Lexington and Concord- 1775

Transcription

1 Lexington and Concord Forewarned by Paul Revere, American militiamen fought 800 British troops on April 19th, The battle broke out at Concord. Seventy-three British soldiers were killed and over 200 were wounded. The Americans lost 49 soldiers and suffered 39 wounded. This marked the beginning to Revolutionary War Late on the night of April 18th, 1775 British troops departed Boston for Concord and Lexington in pursuit of Colonial arms. They their march at 2 AM. Forewarned by Paul Revere, Colonial militia from throughout the area began to gather. By 5AM the first group of British soldiers arrived in Lexington. The British entered Lexington with with six companies, totaling 238 British soldiers. In Lexington, the British found 60 men, a single colony of militia. The British commander on the scene was Major John Pitcairn of the Royal Marines. Major Pitcairn approached the American commander, Captain John Parker and stated: lay down your arms, you damned rebels. Parker had no intention of trying to stop the large force of British Regulars with his rag-tag group of dairy farmers and craftsman. On the other hand, he was not willing to agree to surrender arms. Instead, Parker ordered his men on the Commons to step aside and let the British pass. Then, in the early morning light, a shot rang out. To this day, no one knows who fired this first fateful shot. Though, rang out it did shots, as the British Regulars and some of the militia started firing. The British soldiers bayoneted some of those who fell. Most of When the fighting was over, in a matter of moments, 8 Colonists lay dead, and 9 Colonists were wounded. The British Regulars th Concord for Colonial leaders. Their search was in vain. If Britain's Lieutenant Smith had listened to some of his advisors and retur might not have started on this day. However, instead he decided to continue toward Concord. British troops continued to Concord where they found very little in the town. The armaments th been disbursed. A large group militia were gath shootings in Lexington had inflamed many of t a sixty four-year old miller, who commanded th The Americans were gathered on the far side of could see fires coming from the town (as the Br they found). The Colonists were convinced that

2 The Americans advanced on the North Bridge, which was defended by a contingent of 115 British Regulars. The Colonists advanced across the bridge. A single shot rang out, fired by a British soldier. The rest of the British then opened fire. Barret then gave his own men the order to fire. Twelve of the British Regulars were hit, three fatally. The rest of the British broke and ran. Colonel Smith decided to retreat from Concord. Smith's narrow Concord Road. The battle in Concord became th and became known as "The Battle of the Road". By this along the road to harass and attack the British. Captain P no longer reluctant to attack the British. A large continge the British at Merriam s Corner, just a mile to the East o Lexington, Colonists hid behind trees and stone fences to of the road. The British soldiers retreated as rapidly as they could, and the officers came close to losing control of their soldiers. Just beyond Lexington the British forces were rescued by a force of 1000 reinforcements led by Lord Percy. The British once again advanced on Lexington, capturing the southern part of it and plundering homes there, until the mass of gathering militia became too great. They withdrew to Boston. The Americans harassed them unceasingly on their journey. As Percy, who was no great admirer of the Americans, stated: Whoever looks upon them as an irregular mob, will find himself very much mistaken. Nor are severl of their men void of spirit of enthusiasm as we experienced yesterday, for many of them concealed themselves in houses and advanced within 10 yards to fire at me and other officers, tho they were morally certain of being put to death themselves in an instant. The British were harassed until they crossed Charlestown Neck, at which point the colonist realized that further pursuit would be suicidal. The day was over, and 1,800 British regulars had met some 4,000 Americans. The British had been forced to retreat, losing 65 soldier with an additional 173 wounded. The Americans lost 49 dead and 46 wounded. The war was on - there was no turning back. Multimedia Battle Presentation

3 First Hand Accounts American Perspective: Concord Bridge Battle EMERSON DESCRIBES THE STAND AT CONCORD BRIDGE 1775, 19 April. This morning, between I and 2 o'clock, we were alarmed by the ringing of the bell, and upon examination found that the troops, to the number of 800, had stole their march from Boston, in boats and barges, from the bottom of the Common over to a point in Cambridge, near to Inman's farm, and were at Lexington Meeting-house, half an hour before sunrise, where they had fired upon a body of our men, and (as we afterward heard) had killed several This intelligence was brought us at first by Dr. Samuel Prescott, who narrowly escaped the guard that were sent before on horses, purposely to prevent all posts and messengers from giving us timely information. He, by the help of a very fleet horse, crossing several walls and fences, arrived at Concord at the time above mentioned; when several posts were immediately despatched, that returning confirmed the account of the regulars' arrival at Lexington, and that they were on their way to Concord. Upon this, a number of our minute men belonging to this town, and Acton and Lyncoln, with several others that were in readiness, marched out to meet them, while the alarm company were preparing to receive them in the town. Capt. Minot, who commanded them, thought it proper to take possession of the hill above the meeting house, as the most advantageous situation. No sooner had our men gained it than we were met by the companies that were sent out to meet the troops, who informed us that they were just upon us, and that we must retreat, as their number was more than treble ours. We then retreated from the hill near the Liberty Pole and took a new post back of the town upon an eminence, where we formed into two battalions and waited the arrival of the enemy. Scarcely had we formed before we saw the British troops at the distance of a quarter of a mile, glittering in arms, advancing towards us with the greatest celerity. Some were for making a stand, notwithstanding the superiority of their number; but others more prudent thought best to retreat till our strength should be equal to the enemy's by recruits from neighbormg towns that were continually coming to our as" sistance. Accordingly we retreated over the bridges when the troops came into the town, set fire to several carriages for the artillery, destroyed 60 barrels flour, rifled several houses, took possession of the town-house, destroyed soo lb. Of balls, set a guard of l oo men at the North Bridge, and sent up a party to the house of Col. Barrett, where they were in expectation of finding a quantity of warlike stores. But these were happily secured just before their arrival, by transportation into the woods and other by places. In the meantime, the guard set by the enemy to secure the pass at the North Bridge were alarmed by the approach of our people, who had retreated, as mentioned before, and were now advancing with special orders not to fire upon the troops unless fired upon. These orders were so punctually observed that we received the fire of the enemy in three several and separate discharges of their pieces before it was returned by our commanding officer; the firing then soon became general for several minutes, in which skirmish two were killed on each side, and several of the enemy wounded. It may here be observed, by the way, that we were the more cautious to prevent beginning a rupture with the King's troops, as we were then uncertain what had happened at Lexington, and knew [not? ] that they had begun the quarrel there by first firing upon our people and killing eight men upon the spot. The three companies of troops soon quitted their post at the bridge and retreated in the greatest disorder and confusion to the main body, who were soon upon the march to meet them. For half an hour, the enemy, by their marches and countermarches, discovered great fickleness and inconstancy of mind, sometimes advancing, sometimes returning to their former posts; till at length they quitted the town and retreated by the way they came. In the meantime, a party of our men ( 150) took the back way through the Great Fields into the east quarter and had placed themselves to advantage, lying in ambush behind walls, fences and buildings, ready to fire upon the enemy on their retreat.

4 British Account of the Battle (Concord) Account presumably by Lieutenant John Barker of the King's Own. 1775, April 9 th. Last night between l0 and 1 l o'clock all the Grenadiers and Light Infantry of the army, making about 600 men (under the command of Lt. Col. Smith of the loth and Major Pitcairn of the Marines), embarked and were landed upon the opposite shore on Cambridge Marsh; few but the commanding officers knew what expedition we were going upon. After getting over the marsh, where we were wet up to the knees, we were halted in a dirty road and stood there till two o'clock in the morning, waiting for provisions to be brought from the boats and to be divided, and which most of the men threw away, having carried some with 'em. At z o'clock we bega.1 our march by wading through a very long ford up to our middles. After going a few miles we took 3 or 4 people who were going off to give intelligence. About 5 miles on this side of a town called Lexington, which lay in our road, we heard there were some hundreds of people collected together intending to oppose us and stop our going on. At 5 o'clock we arrived there and saw a number of people, I believe between 200 and 300, formed in a common in the middle of the town. We still continued advancing, keeping prepared against an attack tho' without intending to attack them; but on our coming near them they fired one or two shots, upon which our men without any orders rushed in upon them, fired and put 'em to flight. Several of them were killed, we could not tell how many because they were got behind walls and into the woods. We had a man of the loth Light Infantry wounded, nobody else hurt. We then formed on the common, but with some difficulty, the men were so wild they could hear no orders. We waited a considerable time there, and at length proceeded on our way to Concord, which we then learnt was our destination, in order to destroy a magazine of stores collected there. We met with no interruption till within a mile or two of the town, where the country people had occupied a hill which commanded the road. The Light Infantry were ordered away to the right and ascended the height in one line, upon which the Yankies quitted it without firing, which they did likewise for one or two more successively. They then crossed the river beyond the town, and we marched into the tou n after taking possession of a hill with a Liberty Pole on it and a flag~flying, which was cut down. The Yankies had the hill but left it to us. We expected they w ould have made a stand there, but they did not chuse it. While the Grenadiers remained in the town, destroying 3 pieces of cannon, several gun carriages and about loo barrels of flour with harness and other things, the Light companies were detached beyond the river to examine some houses for more stores. One of these companies was left at the bridge, another on a hill 1/4 of a mile from that; the other 3 went forward z or 3 miles to seek for some cannon which had been there but had been taken away that morning. During this time the people were gathering together in great numbers and, taking advantage of our scattered disposition, seemed as if they were going to cut off the communication with the bridge, upon which the two companies joined and went to the bridge to support that company. The three companies drew up in the road the far side the bridge and the Rebels on the hill above, covered by a wall; in that situation they remained a long time, very near an hour, the three companies expecting to be attacked by the Rebels, who were about looo strong. Captn. Lawrie, who commanded these three companies, sent to Col. Smith begging he would send more troops to his assistance and infotming him of his situation. The Colonel ordered 2 or 3 companies, but put himself at their head, by which means stops 'em from being time enough, for being a very fat heavy man he would not have reached the bridge in half an hour, tho' it was not half a mile to it. In the mean time the Rebels marched into the road and were coming down upon us when Captn. Lawrie made his men retire to this side the bridge (which by the bye he ought to have done at first, and then he would have had time to make a good disposition, but at this time he had not, for the Rebels were got so near him that his people were obliged to form the best way they could). As soon as they were over the bridge the three companies got one behind the other so that only the front one could fire. The Rebels when they got near the bridge halted and fronted, filling the road from the top to the bottom. The fire soon began from a dropping shot on our side, when they and the front company fired almost at the same instant, there being nobody to support the front company. The others not firing, the whole were forced to quit the bridge and return toward Concord. Some

5 of the Grenadiers met 'em in the road and then advanced to meet the Rebels, who had got this side the bridge and on a good height, but seeing the manoeuvre they thought proper to retire again over the bridge. The whole then went into Concord, drew up in the town and waited for the 3 companies that were gone on, which arrived in about an hour. Four officers of 8 who were at the bridge were wounded; 3 men killed; I sergt. and several men wounded. After getting as good conveniences for the wounded as we could, and having done the business we were sent upon, we set out upon our return. Before the whole had quitted the town we were fired on from houses and behind trees, and before we had gone 1/2 a mile we were fired on from all sides, but mostly from the rear, where people had hid themselves in houses till we had passed, and then fired. The country was an amazing strong one, full of hills, woods, stone walls, etc., which the Rehels did not fail to take advantage of, for they were all lined with people who kept an incessant fire upon us, as we did too upon them, but not with the same advantage, for they were so concealed there was hardly any seeing them. In this way we marched between 9 and ro miles, their numbers increasing from all parts, while ours was reduced by deaths, wounds and fatigue; and we were totally surrounded with such an incessant fire as it's impossible to conceive; our ammunition was likewise near expended. In this critical situation we perceived the I st Brigade coming to our assistance: it consisted of the 4th, '3rd and 47th Regiments, and the battalion of Marines, with two field pieces, 6-pounders. We had been flattered ever since the morning with expectations of the Brigade coming out, but at this time had given up all hopes of it, as it was so late. I since heard it was owing to a mistake of the orders, or the Brigade would have been with us z hours sooner. As soon as the Rebels saw this reinforcement, and tasted the field pieces, they retired, and we formed on a rising ground and rested ourselves a little while, which was extremely necessary for our men, who were almost exhausted with fatigue. In about l/2 an hour we marched again, and, some of the Brigade taking the flanking parties, we marched pretty quiet for about 2 miles. They then began to pepper us again from the same sort of places, but at rather a greater distance. We were now obliged to force almost every house in the road, for the Rebels had taken possession of them and galled us exceedingly; but they suffered for their temerity, for all that were found in the houses were put to death. When we got to Menotomy there was a very heavy fire; after that we took the short cut into the Charles Town road, very luckily for us too, for the Rebels, thinking we should endeavour to return by Cambridge, had broken down the bridge and had a great number of men to line the road and to receive us there. However, we threw them and went on to Charles Town without any great interruption. We got there between 7 and 8 oclock at night, took possession of the hill above the town, and waited for the boats to carry us over, which came some time after. The Rebels did not chuse to follow us to the hill, as they must have fought us on open ground and that they did not like. The piquets of the army were sent over to Charles Town and ~oo of the 64th to keep that ground; they threw up a work to secure themselves, and we embarked and got home very late in the night... Thus ended this expedition, which from the beginning to end was as ill planned and ill executed as it was possible to be. Had we not idled away three hours on Cambridge Marsh waiting for provisions that were not wanted, we should have had no interruption at Lexington, but by our stay the country people had got intelligence and time to assemble. We should have reached Concord soon after day break, before they could have heard of us, by which we should have destroyed more cannon and stores, which they had had time enough to convey away before our arrival. We might also have got easier back and not been so much harassed, as they would not have had time to assemble so many people; even the people of Salem and Marblehead, above zo miles oflf, had intelligence and time enough to march and meet us on our return; they met us somewhere about Menotomy7 but they lost a good many for their pains... Thus for a few trifling stores the Grenadiers and Light Infantry had a march of about so miles (going and returning) through an enemy's country, and in all human probability must every man have been cut off if the Brigade had not fortunately come to their assistance; for when the Brigade joined us there were very few men had any ammunition left. and so fatigued that we have laid down our could not keep flanking parties out, so that we must soon arms or been picked off by the Rebels at their pleasure.

6 British Surrender at Saratoga 1777 Burgoyne continued southward, even as his options and support began to crumble. On September 13th, he crossed the Hudson, heading towards Albany. He was down to 6,500 troops. Waiting for Burgoyne was American General Gates with 7,000 men. Gates was entrenched in Bemis Heights, and Burgoyne elected to attack. Burgoyne sent 2,000 men under General Fraser on a flanking movement to the west, and then towards the American line. The main attack was to take place by General Hamilton's forces in the center, and a third attack was to proceed straight down the river road. Burgoyne was handicapped by his limited knowledge of American positions. Early in morning of the 19th of September, the British troops set off. The Americans became aware of the British movements and, at the insistence of Arnold, Gates agreed to send a force out from the fortification to determine British intentions. Thus, in a clearing near Freeman's Farm, the battle developed. First, MorganÕs riflemen ran into Fraser's left flank, cutting them down. They were in turn decimated by part of Hamilton's brigade. Thus it went for most of the day, with piecemeal parts of the American and British forces being thrown at each other. At the end of the day, however, the Americans still held the Heights, and the British had lost 600 killed, wounded or captured. Time was not on Burgoyne's side, with the nights getting longer and colder, food beginning to run low, and no option of local foraging. He had lost his Native American scouts, and the ranks of the American forces were swelling every day. Finally, in a desperate move to break out, Burgoyne sent 1,500 of his men on an attack on the western flank of the American forces. They were immediately attacked by Morgan's men, and a general British retreat soon ensued. The Americans were not content with driving the British back, and soon a force under Arnold was attacking a section of the British defensive lines known as the Horseshoe. After a fierce fight, it was captured. Burgoyne's position thus became untenable and, that night, he pulled his forces back toward Saratoga, leaving behind his wounded and much of his supplies, and losing another 600 men. Once he arrived in Saratoga, it became clear that he would not be able to sustain his position. Gates had followed him, and soon had him surrounded. On October 12th, Burgoyne

7 called a council of war with his officers, which unanimously agreed that there was no choice but to surrender. The next day, Burgoyne asked for terms, to which the parties agreed, and Burgyone surrendered. One quarter of the British troops in North America had been captured. The effects were far reaching, for the American victory had convinced the other European powers that an American victory was possible, and aid was soon forthcoming. Thomas Paine: Retreat from New Jersey BATTLE OF NEW JERSEY Thomas Paine on the Retreat from New Jersey These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will, in this crisis, shrink from the service of their country; but he that stands it now deserves the love and thanks of man and woman. Tyranny, like hell, is not easily conquered; yet we have this consolation with us, that the harder the conflict, the more glorious the triumph. What we obtainted cheap, we esteem too lightly: it is dearness only that gives every thing its value. Heaven knows how to put a proper price upon its goods; and it would be strange indeed if so celestial an article as freedom should not be highly rated. Britain, with an army to enforce her tyranny, has declared that she has a right (not only to tax) but to bind us in all cases whatsoever, ' and if being bound in that manner is not slavery, then is there not such a thing as slavery upon earth. Even the expression is impious; for so unlimited a power can belong only to God. Whether the independence of the continent was declared too soon, or delayed too long, I will not now enter into as an argument; my own simple opinion is that had it been eight months earlier, it would have been much better. We did not make a proper use of last winter, neither could we, while we were in a dependent state. How.ever, the fault, if it were one, was all our own; we have none to blame but ourselves. But no great deal is lost yet. All that Howe has been doing for this month past is rather a ravage than a conquest, which the spirit of the Jerseys, a year ago, would have quickly repulsed, and which time and a little resolution will soon recover. I have as little superstition in me as any man living, but my secret opinion has ever been, and still is, that God Almighty will not give up a people to military destruction, or leave them unsupportedly to perish, who have so earnestly and so repeatedly sought to avoid the calamities of war by every decent method which wisdom could invent. Neither have I so much of the infidel in me as to suppose that He has relinquished the government of the world and given us up to the care of devils; and as I do not, I cannot see on what grounds the king of Britain can look up to heaven for help against us: a common murderer, a highwayman or a house-breaker has as good a presence es he. 'Tis surprising to see how rapidly a panic will sometimes run through a country. All nations and ages have been subject to them: Britain has trembled like an ague at the report of a French fleet of flat bottomed boats; and in the fourteenth century the whole English army, after ravaging the kingdom of France, was driven back like men petrified with fear; and this brave exploit was performed by a few broken forces collected and headed by a woman, Joan of Arc. Would that heaven might inspire some Jersey maid to spirit up her countrymen and save her fair fellow sufferers from ravage and ravishment! Yet panics, in some cases, have their uses; they produce as much good as hurt. Their duration is always short; the mind soon grows through them and acquires a firmer habit than before. But their peculiar advantage is that they are the touchstones of sincerity and hypocrisy, and bring things and men to light which might otherwise have lain forever undiscovered. In fact, they have the same effect on secret traitors which an imaginary apparition would have upon a private murderer. They sift out the hidden thoughts of man and hold them up in public to the world. Many a disguised tory has lately shown his head, that shall penitentially solemnize with curses the day on which Howe arrived upon the Delaware. As I was with the troops at Fort Lee and marched with them to the edge of Pennsylvania, I am well acquainted with many circumstances which those who live at a distance know but little or nothing of. Our

8 situation there was exceedingly cramped, the place being a narrow neck of land between the North River and the Hackensack. Our force was inconsiderable, being not one fourth so great as Howe could bring against us. We had no army at hand to have relieved the garrison, had we shut ourselves up and stood on our defence. Our ammunition, light artillery and the best part of our stores had been removed, on the apprehension that Howe would endeavor to penetrate the Jerseys, in which case Fort Lee could be of no use to us; for it must occur to every thinking man, whether in the army or not, that these kind of field forts are only for temporary purposes, and last in use no longer than the enemy directs his force against the particular object which such forts are raised to defend. Such was our situation and condition at Fort Lee on the morning of the zoth of November, when an officer arrived with information that the enemy with zoo boats had landed about seven miles above. Major General Gree4 who commanded the garrison, immediately ordered them under arms, and sent express to General Washington at the town of Hackensack, distant by way of the ferry six miles. Our first object was to secure the bridge over the Hackensack, which laid up the river between the enemy and us, about six miles from us, and three from them. General Washington arrived in about three quarters of an hour, and marched at the head of the troops towards the bridge, which place I expected we should have a brush for; however, they did not choose to dispute it with us, and the greatest part of our troops went over the bridge, the rest over the ferry, except some which passed at a mill on a small creek, between the bridge and the ferry, and made their way through some marshy grounds up to the town of Hackensack, and there passed the river. We brought off as much baggage as the wagons could contain, the rest was lost.the simple object was to bring off the garrison and march them on till they could be strengthened by the Jersey or Pennsylvania militia, so as to be enabled to make a stand. We staid four days at Newark, collected our outposts with some of the Jersey militia, and marched out twice to meet the enemy, on being informed that they were advancing, though our numbers were greatly inferior to theirs. Howe, in my little opinion, committed a great error in generalship in not throwing a body of forces off from Staten Island through Amboy, by which means he might have seized all our stores at Brunswick and intercepted our march into Pennsylvania; but if we believe the power of hell to be limited, we must likewise believe that their agents are under some providential controul. I shall not now attempt to give all the particulars of our retreat to the Delaware; suffice it for the present to say that both officers and men, though greatly harassed and fatigued, frequently without rest, covering or provision, the inevitable consequences of a long retreat, bore it with a manly and martial spirit. All their wishes centred in one, which was that the country would turn out and help them to drive the enemy back. Soltaire has remarked that King William never appeared to full advantage but in difficulties and in action; the same remark may be made on General Washington, for the character fits him. There is a natural firmness in some minds which cannot be unlocked by trifles, but which, when unlocked, discovers a cabinet of fortitude; and I reckon it among those kind of public blessings, which we do not immediately see, that God hath blessed him with uninterrupted health, and given him a mind that can even flourish upon care. Battle of Trenton- 1776

9 Despite Washington's defeats in New York, he was not willing to sit idly by while the British occupied all of New Jersey. The front lines of the British were occupied by Hessians troops who held positions along the Delaware River opposite Washington's troops in Pennsylvania. On Christmas Night, Washington surprised the British by leading a group of 2400 troops across the Delaware. At the same time, James Ewing was to seize the ferry just south of the city. Despite the ice floating down the river, Washington succeeded in crossing the river and leading his men and their artillery ashore. At a few minutes before 8:00, Washington and Ewing's troops converged on Trenton. The Americans set up artillery that commanded the streets of the city. As the Hessians who had been up late celebrating Christmas took to the streets, they were struck down. The British commander, Colonel Rall, was soon killed. Within an hour, the battle was over, 22 Hessians were dead, 98 were wounded and almost a thousand were being held prisoner. Only four Americans, however, were wounded. Washington returned with his triumphant forces to Pennsylvania. The next day, Colonel Caldwater who had failed to cross the river the day before, crossed the Delaware with his troops and occupied the empty town of Burlington. Two days later, Washington followed with his men. As the year ended, Washington had 5000 men and 40 howitzers in Trenton. Battle of Trenton Primary Sources: 1) Henry Knox: 2) BATTLE OF NEW JERSEY 3) Henry Knox to his wife. Delaware River, near Trenton, December 28, Trenton is an open town, situated nearly on the banks of the Deelware accessible on all sides. Our army was scattered along the riverfor nearly twenty-five miles. Our intelligence agreed that the force of the enemy in Trenton was from two to three thousand, with about six field cannon, and that they were pretty secure in their situation, and that they were Hessians no British troops. A hardy design was formed of attacking the town by storm. Accordingly a part of the army, consisting of about 2,500 or 3,ooo, passed the river on Christmas night, with almost infinite difficulty, with eighteen field-pieces. The floating ice in the river made the labor almost incredible. However, perseverance accomplished what at first seemed impossible. About two o'clock the troops were all on the Jersey side; we then were about nine miles fron1 the object. The night was cold and stormy; it hailed with great violence; the troops marched with the most profound silence and good order.

10 They arrived by two routes at the same time, about half an hour after daylight, within one mile of the town. The storm continued with great violence, but was in our backs, and consequently in the faces of our enemy. About half a mile from the town was an advanced guard on each road, consisting of a captain's guard. These we forced, and entered the town with them pellmcll; and here succeeded a scene of war of which I had often conceived, but rrever saw before. The hurry, fright and confusion of the enemy was [not] unlike that which will be when the last trump shall sound. They endeavored to form in streets, the heads of which we had previously the possession of with cannon and howitzers; these, in the twinkling of an eye, cleared the streets. The backs of the houses were resorted to for shelter. These proved ineffectual: the musketry soon dislodged them. Finally they were driven through the town into an open plain beyond. Here they formed in an instant. During the contest in the streets measures were taken for putting an entire stop to their retreat by posting troops and cannon in such passes and ro~ds as it was possible for them to get away by. The poor fellows after they were formed on the plain saw themselves completely surrounded; the only resource left was to force their way through numbers unknown to them. The Hessians lost part of their cannon in the town: they did not relish the project of forcing, and were obliged to surrender upon the spot, with all their artillery, six brass pieces, army colors, etc. A Colonel Rawle commanded, who uas wounded. The number of prisoners was above l,0oo, including officers -all Hessians. There were few killed or wounded on either side. After having marched off the prisoners and secured the cannon, stores, etc., we returned to the place, nine miles distant, where we had embarked. Providence seemed to have smiled upon every part of this enterprise. Great advantages may be gained from it if we take the proper steps. At another post we have pushed over the river 1,ooo men, to-day another body, and to-morrow the whole army will follow. It must give a sensible pleasure tu every friend of the rights of man to rhink with how much intrepidity our I people pushed the enemy and prevented their forming in the town. 2) Thomas Rodney BATTLE OF NEW JERSEY Thomas Rodney to Caesar Rodney...Allen's Town, in Jersey, December 30, On the 25th inst. in the evening, we received orders to be at Shamony ferry as soon as possible. We were there according to orders in two hours, and met the rifle-men, who were the first from Bristol; we were ordered from thence to Dunk's Ferry, on the Delaware, and the whole army of about 2ooo men followed as soon as the artillery got up. The three companies of Philadelphia infantry and mine were formed into a body, under the command of Captain Henry (myself second in command), which were embarked immediately to cover the landing of the other troops. We landed with great difficulty through the ice, and formed on the ferry shore, about zoo yards from the river. It was as severe a night as ever I saw, and after two battalions were landed, the storm increased so much, and the river was so full of ice, that it was impossible to get the artillery over; for we had to walk loo yards on the ice to get on shore. Gen. Cadwallader therefore ordered the whole to reereat again, and we had to stand at least six hours under arms first to cover the landing and till all the rest had retreated againand, by this time, the storm of wind, hail, rain and snow, with the ice, was so bad that some of the infantry could not get back till next day. This design was to have surprised the enemy at Black Horse and Mount Holley, at the same time that Washington surprised them at Trenton; and had we succeeded in getting over, we should have finished all our troubles. Washington took 1000 prisoners, with 6 pieces of fine artillery, and all their baggage in Trenton.

11 The next night I received orders to be in Bristol before day; we were there accordingly, and about 9 o'clock began to embark one mile above Bristol, and about 3 o'clock in the afternoon got all our troops and artillery over, consisting of about 3ooo men and began our march to Burlington-the infantry, flanked by the riflemen, making the advanced guard. We got these about 9 o'clock and took possession of the town, but found the enemy hal made precipitate retreat the day before, bad as the w Bather was, in a great panic. The whole infantry and rifle men were then ordered to set out that night and make a forced march to Bordentown (which was about 11 miles), which they did, and took possession of the town about 9 o'clock, with a largb quantity of the enemy's stores, which they had not time to carry off. We stayed there till the army came up; and the general, finding the enemy ~vesi but a few miles ahead, ordered the infantry to proceed to a town called Croswick's, four miles from Bordentown, and they were followed by one of the Philadelphia and one of the New England battalions.we got there about 8 o'clock, and at about l0 (after we were all in quarters) were informed that the enemy's baggage was about ~ 6 miles from us, under a guard of 3oo men. Some of the militia colonels applied to the infantry to make a forced march that night and overhaul them. We had then been on duty four nights and days, making forced marches, iwthout six hours of sleep in the whole time; whereupon the infantry officers of all the companies unanimously declared it was madness to attempt, for that it would knock up all our brave men, one of whom had yet gave out, but every one will suppose were much fatigued... The enemy have fled before us in the greatest panic that ever was known; we heard this moment that they have fled from Princeton, and that they were hard pressed by Washington. Never were men in higher spirits than our whole army is; none are sick, and all are determined to extirpate them from the Jersey, but I believe the enemy's fears will do it before we get up with them. The Hessians, from the general to the common soldier, curse and imprecate the war, and swear they were sent here to be slaughtered; that they never will leave New-York again till they sail for Europe. Jersey will be the most whiggish colony on the continent: the very Quakers declare for taking up arms. You cannot imagine the distress of this country. They have stripped every body almost without distinction even of all their cloths, and have beat and abused men, women and children in the most cruel manner ever heard of. We have taken a number of prisoners in our route, Hessians and British, to the amount of about twenty. It seems likely through the blessing of Providence that we shall retake Jersey again without the loss of a man, except one Gen. Washington lost at Trenton. The enemy seem to be bending their way to Amboy with all speed, but I hope we shall come up with the Princeton haggage yet, and also get a share of their large stores at Brunswick. I hope, if I live, to see the conquest of Jersey, and set off home again in two weeks. Some of my men have complained a little, but not to say sick; they are all now well here. 4) George Washington 5) BATTLE OF NEW JERSEY 6) TO the President of CONGRESS Head Quarters, Newton, December 27, 1776 SIR- I have the pleasure of Congratulating you upon the success of an enterprize which I had formed against a Detachment of the Enemy Iying in Trenton, and which was executed yesterday Morning. The Evening of the 25th I ordered the Troops intended for this Service [which were about 2400] to parade back of McKonkey's Ferry, that they might begin to pass as soon as it grew dark, imagining we should be able to throw them all over, with the necessary Artillery, by l~ O'Clock, and that we might easily arrive at Trenton by five in the Morning, the distance being about nine Miles. But the Quantity of Ice, made that Night, impeded the passage of the Boats so much, that it was three O'Clock before the Artillery could all get over and near four, before the Troops took up their line of march. This made me despair of surprising the Town, as I well knew we could not reach it before the

12 day was fairly broke, but as I was certain there was no making a Retreat without being discovered, and harrassed on repassing the River, I determined to push on at all Events. I form'd my detachments into two divisions one to March by the lower or River Road, the other by the upper or Pennington Road. As the Divisions had nearly the same distance to March, I ordered each of them, immediately upon forcing the out Guards, to push directly into the Town, that they might charge the Enemy before they had time to form. The upper Division arrived at the Enemys advanced post, exactly at Eight O'Clock, and in three Minutes after, I found, from the fire on the lower Road that, that Division had also got up. The out Guards made but small Opposition, tho' for their Numbers, they behaved very well, kecying up a constant retreating fire from behind Houses. We presently saw their main Body formed, but from their Motions, they seemed undetermined how to act. Being hard pressed by our Troops, who ha~ already got possession of part of their Artillery, they attempt. to file off by a road on their right leading to Princetown, but perceiving their Intention, I threw a body of Troops in their Way which immediately checked them. Finding from our disposition that they were surrounded, and that they must ineyitably be cut to pieces if they made any further Resistance, tint: agreed to lay down their Arms. The Number, that submitted in this manner, was 23 Officers and 886 Men. Col. Rall. the commanding Officer with seven others were found wounded in the Town. I dont exactly know how many they had killed, but I fancy not above twenty or thirty, as they never made any regular Stand. Our loss is very trifling indeed, only two Officers and one or two privates wounded. I find, that the Detachment of the Enemy consisted of the three Hessian Regiments of Lanspatch, Kniphausen and Rohl amounting to about 1500 Mcn, and a Troop of British Light Horse, but immediately upon tlie beginning of the Attack, all those who were, not killed dr taken, pushed directly down the Road towards Bordenton. These would likewise have fallen into our hands, could my plan have been compleatly carried into Execution. Genl. Ewing was to have crossed before day at Trenton Ferry, and tal~cn possession of the Bridge leading out of Town, but the Quanty of Ice was so great, that tho' he did every thing in his power _ effect it, he could not get over. ~ This difficulty also hindered General Cadwallader from crossing, with the Pennsylvania Militia, from Bristol, he got part of his Foot over, but finding it impossible to embark his Artillery he was obliged to desist. I am fully confident, that could the Troops under Generals Ewing and Cadwallader have passed the River, I should have been able, with their Assistance, to have driven the Enemy from all their posts below Trenton. But the Numbers I had with me, being inferior to theirs below me, and a strong Battalion of Light Infantry at Princetown above me, I thought it most prudent to return the same Evening, with my prisoners and the Artillery we had taken. We found no Stores of any C,onsequence in the Town. In justice to the Officers and Men, I must add, that their Behaviour upon this Occasion, reflects the highest honor upon them. The difficulty of passing the River in a very severe Night, and their march thro' a violent Storm of Snow and Hail, did not in the least abate their Ardour. But when they came to the Charge, each seemed to vie with the other in pressing forward, and were I to give a preference to any particular Corps, I should do great injustice to the others. Colonel Baylor, my first Aid de Camp, will have the honor of delivering this to you, and from him you may be made acquainted with many other particulars; his spirited Behaviour upon every Occasion, requires me to recommend him to your particular Notice. I have the honor &cat P. S. Inclosed you have a particular List of the Prisoners, Artillery and other Stores. Letter from soldier to mother: Peter Brown to his Mother Cambridge, June 28, 1777

13 Frydy the I6th of June we were ordered to parade at 6 o'clock with one day's provisions and blankets ready for a march somewhere, but we did not know where. So we readyly and cheerfully obeyed, the whole that was called for, which was these three, Col. Prescotts, Frys and Nicksons regiments... About 9 o'clock at night we marched down on to Charlestown Hill against Cox Hill in Boston where we entrenched, and made a fort of about ten rod long and eight wide, with a breast work of about 8 more. We worked there undiscovered till about 5 in the morn and then we saw our danger, being against ~ ships of the line and all Boston fortified against us. The danger we were in made us think there was treachery, and that we were brot there to be all slain, and I must and will venture to say that there was treachery, oversight or presumption in the conduct of our officers. And about half after 5 in the morn, we not having above half the fort done, they began to fire, I suppose as soon as they had orders, pretty briskly a few minutes, and then stops, and then again to the number of about zo or more. They killed one of us, and then they ceased till about l o'clock and then they began pretty brisk again; and that caused some of our young country people to desert apprehending the danger in a clearer manner than the rest, who were more diligent in digging and fortifying ourselves against them. We began to be almost beat out, being tired by our labour and having no sleep the night before, but bttle victuals, no drink but rum... They fired very earm [warm] from Boston and from on board till about 2 o'clock, when they began to fire from the ships in ferry way, and from the ship that lay in the river against the Neck to stop our reinforcements, which the~- did in some measure. One cannon cut off 3 men in two on the neck of land Our officers sent time after time after the cannons from Cambridge in the morning and could get but four, the captain of which fired but a few times and then swan" his hat round three times to the enemy, then ceased to fire. It being about 3 o'clock, there was a little cessation of the cannons roaring. Come to look, there was a matter of 4o barges full of Regulars coming over to us: it is supposed there were about 3ooo of them and about 7oo of us left not deserted, besides soo reinforcements that could not get so night [nigh] to us as to do any good hardly till the[y] saw that we must all be cut off, or some of them, and then they advanced. When our officers saw that the Regulars would land, they ordered the artillery to go out of the fort and prevent their landing if possible7 from which the artillery captain took his pieces and went right off home to Cambridge fast as he could, for which he is now confined and we expect will be shot for it. But the enemy landed and fronted before us and formed themselves in an oblong square, so as to surround us, which they did in part, and after they were well formed they advanced towards us in order to swallow us up, but they found a choaky mouthful of us, tho' we could do nothing with our small arms as yet for distance, and had but two cannon and nary gunner. And they from Boston and from the ships a-firing and throwing bombs keeping us down till they got almost round us. But C;od in mercy to us fought our battle for us and altho' we were but few and so were suffered to be defeated by them, we were preserved in a most wonderful manner far beyond expectation, to admiration, for out of our regiment there was about 37 killed, 4 or 5 taken captive, and abour 47 wounded... If we should be called into action again I hope to have courage and strength to act my part valiantly in defence of our liberties and our country, trusting in him who hath yet kept me and hath covered my head in the day of battle, and tho' we have lost 4 of our company and our Lieutenant's thigh broke and he taken captive by the cruel enemies of America, I was not suffered to be toutched altho' I was in the fort till the Regulars came in and I jumped over the walls, and ran for about half a mile where balls flew like hailstones and cannons roared like thunder. Your dutiful Son PETER BROWN Valley Forge-Winter

14 With the British Army secure in Philadelphia, the American army settled into winter quarters at Valley Forge. It was a winter of hardship and suffering for the troops. It was also a winter of training, in which the American troops were taught how to be professional soldiers. Valley Forge Primary Source: Germantown Diary of Lieutenant Sir Martin Hunter. Germantown General Wayne commanded the advance, and fully expected to be revenged for the surprise we had given him. When the first shots were fired at our pickets, so much had we all Wayne's affair in remembrance that the battalion was out and under arms in a minute. At this time the day had just broke; but it was a very foggy morning and so dark we could not see a hundred yarrds before us. Just as the battalion had formed, the pickets came in and said the enemy were advancing in force. They had hardly joined the battalion, when we heard a loud cry of "Have at the bloodhounds! Revenge Wayne's affair!" and they immediately fired a volley. We gave them one in return, cheered, and charged. As it was near the end of the campaign, it was very weak; it did not consist of more than three hundred men, and we had no support nearer than Germantown, a mile in our rear. On our charging, they gave way on all sides, but again and again renewed the attack with fresh troops and greater force. We charged them twice, till the battalion was so reduced by killed and wounded thar the bugle was sounded to retreat; indeed had we not retreated at the very time we did, we should all have been taken or killed, as two columns of the enemy had nearly got round our flank. But this was the first time we had retreated from the Americans, and it was with great difficulty we could get our men to obey our orders. The enemy were kept so long in check that the two brigades had advanced to the entrance of Biggenstown when they met our battalion retreating. By this time General Howe had come up, and seeing the battalion retreating, all broken' he got into a passion and exclaimed: "For shame, Light Infantry! I never saw you retreat before. Form! form! it's only a scouting party." However, he was soon convinced it was more than a scouting party, as the heads of the enemy's columns soon appeared. One coming through Biggens" town, with three pieces of cannon in their front, immediately fired with grape at the crowd that

15 was standing with General Howe under a large chesnut-tree. I think I never saw people enjoy a discharge of grape before; but we really all felt pleased to see the enemy make such an appearance, and to hear the grape rattle about the commander-in-chief's ears, after he had accused the battalion of having run away from a scouting party. He rode off immediately, full speed, and we joined the two brigades that were now formed a little way in our rear; but it was not possible for them to make any stand against Washington's whole army, and they all retreated to Germantown, except Colonel Musgrave, who, with the 40th Regiment, nobly defended Howe's house till we were reinforced from Philadelphia. Valley forge: George Washington Primary Source Valley Forge-General Washington George Washington to the President of Congress. Valley Forge, December 23, 1777 Sir: Full as I was in my representation of matters in the Commys. de partmt. yesterday, fresh, and more powerful reasons oblige me to add, that I am now convinced, beyond a doubt that unless some great and capital change suddenly takes place in that line, this Army must inevitably be reduced tc one or other of these three things. Starve, dissolve, or disperse, in order to obtain subsistence in the best manner they can; rest assured Sir this is not an exaggerated picture, but that I have abundant reason to support what I see. Yesterday afternoon receiving information that the Enemy, in force, had left the City, and were advancing towards Derby with apparent design to forage, and draw Subsistance from that part of the Country, I ordered the Troops to be in readiness, that I might give every opposition in my power when, behold! to my great mortification, I was not only informed, but con vinced, that the Men were unable to stir on Acct. of Provision, and that~ dangerous Mutiny begun the Night before, and [which] with difficulty wa suppressed by the spirited exertion's of some officers was still much to apprehended on acct. of their want of this Article. This brought forth the only Comy, in the purchasing Line, in this Camp and, with him, this Melancholy and alarming truth; that he had not a sir~ hoof of any kind to Slaughter, and not more than 20. Barells. of Flour! From hence form an opinion of our Situation when I add, that, he could not~ when to expect any. All I could do under these circumstances was, to send out a few I _ Parties to watch and harrass the Enemy, whilst other Parties were insta detached different ways to collect, if possible, as much Provision as we satisfy the present pressing wants of the Soldiery. But will this answer? Sir: three or four days bad weather would prove our destruction. What then is to become of the Army this Winter? and if we are as ol without Provisions now, as with it, what is to become of us in the Spr when our force will be collected, with the aid perhaps of Militia, tot advantage of an early campaign before the Enemy can be reinforced? Th' are considerations of great magnitude, meriting the closest attention,' will, when my own reputation is so intimately connected, and to be affected by the event, justifie my saying that the present Commissaries are by means equal to the execution of the Office or that the disaffection of People is past all belief. The misfortune however does in my opinion. Proceed from both causes, and tho' I have been tender heretofore of givings opinion, or lodging complaints, as the change in that departmt. took pl contrary to my judgment, and the consequences thereof were predicted;! finding that the inactivity of the Army, whether for want of provisions, Cloaths, or other essentials, is charged to my Acct., not only by the common vulgar, but those in power, it is time to speak plain in exculpation of myself; with truth then I can declare that, no Man, in my opinion, ever had his measures more impeded than I have, by every department of the Army. Since the Month of July, we have had no assistance from the Quarter Master Genl. and to want of assistance from this department, the Commissary Genl. charges great part of his deficiency; to this I am to add, that notwithstanding it is a standing order (and often repeated) that the Troops shall always have two days Provisions by them, that they may be ready at any sudden call, yet no oppertunity has scarce ever yet happened of taking advantage of the Enemy that has not been totally obstructed or greatly impeded on this

16 Acct., and this tho' the great and crying evil is not all. Soap, Vinegar and other Articles allowed by Congress we see none of nor have [we] seen I believe since the battle of brandywine; the first indeed we have now little occasion of few men having more than one Shirt, many only the Moiety of one, and Some none at all; in addition to which as a proof of the little benefit received from a Cloathier Genl., and at the same time as a further proof of the inability of an Army under the circumstances of this, to perform the common duties of Soldiers (besides a number of Men confind to Hospitals for want of Shoes, and others in farmers Houses on the same Acct.) we have, by a field return this day made no less than 2000 Men now in Camp unfit for duty because they are bare foot and otherwise naked and by the same return it appears that our whole strength in continental Troops (Including the Eastern Brigades which have joined us since the surrender of Genl. Burgoyne) exclusive of the Maryland Troops sent to Wilmington amount to no more than 2898 In Camp fit for duty. Notwithstanding which, and that, since the 4tl~ Instt. our Numbers fit for duty from the hardships and exposures they have undergone, particularly on Acct. of Blankets (numbers being obliged and do set up all Mght by fires, instead of taking comfortable rest in a natural way) have decreased near 2000 Men. We find Gentlemen without knowing whether the Army was really goinginto Winter Quarters or not... reprobating the measure as much as if they thought Men were made of Stocks or Stones and equally insensible of frost and Snow and moreover, as if they conceived it practicable for an inferior Army under the disadvantages I have describ'd our's to be wch. is by no means exagerated to confine a superior one (in all respects well appointed, and provide for a Winters Campaign) within the City of Phila., and cover from depredation and waste the States of Pensa,, Jersey, &cat but what makes this matter still more extraordinary in my eye is, that these very G ntn. who were well apprized of the nakedness of the Troops, from occular demonstration thought their own Soldiers worse clad than others, and advised n~e, near a Month ago, to postpone the execution of a Plan, I was about to adopt (in consequence of a resolve of Congress) for seizing Cloaths, undu strong assurances that an ample supply would be collected in ten days agreeably to a decree of the State, not one Article of wch., by the bye, is yet come to hand, should think a Winters Campaign and the covering these States from the Invasion of an Enemy so easy a business. I can assure those Gentlemen that it is a much easier and less distressing thiing t odraw remonstrances in acomfortable room by a a good fire side than to occupy a cold bleak hill and sleep under frost and Snow without Cloaths or Blanketss; however, although they seem to have little feeling for the naked, and distresssed Solider, I feel superabundantly for them, and from my Soul pity those miseries wch it is neither in my power to relieve or prevent. It is for these reasons therefore I have dwelt upon the Subject, and it adds not a little to my other difficulties, and distress, to find that much more is expected of me than is posible to be perfomred, and that upon the ground of safety and policy, I am obliged to conceal the true state of the Arm from Public view and therby expose myself to detraction and Calumny. Battles of Yorktown-1781

17 General Cornwalis arrived in Petersburg in May of After receiving conflicting instructions, Cornwalis went to Yorktown and began preparing a naval base there. General Washington moved south and, together with French ground and naval forces, surrounded the British army, forcing its surrender and effectively ending the war. General Washington's Report-Head Quarters Before York, October 16, 1781 SIR: I had the honor to inform your Excellency in my last, of the l2th. instant, that we had the evening before opened our second parallel. The 13th. and 14th. w employed in compleating it. The Engineers having deemed the two Redoubts on the left of the enemy's line sufficiently injured by our shot and shells to make practicable,- More From GW Journal of Colonel Jonathan Trumbull, Secretary to George Washington. [September] 28. A most wonderful and very observable coincidence of favorable circumstances having concentered our various and extended preparations, th commences its march from Williamsburg and approaches within two miles of Yorktown- Journal Entry Multimedia Battle Presentation On May 20, 1781, General Cornwalis and his army reached Petersburg, Virginia, and opened the last act of the war. Greeting Cornwalis was Arnold, with an army of 5,000. For a number of weeks, Cornwalis had received competing instructions on whether to send his men north or not. Finally, he was told that they were not needed. Instead, he decided to fortify Yorktown for use as a major naval base. At the moment, circumstances favored the French in their naval war with Great Britain, and they temporarily had control of the seas around America. Washington convinced the French that the time was ripe for a joint American-French land-naval expedition against Cornwalis in Virginia. Washington successfully moved his army to Virginia, while the French fleet, under Grasse, reluctantly agreed to a close offshore blockade. On September 28, the Americans and the French arrived at Yorktown. They brought a combined force of 14,000 men and began investing Yorktown. The American and French forces began a continuous bombardment of the British. Cornwalis took very little action in the first two weeks of the siege, expecting Clinton to save him. On October 14, the American and French troops made an initial assault on the British lines, forcing the British to fall back. It became clear to Cornwalis that his position was totally untenable. On October 16, Cornwalis made a desperate attempt to break out by sending some of his troops across the bay in small boats. A gale-force wind, however, scuttled that plan. On the 17th of October, Cornwalis sent an officer to negotiate the terms of his surrender. The war was effectively over. Hostilities would continue for another year but, for the second time, a British army in North America was forced to surrender. Treaty of Paris Signed- 1783

18 After the Battle of Yorktown the British were ready to come to a deal with the Americans. This was understandable, since they suffered reverses in other parts of the world and the Tory government, in power at that time, showed favor to the Americans. Benjamin Franklin, John Adams and John Jay were sent to Paris, with the hopes of negotiating a peace treaty. The three envoys were under instructions not to make a separate peace with the British. The negotiators, fearing French interests were not the same as those of the Americans, decided to open direct talks with the British. As a result, the British agreed to recognize United States independence and its borders from the Great Lakes to Florida, and as far west as the Mississippi. The Americans, in turn, agreed to respect the property of loyalists and to allow British merchants to collect debts owed them.