wanting to do Juftice to Sir Henry Tichburn, but had no Way of doing it, w ithout Leave from his Parliament? Alas! Sir, it is evident from the Whole of this Tranfaclion, that it was with the utmoit Difficulty the Houfe of Commons could obtain Juftice to be done to this honeil Gentleman : Could it ever enter into your Head, that becaufe the King was reftrained from granting Gifts or Penfions ib as to leffen this Fund for the Support of the Crown in the Hands of his Succeflbrs, therefore he could not apply any Part of it to pay a juft Debt, nor fpend the prefent Income ariiing from it in the fame Manner in which he fpent the Profits of the fvards and Liveries, in the Place of which this Tax was granted to him. How could you conceive it pojfibk that he could be under any Reftraint in Regard to the Ufe, after he had got the Money actually

57 [ 53 ] actually into his Coffers? There is, in Truth, io much Folly mixed with the little Conceits of a pettifogging Attorney in what you have written on this Subject, that your old Acquaintance cannot help fufpecting, that a very undue Influence of Folks, of much lefs Senfe, and ftill of far lefs Honefty than yourfelf, has betrayed you into Meafures, where it has been impoflible for you to take one Step without doing Difhonour to the Powers of your Underftanding, or to the Qualities of your Heart : The invidious Insinuation in the Clofc of what you have written on this Article, p. 34. after what you had read over and over in the Remarks, is pad all Excufe. It would be endlefs to point out every Thing truly exceptionable that is to be found in this ill-judged Production ; what has already been faid, it is hoped, may be fufficient to rouze you to the free Exertion of the native Bent and Principles of your own Mind ; in which Expectation your Acquaintance takes his Leave, with an affectionate Recommendation of the Example of the immortal Cbillingwortb to your future Imitation. You are not ignorant, that this excellent Perfon, from miftaking the Nature of the Proteftant Religion, haflily delivered himfelf over to the but fbon coming to difcern, Superflition of Rome ; that firft, in regard to his new Leaders, all was Infolence or Craft, Impofture or Domination and that, in regard to the Herd of their Followers, inflead of any Symptoms of a rational freeborn Spirit, nothing was to be found, nor would any thing elfe be endured, but an implicit and abject; Refignation of themfelves, and of all their Faculties, to the abfolute Directions, either of their primary, or delegated Conductors ; thefe unhappy and mofl degenerated People, at the fame

58 , [54] lame Time, making the loudefl Pretentions to the Denomination of the only true and untainted Difciples of a Matter, who had, in mod exprefs Terms, infilled with all his Followers, that they fhould quit themfelves like Men, and judge for themfelves : It was no Wonder, that the found Understanding of Cbillingwortb quickly caufed him to break off all Manner of Connexion with fuch a Confederacy ; a Confederacy formed from Policies totally repugnant to the original generous having, Bent and Principles of his Mind : And by this Time, come clearly to perceive that the native Principles of Senfe and Honefly, together with a few plain Records, void of all artificial Com- merits, contained in the Bible, were in truth the only Foundation of the Religion of Proteftants all the World knows how diflinguifhed a Champion he afterwards became in that glorious Caufe, which, through Mifapprehenfion of its real and intrinfic Merits, and fome other Infelicities, he had before, for a Seafon, been led to defert. But it is now high time, in order to complete he Defign of this Paper, to proceed to the other Article propofed, namely, fo far to take notice of the Defence of the Confiderations as will be fuffieient to (hew, that the Author in this fecond Performance which he calls An Anfwer to the Proceedings, &c. has intirely given up the principal Points in Debate : Given them up, not as the Firfl-fruits of an honeft Repentance, from an ingenuous Senfe of having been in the wrong ; but in all Appearance, firft, becaufe the real Doctrine intended by his Patrons to have been eftablifhed in this Country, had the Queftion been carried in favour of the Bill, has been fet in a Light, in which confequence of his own Explanation of it, few even of the Leaders, and much fewer of the

59 to [ 55 ] the Gentlemen of this Country, who were for fupporting the Claufe, would probably at prefent care to avow ; now that the Defign has, through the inflexible Virtue of the Patriots of this Country, been for ever defeated. And fecondly, Becaufe the Author would feem to congratulate with himfelf not a little, that at the fame time he was thus extricating himfelf and his Patrons from infinite Reproach, by denying or foftning every odious Confequence of the Doctrine he had, in virtue of their Authority, been labouring to eftablifh ; he had found out a Trick by which he fhould be ftill able to make his Readers believe that his original Doctrine remained intire and unfhaken, and that nothing was given up: A Trick which had cofb him but little Labour of Invention, as it was no more than flatly to deny, what he had before in exprefs Terms affirmed ; to affirm, what he had moft exprefly denied, perfift in denying what, to his own Eye-fight, had been exhibited to be Fact -, and then to round up the whole, by an Appeal to his candid Reader, whether his Book of Con- «fiderations did not remain UNANSWERED? That this is the Game which our Author has been playing in his fecond Production, will not require much Labour to demonstrate : But firft, it is moft carefully to be remarked, that the Difference is immenfe, in Point of Importance to the Public, between this Authors original Production, and what he has fince publifhed to the World as his Defence of it. The Cmfiderations were publifhed under the Sanction of no fmall Authority, and zealoufly propagated, and diftributed^;7z//j-,for his Majeftys Service; the Doctrine therefore therein laid down, is forever

60 [56] ever to be confidered as the real and unalterable Dodrine which the Leaders of the Party and Patrons of the Book were wanting to have got eftablifhed in Ireland by palling the Claufe ; and that, as thefe Gentlemen are in no Sort anfwerable for the Authors Follies or Falfhoods in his latter Production, (b neither are they to derive any Benefit from the Hardineis of his Aflertions, or the Ingenuity of his Chicaneries and Legerdemain. What the real Doctrine is, which was laid down in the Confederations concerning this Article, the molt interefling, perhaps, that ever came under parliamentary Confideration in this Kingdom, the Writer of the Remarks has moll distinctly fet forth in a few fhort Propofitions in the tenth Page of his Supplement, to the following Effect. That the Parliament of Ireland fhould be obliged to make an authentic Acknowledg- 1 ment, in regard to all Applications of public * Money remaining in the Treafurv, that the King, in Virtue of an ancient Right, is the * fole Judge of the proper Occafion, the Time, and * the Sum, in all Inftances of fuch Application, and that no other Power in the Conftitution can 6 c have the lead Pretence or Shadow of Right to point out, or, in any Manner, to intimate their Withes in Regard to any Application of this Sort, without having firft obtained his Majeflys Leave to propofe fuch Application. In proof of this, fee the Authors exprefs Words in p. 18, His Majefty, under the conjli- tutional Trufl, mujl be the Judge of the Occafion, the Time, and the Sum, for he fclely has the exe- 1 cittive Power, and knows the various Exigencies of Government, and which of them ought to have the Preference in the Application. Consequently when 4 an

61 6 f 57 1 an Application jhall be propofed by any other Power, bis Confent mufi be obtained previous there- untcrj that is, previous to the making any fach Proposal. The fame Doctrine is laid down, ftill at greater Length, in p. 34, and 35, concluding with this Paragraph, 4 If fttch frnjl be in tie Crown, the Kings Confent is necefjary previous to pub lick Deli-.* berations on the Application; otberwife fucb c Delibirations thereon, might lay the Crown under * great Difficulties, and be attended with bad Con- & fequences to Government Here it is as exprefs as Words can well make it, that the Parliament is fo far from having any Right, either by Bill or bv Addrefs, to point out any Application to his Majefty of this redundant Money, that they are not fo much as at Liberty to make it the Subject of their Confederation, or to take the leaft parliamentary Notice concerning it, till his Majefty (hall fir ft be gracioully pleafed to fend his royal Permiifion ; and if fuch Permillion fhould happen not to be fent, then mud it be much the fame thing to the Parliament, whether there be, in Fact, any fuch redundant Money in the Receipt of the Treafury, or not. The fecond Propofition into which the Remarker reduced the Doctrine of the Confderations is as follows. c That the King, it is true, ought to apply all this redundant Money for the Eafe of the People, and for the public Service of this 6 Nation ; but that there is no Power upon Earrh 4 that has a Right to call for an Account, whe- H ther

62 [58 ] 4 4 thcr this Money has been in Fact applied agreeably to this conftitutional Truft or not. The third Proportion is in thefe Words : 1 That the Parliament, it is likewife true, has 4 a Right to punifli thofe who fhall wickedly 4 advile fuch Ads as would be a Breach of this * public Truft, but that they can have no Power * of coming at the Knowledge whether any Perfbns had given fuch wicked Advice or not, unlefs the Perfons who were guilty of the Breach of Truft, in Confequence of this Advice, fhall gracioully condefcend to furter the neceffary Evidence to be laid before them. The fourth Propofition. That there, is a Right in the Commons to 4 grant as much Money out of the Pockets of the People as they can be prevailed on to grant, but that the People can never have any other Means, in their own Right, of knowing, except by their feeling the fenfible Effects, 4 whether this Money comes afterwards to be * applied to their Eafe, "or to their Oppreflion, to 4 4 the Service of the Public, or to the total moft ineftimable Liberties. Detraction of its That thefe three Propofitions, together with the firft, the Proof of which has been already pointed out, contain a Doctrine much more malignant to the Liberties of this Country than any thing that was ever advanced in the Time of Lord Strafford^ no Man, who gives hio Attention, can poflibly difpute ; and that thefe three ; Propofitions 5 are capable of equally ftrong Proof, from this Authors exprefs Words, with what has<bedn produced for confirming the firft, fhall now

63 [59 ] now be made evident from the following Paffage, p. 40. of the Confederations. 1 The principal Objeclion is, that the Produce of * the feveral Funds is accounted for to Par- I-iament; and from thence it has been inferred, 6 that it is public Money, fubjefl to parliamentary c application, without other Confent, than what 4 is given by the Royal Affent to the Bill, when * P a I[ ed *nt0 a Law. No bad reafbning this, if the Fact be really true, that the Produce is accounted for to Parliament in Virtue of the Parliaments Right to require fuch an Account ; and this our Author plainly confeffes, when he calls this a principal Objection, but flill more ftrongly, when, as the only Means to get rid of this Objection, he finds himfelf forced flatly to deny that the Parliament had ever any fuch Right ; for thus he goes on, This feems founded on a Mifeake, as to the Reafon and Manner of laying the public Accounts before the Houfe of Commons. 1 No Account of the Difpofetion of the Kings Revenue was laid before Parliament till the Year one thoufand fix hundred and ninety two, when the Crown wanted farther Supplies ; then indeed a Motion was made that fuch Accounts might be brought in, but the Reafon of the Motion appears on the Journal, viz. That it might be the better known, what Supplies were neceffary to be given to their Maje(lies : So that they uwcnot called for as a Right, but defered as a Direction, for their Difcretion in the Grants they were making ; and, for the fame Reafon, they have been every SeJJion fence brought into Parliament : fo that, in Truth, were not Supplies demanded, fuch Accounts would not have been tendered j mid the gphig c H 2 through

64 ; [ 6o ] 4 * through the Accounts, is only to enable the Houfie to judge what may be the Meafure of the Supply, not to appropriate the Ballance, if any there fhould for that remains as Money already veiled in the be, Crown for public Services. It is no Part of the immediate Defign to take any Notice of the Contraft between what is peremptorily denied in this Quotation, and what is as ftrongly affirmed in this Authors fecond Production, though no Reader but muft inftantly perceive that the Terms are aa oppofite and contradictory the one to the other, as if they had come fro.m the Mouths, or the Pens, of two moft determined Adverfaries : What this PafTage has now been produced for, is to prove that every Thing contained in the Propofitions juft above quoted from the Supplement to the Remarks^ is fully and undeniably warranted by this authoritative Authors own Words For firft, though he all along acknowledges., that the King ought to apply all this Money for the Eafe of his People and the public Service of the Nation; yet he, in the ftrongeft Terms, in the above PaiTage, denies tbgit the Parliament can call for the national Accounts as their Right, though thefe are the only Means whereby it can be known, whether this Money has in fact been applied, by his Majeftys Servants, agreeably to this cpnftitutiotial Trad or not 5 and confequently, that whatever Right the Parliament may have to punifh thofe who fhall wickedly advife filch Acts as would be a Breach of this public Truft, yet are they abfolutely diverted of all Power and Means of coming at the Knowledge, whether any Perfbns had given filch wicked Advice or not, unlefs the Perfbns guilty of the Breach of Truft, in confequence of this Advice,

65 [ 6i ] Advice, fhall gracioufly condefcend to fufter the neceflary Evidence to be laid before them : Nay, he very ftrongly intimates that this Condefcention was never to be expected ; the Sentence is very remarkable, 4 So that, in Truth, faith he, were * not Supplies demanded, Juch Accounts would not c have been tendered. Quos Deus vult perdere, dementat prius! And is it in Truth come to this! That under a legal Government, an Advocate for the Crown fhall be carefted, and his Doctrine propagated, by Folks of the firft Authority, for publicly proclaiming that the only Reafon why the Nation has been hitherto indulged the Satisfaction of knowing how the Money that was raifed out of their Pockets has been employed, was, only to get more ; and from the Moment that other Means can be fallen on in order to obtain future Supplies, the Nation is for ever after to go without the Satisfaction of knowing, in any other Way than by their own feeling, whether their Money has been applied to their Eafe or to their Opprefhon, to the Service of the Public, or towards the total Deftruclion of its moil ineftimable Liberties? If our Author, in the true pettifogging Spirit, meant to provide a Subterfuge for himfelf by making ufe of the Word tendered, when the proper Word was c rendered^ it can Hand him in no ftead, as every Reafon that will juftify the not tendering, will likewife juftify the not rendering any fuch Account Behold now, courteous Reader, of whatever Denomination, Country, or Party! behold what accumulated Mifchief was avowedly intended to have been brought down on the devoted Head of

66 [6s] of this poor but moft loyal Kingdom, if this Claufe had pafied into a Law ; and that thofe who avowed the Intention, or Men of the fame Spirit were to be the Executioners! but above all, behold, ye Sons of Liberty, what a glorious and critical Deliverance has been wrought for your Country, by the impregnable Virtue of your generous Patriots, who at the Expence of putting to Hazard every Emolument or Advantage that was peculiar to themfelves, refcued the Liberties of Ireland by rejecting the Claufe, the greateft parliamentary Deliverance which ever was wrought for this Kingdom ; and let your Eyes and your Hearts, with fuitable Confidence and Gratitude, be fixed on thofe Patriots, who, by working this great Deliverance, have given you the furefl and moft infallible Pledges of their truly liberal Loyalty to their Prince, and their invariable Fidelity towards their Country ; Affections inieparable, in the Breaft of every Subject who relifhes the ineflimable BlefTing of living under a legal Government, and in a Land of Liberty. And, on the other Hand, be it always remembered, that it is they, and they only, who make no Diftindtion in their external Subjection, between the Father of his People and the Man who wants to be their Tyrant ; or between the Prince in his own Perfbn, who is known invariably to mean well to the Interefls and Liberties of his Subjects, and fuch Delegates of his Power as through felfifh Views, or petulentpaflions, proceed to Violences tending unavoidably to break down the liberal Spirit of an affectionate People : It ought never to be forgotten, that it is Spirits of fo llavifh and degenerate a Caft, who have at all Times been the principal Bane of the Liberties of every Country in which they had Influence. Having

67 [ 63 ] Having thus fhewn, with fuch Precifion and Exa&nefs, as it is prefumed cannot well admii of any Cavil or Reply, what the real Doctrine was which the Leaders intended to have got eftablifhed by pafling the Claufe, and which this Author, warranted by thefe Leaders, has exprefsly fet forth as the Doctrine implyd in the Claufe ; it is next to be (hewn, that our Author, in his fecond Production, abandons this Doctrine in its two fundamental Principles, and at the fame Time throws away all Reputation for Truth or fair Dealing, in order, if poflible, ftill to be underftood, as having vindicated the very Doctrine he is forced to abandon. The two fundamental Principles of the real, and now unalterable Doctrine, are thefe, firft, That the public Money redundant in the Trea- * fury is Co abfolutely veiled in his Majefty un- * der the conftitutional Truft, that the Kings * Confent is neceflary previous to all public De- 1 liberations in Parliament, concerning the Appli- * cation of any of this Money The : fecond i Principle is, that the Parliament has no Right * whatsoever to call for the public Accounts, which contain the Application of this, and all * other Money that goes into the Treafury. The firft of thefe Principles is totally given up, by our Authors exprefsly admitting, that the Houfe may offer their Advice concerning Applications of the public Money. Now, unlefs this Writer can fhew, that the Houfe may offer their Advice without entering into any Deliberations, then is this firft Principle abfolutely renounced, and the very Reverfe of it here pofitively affirmed ; but affirmed in a Manner which does no great Honour to our Authors Regard for Truth i

68 1 64] Truth ; his Words are, for that the Hmife may offer their Advice is not controverted. The only Ways wh.ch the Houfe ufually employs in offering their Advice, are, either by Heads of a Bill, or by an Addrefs ; and mould our Author be preffed on this Subject, it is much to be doubted, that, now he has got into the Humour of retracting, he would find it rather more to his Purpole to admit the Liberty of offering their Ad- 1 vice by the former than by the latter ; it is true, that the Author feems to point at the latter, l by faying, that this hath never been thought conclufive\ but finely a Moments Recollection would fatisfy him, that neither is Advice offered by Heads of a Bill conclufive ; and as the Reafon he gives, when he was a-gainft the Parliaments preiuming to give any Sort of Advice, why they were not to enter on any Deliberations whatfoever concerning fuch Application without the Kings previous Confent, is expreffed in thefe Words, * other wife fuch Deliberations thereon might lay the Crown under great Difficulties, and be attended with bad Confequences * to Government ; this Reafon will ftill hold much flronger againft offering Advice by Addrefs than by Heads of a Bill ; by the former, it is obvious, that the Crown muft be laid under much the greater Difficulty, if the Matter fhould not be acceptable, becaufe the Application is made diredly in Perfbn to the King, and the Refufal muft appear to come immediately from himfelf; whereas there are feveral Ways of avoiding a Compliance with the Advice given by Heads of a Bill without his Majeftys Regard to the Council of his faithful Commons coming in the leafl into Queflion. But be this as it will, manifeft it is, that the firft grand Principle of the original Do&rine is here

69 and [6 5 ] here plainly given up : By the Doctrine, not fb much as any Deliberation was permitted to the Commons, and here they are exprefsly allowed to have a Right to give Advice. The fecond fundamental Principle in the Doctrine laid down in the Conf.derations, is, That * the. Houfe has no Power whatfoever to call for the Accounts in their own Right * ; fo that the Accounts ivere not called for as a Right \ but in the fecond Pamphlet, when the Writer is no longer under the Direction of his Patrons of Authority, he readily admits, that the Houfe had a Right to call for Papers, Perfons, and Records, tho this fupercilious Manner of Ex~ preflion is not very fuitable to therefpect which is due to this great Council of the Nation ; yet what is comprehended under the Word Papers, is fufficiently explained by whathe fays in p. 26. where he tells us, That according to the Principles laid down in the Confiderations, the Point was, not about the general Right of calling for the 1 Accounts, or any other Papers : Here again, every one muft be fenfible, that the eflential Principle of the Doctrine of the Confiderations is hereby exprefsly given up, and given up at the Expence of afferting a Falfhood directly contrary to Eye-fight. But thefe are only Specimens of the Nature of that Candor which our Author profeffes in p. 3. where he tells us, that had the Proceedings 4 given the Writer of the Confiderations caufe to 4 alter his Opinion, he would have made no fcruple of publicly retracting it. Let us next look a little into his Reafoning. I What + See Conftdetatfons, p. 41.

70 [66] "What this Gentleman could mean by infinuating, p. 7. that the Author of the Proceedings, was unwilling to admit of the Kings Right of applying the public Money under the general Trull is not eafy to be conceived, as that able Writer doth mod explicitly admit this Right in the very Place to which he refers, ^.41. when after quoting the following PafTage from our Author, viz. That the Truft of applying the Money given by Parliament to the Crown without any fpecial Appropriation, is by the * Laws and Constitution of this Kingdom vefted c in the Crown for public Services, he immediately expreffes himfelf thus; c It is very furc prizing, that Contention about this Matter mould longer fubfift, when both Sides agree in Principles: In Reality, how was itpoffible, that any Man could be fufpedted to have any Difficulty concerning fo felf-evident a Principle? For if the King had not a Right to apply the public Money under the Truft, how would it be practicable for the King, in whom the executive Power is lodged, to adminifter the Affairs of Government? But whatever the Author may have had in his Eye, by throwing out fo foul an Infinuation, it may be proper here to point out a Fallacy which feems to have done no fmall Mifchief in this Controverfy, contained under the Phrafe of the general Trust : In Strictnefs and Propriety, there is a two-fold Truft vefted in the Crown ; the one, an ejjential Conjlitnttonal, the other, a variable Parliamentary Truft, in regard to the Application of the public Money : In virtue of the Firft, which arifes from the Nature of our Form of Government, the King, as the

71 [«7 3 the executive Power in the Society, mud of Neceility be veiled with a Trufl of applying fuch part of the public Money as he fhall upon any Emergency find neceftary, for the Safety of the State ; without having any Refpecl to Deficiencies that may, by this Means, be occafioned in any of the neceftary Branches of the Eftablifhment ; and as the Father of his People he is likewife always obliged to adminiiler this Trufl, let the Redundancy that may remain behind be ever fo large, fo as will mofl effectually conduce to the Eafe of his People, and the public Service of this Kingdom : This general conjlitutional Trufi, refulting from the Nature of the Relation which the King (lands in to his People, it is evident, has nothing to do either with Deficiencies or Redundancies in the Treafury ; if the Ufes to which this Money has been applied, fhall be found by his Parliament, to have been proper Ufes, and neceffary for the Safety of the State, and for anfwering the Emergencies or unforefeen and unprovided-for Exigencies of Government, the Parliament will doubtlefs, agreeably to their Duty, let the Deficiencies in anfwering the ufual Expences of Government have been by this means what they will, make proper Provifion for the feafbnable Supply of them ; and on the other hand, when at any time, after all the ordinary as well as thefe extraordinory Expences of Government, have been discharged, there fhall remain Part of the Money of the Public flill to be difpofed of, can there be an Objection in Nature, why the Houfe of Commons fhould not either propofe an immediate Application of this Money towards making good thofe former Deficiencies ; or fhould thefe have been already anfwered, then to consider it as fo much Money already railed off the I 2 People

72 there [ 68 ] People towards anfwering the ufual neceffary Expences of Government for the two Years to come? Thus from the Nature of this general conftitutional Truft, it would feem, that inftead of the Parliaments having nothing to do with Redundancies in the Treafury according to the Doctrine of the Confederations, it matters but very little to the Crovjn, especially in the Time of Parliament, whether there be any fuch Redundancies or not ; feeing the King may be always affured of being feafonably fupplied both for the ordinary and the eventual Exigencies of Government for the two Years to come, whether the Treafury happened to be redundant or deficient at the Clofe of the two Years immediately preceding or not : In regard to this primary and conftitutional Truft, it only remains to be obferved, that fo long as the Prince continues to act as the Father of his People, there can be no great Hazard of any captious Inquiries of his Parliament concerning the Exercife of this indefinite Truft ; but ftill there is a moft evident and abfolute Necefiity, that the Parliament mould have it in their Power carefully to look into the national Accounts and Difburfements, and to be at Liberty fuitably to exprefs either their Approbation or their Cenfure concerning all fuch royal or minifterial Applications. Diftinct from this general, cftential, conflitntional -, Truft is likewife a fpecific, variable, Parliamentary Truft repofed biennially in the Crown ; whereby the Houfe of Commons, after having computed from Eftimates, that a Sum, not exceeding a certain-mentioned Sum, will be fufficient, together with the hereditary Revenue ; to anfwer the current Services of Government for two Years to come, veils certain Duties in the Crown, the Produce of which according to their

73 1 69] their Expectation would amount to this Sum ; and being fenfible that fhould Matters fall fhort of their Expectation, all Deficiencies muft be made good by them out of the Pockets of the People the following Seifion of Parliament, and therefore in Cafe of Redundancies, knowing that this Redundancy is flill the Peoples Money, they proceed without hefitation to place fuch Redundancy to the Credit of the Nation ; and generally place it as the firft Article to be applied to the current Services of Government, then to be provided for the two Years to come. It mufl be evident to Senfe, that thefe Services thus to be provided for, muft be taken out of that vague Univerfality of public Services in general, other ways no Eftimates could be properly formed concerning them ; accordingly, we find, that the Commons, in order to their fixing the Quantum of the Supply, always reduce thefe Services under diftincl and determinate Articles, and then form Computations of the Expence that will be requifite in regard to each of thefe Heads ; nay, we fometimes find them fpecifying thefe Heads in the Acl of Parliament granting the Supply ; thus in the Sixth of King George the Firft, the Preamble runs, c for the better Support of the necejfary Expences of the Public, and for fecuring the Repayment of c the Debt, and in the next Seflion, the Words are, making good the neceffary Branches 1 of your EJlablifloment, and fecuring the Repay- 1 ment of the Debt. Judge now whether the learned Author of the Proceedings be not hereby perfectly juftified, in making ufe of the Word, appropriated, when he is obferving in p that the Sum in Credit, whatever it hath been, 4 was ever appropriated to the current Service of the

74 c [ /o] the next Term, for which the Supply was c granted/ Yet our wonderful Critic tells us in p. IS- That this carries an Abfurdity on the Face * of it, for an Appropriation is an Application to a * fpecial Furpofe That! there is an Abfurdity fomevvhere, no-body will deny ; but whether imputable to the Author, or to the Critic, let all the World judge. Thus, tho the Parliament never meant to controul the conflitutional Truft fo eflential in its nature for the Safety of the Community, yet it is as plain as Words and Facts, and as the Nature of the Thing can make it, that the biennial Supplies are not granted vaguely for public Services in general, but intended for determinate Services, which for a Courfe of near forty Years, have been invariably fpecified by the Commons in their Refolutions for the Supply under the Heads of Payment of the national Debt, and fupporting the neceffary Branches of the EJlablifjment. So far therefore as applying the redundant Money in the actual Receipt of the Treafury, along with the current Supplies, to thefe fpecific Services, partakes of the Nature of an Appropriation-, or of taking the Money out of the Trea- 4 f ur y-> an<^ from the general Truji, and applying it to a particular Purpofe *, and fo far as any of the Sums brought to the Credit of the Nation at the Clofe of the former Years Accounts, was Money at that Time in the actual Receipt of the Treafury, or certainly to come into it, in a little Time after, fo fir it is as evident as Demonftration can make it, c That it has been the 4 Practice,

75 [ 7> ] Practice, and the acknowledged Right of the fc * Commons, to propofe Appropriations of the fi.;rplus Money in the Treafury, without any previous Leave or promifed Confent from the 4 Crown. This our Author would feem to have been feniible of, and therefore, in order to get rid of it, he finds himfelf forced, firft flatly to deny that any of thefe Sums of Credit were Money in the actual Receipt of the Treafury ; and next, intrepidly to alfert, That if thefe Sums or Ballances mould be admittedas Money in the actual Receipt of the Treafury, yet would the propofed Application of them be nothing to the Purpofe, becaufe, this was only appointing them to make Part of the enfuing Supply, and in no fort taking them out of the general Trufr, for the Supplies themfelves were granted fblely under the general Trufl, and not for any fpecified Purpofes! In Reality, one would be apt to imagine, that this Author confidered thefe Words, of a general Trufl:, not as denoting an abftract Idea applicable to a Variety of external real Purpofes in Government, but as an external real Exiftence of itfelf, or what the Schools foolifhly called an univerjale a parte Rei! But his being a bad Logician is not the worfl of it : It has juft now been proved to the Conviction of Eye-fight, that thefe biennial Parliamentary Supplies are granted, not only according to the invariable Form of the Refolutions of the Hoiife, at the Times they were granting them, but likewife by exprefs Words in our Acts of Parliament, for the determinate Purpofes of making good the neceltary Branches of his Majeftys Eitablifliment, and for fecur- ing

76 or [ 72 ] 1 ingthe Repayment of the national Debt. Either, then, thefe Purpofes raiift be admitted of the Nature of Appropriations, in which Cafe the whole of the Queftion is fairly and abfolutely given up, elfe the Difcharging the national Debt, for Inftance, mud be confidered as conftituting a fpecific Article under the general Truft, to which the Commons, without any previous Leave, have explicitly pointed out, for a long Courfe of Years, an Application of Part of theie biennial Supplies ; and then, it muft be palpable to Senfe, That the Houfe of Commons, ip propofing to the Crown, in their own Right, an Application of the Money redundant in the Trea- Debt, fury towards the Difcharge of the national did no more than what had been their conftant Practice and their acknowledged Right to do, pointing out the Application of the ufual Supplies, in which was often comprehended, Money already in the actual Receipt of the Treafury ; a Practice that had continued without the leaft Interuption for a Courfe of near forty Years. The only Article in the whole of this Argument which can poffibly ftand in need, or even admit of any fuller Proof is, That the Sums brought in any Inftance to the Credit of the Nation, and fet apart by the Commons, as the firft Article for the future Supply, were Money actually in the Receipt of the Treafury, at the Time that the Houfe were fettling the Ways and Means for anfwering the Supply ; and tho this has been already as fully fet forth, both in the Proceedings, and in the fourth Number of the Remarks, as Words and Figures can exprefs it, yet as our Author, in his intrepid Manner, has, in the following PaiTage, p. 16, mod exprefsly denied it, an Inftance or two ihall again be repeated ; our Authors Words, are, in Be/ides,

77 [73 1 Befides, the Reader is to be apprized, that theft Sums in Credit, are not the Ballance of Money in the Treafury, and confequently no way relate to the prefent Quejlion, which arifes on the Application of a Ballance in the aclual Receipt of the Treafury, he goes on, The Author of the Vindication did not find it for his Purpofe to take Notice of this Dijiinclion, altho pointed out in the Conliderations ; but it is of too much Confequence to be omitted in the Difcujfwn of this Quejlion. Again in p. 18. c Butuntil the Author of the Proceedings can JJjew, that the Ballances firuck by the Accomptant-General, induce a Charge on the Treafury, which he hath not been y nor will be, able to do ; this Circumflance is of no IVeight in the prefent Cafe. Immediately after this, comes an aftonifhing Paragraph ; But to defend into a more particular Examination of this Writer s Proofs In 1703, the Committee of Ways and Means refolved it to be their Opinion^ that fuch Debt as Jhould appear due to the Nation (great Part whereof was out/landing) Jhould be taken and reckoned as Part, and that the Duties to be granted, being rated and valued at cer~ tain Sums Jhonld be taken as the Reft of the Supply voted : to which Refolutions, the Houfe agreed. Mark here the Parenthefis, (great Part whereof was outftanding) is not this, in the ftrongeft Terms, to acknowledge that Part was aclually got into the Treafury, or into the Hands of the Collectors of the Revenue? and is not this a direct Contradiction to what he had affertedjuft before, That none of 4 thefe Sums of Credit were a Ballance of Money * in the Treafury, and that none of the Eallances (truck by the Officer, would induce a Charge on the Treafury V Nay, he immediately after, gives up the Diftindlion, which the Moment before he had accufed the Author of the Proceedings, for omit- K ting

78 [74] ting to take notice of, and which he then infifts to be of too much Confequence in the Difcuflion of this Queftion to be overlooked ; for thus he goes on, all that can be inferred from hence is, * that the Hov.fe computed what Sum would be ne- ceffary for the publick Service until their next * Meeting (by the Way, how could this Computation be made, if it was meant for public Services in general?) And by the additional Duties 1 they granted (6 much, as together with the * Ballance, would, in their Opinions, make up 1 that Stan : But they did not appropriate ei- ther the Ballance or the Duties. Both were left under the constitutional Trust for public Services ingeneral ; which is as much as to fay, that had this Ballance and thefe Duties been in any Senfe appropriated, the Whole muft be given up ; and that the Houfe had a Right of appropriating this Ballance, and thefe Duties, or at lead an indefinite Part of them, is exprefsly acknowledged in the Con/iderations ; 4 In the ASls granting thefe additional Duties, fome Appropriations are generally fpeci/ied, p. 32. and in many other Places : But how eafy is it for this Author, by a few bold Affirmations or Negations, to rid himfelf at once of all this Inconfiftency, the Article of Truth being a Circumftance with him quite foreign to the Subject ; for Dolus an virtus quis in hofie requirat? The Inftances jufl now prom i fed, may be taken from the Journals of 1747 and In the former, the Committee reports, that the Ballance due to the Credit of the Nation at Lady Day 1747, amounted to /. gs. lod. this Sum the Committee of Accounts, in the Year 1 749, adds to the neat Produce of the hereditary

79 [75 ] reditary and additional Duties for the two Years lail paft, and to a Sum of 58,500/. which had been paid into the Treafury on Account of the lafl Loan, the whole amounting to 1,084,176/. 1 1 s. 4? out of which they deduct the Expences of the civil and military Eflablifhment, and all other Government or parliamentary Expences for thofe two laft preceding Years, making in all 905,972/. lgs. 6d. and thus flrike a Ballance of 178,203/. is. 6d. 4, as the exact Sum remaining in Credit to the Nation at Lady Day, Now I would afk any intelligent Reader ; mufl not- this Money, or, at leaft the greater! Part of it, have been Money in the aclual Receipt of the Treafury, efpecially when one hundred and twenty-eight Thoufand, five hundred Pounds, were, by Act of Parliament, that fame Seflion, ordered to be paid out of it, towards the Difcharge of the national Debt? And, now to bring this Argument to a Conclufion, an Argument which it is hoped will anfwer ftill more extenfive and ufeful Purpofes than merely to detect the Falfhood and Fallacies of our Author, and thereby fecure the Public from being farther impofed on by his Writings ; feeing it is the acknowledged Right, and has been fhewn to have been the undeniable Practice of the Houfe of Commons to blend the redundant Money, which they at any Time found remaining in the Treafury, along with the Money that they compute will be brought into the Treafury in Confequence of the Duties they are then preparing to grant for the enfuing biennial Supply, doth it not follow with all the Force of the ftrictefl Demonftration, K 2 That

80 [ 76] * That (6 far as it has been the acknowledged and undoubted Practice and Right of the Houfe of Commons of Ireland, without any previousintimation of the Royal Confent, to point out to the Crown, by Heads of a Bill, an Application of Money intended for the biennial Supplies, to any fpecific or determinate Ufes, fo far it muft of Neceility have been their Practice and their Right to point out an Application of the redundant Money in the Treafury, which they had thus blended with thefe biennial Supplies ; to the fame fpecific or determinate Ufes. But it has been the acknowledged and undoubted Practice and Right of the Commons of Ireland, without any previous Intimation of the Royal Confent, to point out to the Crown, by Heads of a Bill, an Application of thefe biennial Supplies, to a Variety of fpecific or determinate Ufes, particularly, for a Courfe of near forty Years, towards the Payment of the national Debt : * Therefore it is the undoubted Right, and has been the acknowledged Practice of the Commons of Ireland, without any previous Intimation of the Royal Confent, to point out to the Crown, by Heads of a Bill, an Application of the redundant Money which they found in the actual Receipt of the Treafury, to a Variety of fpecific and determinate Ufes, and particularly towards the Payment of the national Debt. Thus, in the Manner in which the- Facts and Circumflances relative to this parliamentary Truft happen in Reality to turn out, there evidently refults from them, a Demonftration, even in Terms, That

81 [ 77 ] * That the Houfe of Commons had an acknowledged and inconteflable Right, to point out to his Majefly, in the very Manner they did lafl Seflion of Parliament, anapplication of the Money lying in the Treafury, for Payment of the national Debt ; a Right in themfelves, independentof any previous Recommendation from the Crown, and which they were by the Conflitution, equally warranted and authorized to exercife, whether there had, or had not been any Intimation beforehand, that bis Majefly would be gracioujly pleafed to give bis Confent. And this, if the Writer miftakes not, doth moll fully comprehend, and as fully decide in Favour of the Houfe of Commons, every Article and Circumflance, which had any material Relation to the great Queftion in Debate, this lafl Seflion of Parliament ; and therefore mud for ever remain a complete Demonftration of what was to be proved. But what Man of Senffe is there, who doth not clearly perceive, that tho the parliamentary Trujl had been differently expreffed, and that the Commons had in Reality fatisfied themfelves with veiling the public Money by general Terms in the Royal Trujlee> to be made ufe of for the Eafe of the People, and the public Ser- even on this Suppofition, vices of this Kingdom ; what Man is there, who doth not inftantly fee that the real Nature and Juftice of the Cafe would have been exaclly the fame? Is not the Money redundant in the Treafury dill acknowledged to be the Money of the Public? Is not the Payment of the national Debt acknowledged to be comprehended within the Terms

82 . [ 78] Terms of the general Truji? Can there then be any poflible Reafon, why the Reprefentatives of the People, who vefied this general Truji, mould not be at Liberty to point out any one of the particular Purpofes which they knew, and which is exprefsly confeffed, to be comprehended within the Defign of this Truft, which they themfelves had vefted? Efpecially when it is farther coniidered, that thefe Reprefentatives of the People, are, and mud be acknowledged to have a Right, an inherent Right, not only of pointing out in their Bill of Supply, an Appropriation of fuch Part of faid Supply, as they think requifite for certain particular Purpofes fpecified in the Bill, but at the Time of forming the Eftimate of the Quantum to be granted for the Supply, to govern their Difcretion, by the State of Redundancy or Deficiency in which they find the Treafury at the Time of making the Grant : For can there be the leaft conceivable Difference, in Reafon and Senfe, between propofing, for Inftance, an Appropriation of feventy-feven thoufand Pounds out of the Money already in the Treafury, for the Payment of the Refidue of the national Debt, and their taking in this redundant Money in the Treafury, as the flrfl Article of their Eftimate or Computation towards the enfuing Supply, and then pointing out in their Bill, an Appropriation of feventy-feven thoufand Pounds out of this Supply, to be applied to the Payment of this fame remaining Sum of the national Debt ; which it is admitted by their greatefl Adverfaries they had a Right to have done? In Truth, fo long as this Money continues to be acknowledged the Money of the Nation, committed to his Majefry, only in Truft ; it muit be impoffible to put fuch a Conftru&ion on the Nature of

83 [ 79] of this Truft, as to preclude the Reprefentatives of the People out of whofe Pockets the Money was raifed, the very Perfons who vejled this Truft, and who at the fame Time are his Majeftys properefc Council in Matters of this Sort, to preclude thefe, from pointing out and recommending to his Majefty fuch an Application of this truft Money as they think moft conducive to anfwer the Ends, and which they certainly know to come fairly within the original Purpofesoi this general Truft. Take the very Allufion of our Author ; where he compares this Truft, at the Bottom of p. 8, to a Gift to be difpofed of generally in Charities : A charitable good Lady being obliged to change the Place of her Refidence, commits a Sum of Money into the Hands of the Minifter of the Parifh, to be difpofed of in Charities ; at fome Diftance of Time, upon her Return, fhe is informed, that Part of her Bounty remained ftill undifpofed of; and perceiving at the fame Time, that there was an immediate Opportunity of applying this Remainder to an excellent Purpofe, which both fhe and her Truftee, knew perfectly to have been comprehended among the principal Objects of the original Truft, fhe inftantly writes a Letter to her Truftee, recommending, that the Relidue of her Charity might now be appyd to this diftinguifhed good Ufe ; would it not be wondrous ftrange, if the Minifter fhould fend back the Letter, acknowledging, that the Ufe was indeed extreamly proper and good, but peremptorily infilling, that, before he would comply with it, the Lady muft acknowledge under her Hand, and in the Body of the Letter, that fhe. had no Kind of Right fo much as to mention it to him, till he had firft given her Leave! But

84 [ So] But to go on a little further with this prefent Allufion : As this Bounty of the Ladys was intended to be renewed, to what Purpofe, not to comply with the Ladys acknowledged moil proper Recommendation? feeing fhe had a confeited and an unqueflionable Right in regard to the enfuing Seafons charitable Supply, to point out Applications of fuch Part or Portion of it as fhe mould fee requifite, as well for anfwering the Charity fhe had formerly recommended, as for any other particular good Purpofes that fince had occurred to her. In all Cafes of this Sort, it would feem mod natural to imagine, that the Minifler, who knew himfelf to be only a Truftee, mould earneftly wifh, that it were convenient for the Lady to refide oftener in the Parifh, in order that he might enjoy more of the Benefit of the Council of fo fuitable an Advifer ; but furely Something very extraordinary muft be the Caufe, that, at the very Time, when the Lady happens to be actually refident, the Minifler by fome Means or other, is brought to infifl on wondrous, new Meafures of Delicacy and Subordination, fome of them deemed directly inconfiflent with the Dignity, and manifeilly injurious to the Rights of the Lady, before he will fo much as permit her to offer her Advice! What has already been pointed out, it is prefumed by the Writer, muft prove at all Times fufficient as an Antidote againft whatever Poifon our Author, by his Arts in Writing, fhall for the Future attempt to infinuate into the truly well and rightly affe&ed Minds of his Majeflys moll faithful Subjects in this Kingdom ; and, which is

85 [ «i ] is of flill greater Confequence, it is likewife prefumed, that thefe honefl and free-born Subjects will, by what has been fet before them in the Courfe of this Paper, the more clearly difcern, That however various the Intention might have been in urging this Clause, and however uniformly in Words, the Friends of it, had it been paft, might have continued to aflert that the redundant Money would be flill as much as ever the Money of the Nation, yet all rational Security would have been in Fa t taken away for preventing the greateft Part of this Money from becoming for the Future, not in name, but in thing, Money lying at the Mercy of the Miniftry or Minifter. God forbid, then, my worthy Fellow-countrymen, that ever you fhould fuffer yourfelves to be betrayed into the unnatural Guilt of fuch monftrous Ingratitude, as not invariably to hold the Men and their Memories in the molt lafling and grateful Remembrance, who, negligent of all peculiar Interefts of their own, Co critically vindicated and maintained to this Nation, the Right over the Purse, that only valid Security, for all the other Rights and Liberties of this Country! It remains now, only, to take a little Notice of an Art ftill more infidious than thofe yet expofed, an Art feldom thought fit to be committed to Paper, but practifed with great Addrefs and Afliduity in the Courfe of Converfation. How often will you hear the Men who value themfelves, particularly, on their Knowledge of the World, cry out upon the Public as a Parcel of Fools, for ever troubling their Heads about L Matters

86 !! [ 82 ] Matters of the prefent Nature and Sort ; afking with an Air of fuperior and peremptory Decifion, doth not every Man of Senfe very well know, that all this is nothing more than a Quarrel between a few of our great Men contending for Power ; and what matters it to the Nation which of them prevail? That moil: of the Struggles and Convulfions which happen in a State, may in fome Senfe be properly enough termed Quarrels among great Men, no-body will difpute ; but furely it is a ftrange Leap from thence, inflantly to conclude, that therefore the Public is no way interefted in them The Revolution has often been called a Quarrel between the Prince of Orange and King James ; but were not the Liberties of Britain and Ireland, nay the Liberties of Europe manifeftly depending on the IiTue of that Quarrel? Is not this prefent Language, the very Language which was ufed on the Change of the Miniftry in the latter End of the Reign of Queen Anne? What, ufed thefe deep Politicians at that Time warmly to urge, What was the Public concerned, whether Godolphin and Marlborough on the one Hand, or Oxford and Ormond on the other, were the Servants of the Crown? and yet every one knows, that had not the Providence of GOD moft critically interpofed, either the Pretender, or a bloody civil W^ar in behalf of the Houfe of Hanover, and for fecuring a legal muft have been Government in thefe Kingdoms, the neceflary Production of that fatal Change Would thefe deep Politicians have the Public in earneft believe, That it no way concerns them,

87 [ 83 ] them, whether the principal x^dminiftration of the internal Interefts of this Kingdom be committed into the Hands of Men, who, it is demonflrable, cannot fo much as hope to maintain that unnatural Pre-eminence to which, by a Concurrence of various Means, they have happend to be exalted, without for ever continuing to do Violence to the Rights^ till they have effectually broken down the liberal Spirit of the Proteftant Inhabitants of this Country ; or whether this Truft be committed into Hands where the People have all the rational Foundation of Confidence, which the Nature of fuch Things can afford, that the general Interejl and national Rights, mud be effectually cared for ; feeing otherways thele Men can have no reafonable Security for the fafe PoiTeiTion and permanent Enjoyment of their own : Is there a Man of Senfe in this Kingdom, who can fet his Face to it, and affert, That it no way concerns the Public, Whether the Men who feel themfelves under no other Obligations, than thofe which arife from Humanity and Juftice, to wifh well to the Liberties and legal Government of this Kingdom, and who may pollibly be under the outrageous Impetus of a ipurious Ambition from within, and of various powerful Temptations from without, to fet at nought thefe Obligations, whether fuch Men as thefe, or Men who are under every Obligation both of Duty and Intereft, that can influence the human Heart, to continue invariably faithful to their general TruJ, and have actually given Proof of this their ftedfaft Fidelity, be the Men, to whom the principal internal Guardianfhip of the general Liberties, Rights and Profperity of this Country fhall in Fact be intrufted? L 2 But

88 ; [ 8 4 ] But thofe Gentlemen who are fo fond of refolving all our public prefent Appearances, into private and perfonal Quarrels, would do well, not only to point out diftinctly who thefe turbulent great Men are, but to whom or to which Side it has been owing, that fo many lingular and mifchievous Occurrences have happened to this Country during the Courfe of the prefent Adminiftration : To whofe Charge, for Inftance, is it to be laid, that fo perfectly new and alarming a Language was introduced into Parliament in the Seflion 1751, relative to the previous Confent of the Crown, in regard to the Parliaments propofing an Application of the public Money, already raifed by the Parliament, for the public Ufes of this Kingdom? To which of thefe Men, in the next Place, was it owing, that fo fatal an Alteration was made in our Linen Bill, in the Courfe of that Seflion, at leaft to which Side was it owing, that after the Government had notice of this Alteration, all the Circumflances of the Alteration were fo induftrioufly concealed? concealed at the Expence of the groitelt Mi fr eprefentations of Fads Mifreprefentations, grofs as they were, which had they not been feafonably, or rather critically detected, muft have plunged this Country into a defperate State of Wretchednefs before they were in any fort apprized of their Danger ; and long after the Nature of the Alteration had been detected, was it not principally owing to the Wifdom, particularly, and relolute Zeal of one eminent Patriot, at the beginning of this laftseffion, equally eminent, whether you contemplate his Abilities, his Services, or the Severity of his Sufferings in the Caufe of his Country, that Meafures

89 [ 85 ] Cures were prevented in regard to this Bill, which had they taken place, rauft in all Probability have either quickly occafioned the total Deftru&ion of this national Support ; or elfe, for the Sake of prolonging its precarious Exi(tence,muft have brought this Country into a State (till more wretched, becaufe ignominious, to crouch and lye down, at 1 the imperious Nod, of every Deputy of a De- puty, of a firft Minifters Deputy. Thefe wondrous Adepts in the Knowledge of the World are Hill farther requefted to explain, to which Side we are indebted for that matchlefs political Letter, by which the Commons of Ireland, are magifterially required, with the Iron Rod of Power, pretendedly held over their Head, totally to renounce their own Underftanding, to give themfelves up to the Con- and implicitly duct of whatever Leaders it mail pleafe the perfonated Writer of the Letter to honour with his Confidence ; what matters it, however courtly the Language may be thought, or however well imitated the Sty4e, furely there is not a Man of a liberal Spirit in the Kingdom, who will not readily acknowledge, that the Meaning was only fit for the Heart and the Mouth of the Duke of Tyrconnel, or his Mafter, King James, to his mock IrifbParliament Laft of all, thefe Gentlemen are requefted candidly to pronounce, whether, in fad fober Earned, it ought to be a Matter of Indifference to the Public, to which Side it was owing, that the Parliament was fo critically refcued from giving up its Paladium, or Power over the Purfe, which muft have quickly degraded the Houfe of Commons of Ireland, below the meaneft Grand Jury, to be found in the Kingdom. That

90 [ 86 j That thefe were among the principal Occafions of the prefent national Agitation no-body can deny ; and mould it, upon the ftri&eft and the mod impartial Inquiry, the more clearly turn out, that the principal Ferment has been occafioned by the boundlefs Ambition of any one Perfon, who, without having any vifible Connexion, in point of Intereft, with the national Interefts and Liberties of this Country, but demonftrably the Reverfe, has already got an unnatural Share of the Power of this Country, a Share without Example, into his Hands, and is inceflantly grafping at more ; or if it fliould likewife, partly be owing to a threatning Lull of Power in another, where, by having already acquired an overgrown Property, and an Influence infeparable from it, throughout the Country, the PofTefTor may naturally be led to flatter himfelf, that by a temporary Compliance with the Ambition of the former, he may the fooner be enabled to acquire in the IfTue, the real Preeminence, and to lay a permanent Foundation for a more extenfive Domination, for himfelf and his Family ; mould thefe Articles turn out to have been in truth. and demonstrably the principal Ingredients in the Caufe of this Quarrel, will it the more readily follow from thence, no fort concerned that therefore the Public are in in the Succefs of this Struggle. Countrymen, let no Men deceive you out of your Senfes ; no Perfon can poflibly be fuppofed to intend honeftly towards the Inclofure, who is for ever lending his Hand to break down the Hedge. F J N I &

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