CHIEF BILLY CALDWELL, HIS CHICAGO RIVER RESERVE, AND ONLY KNOWN SURVIVING HEIR: A 21 st CENTURY BIOGRAPHY

Transcription

1 CHIEF BILLY CALDWELL, HIS CHICAGO RIVER RESERVE, AND ONLY KNOWN SURVIVING HEIR: A 21 st CENTURY BIOGRAPHY Peter T Gayford Written 2011 Revised 2016 Copyrighted 2011, 2012,

2 Unlike most famous persons, no pictures, portraits, or sketches exist of Billy Caldwell. In fact, few descriptions of his personality or physical make up have survived. Early depictions often generalize him as being a half breed, white man's friend, etc., with no specific characteristics to form an accurate image of his genuine being. This lack of information, no doubt, left readers to form only stereotypical concepts of him within their minds. From , James A. Clifton (University of Wisconsin) published several biographical articles on Billy Caldwell. What made them so progressive versus previous biographies was that for the first time an attempt to define Caldwell's personality had been made. As concluded through Clifton's research, Caldwell had an identity crisis. (3) To an extent, there is evidence to support this finding that Caldwell did indeed suffer from a case of identity crisis. Being that he came from two vastly different worlds (British and Indian) this likely would have occurred during certain stages of his life. Regardless, as supported across historical documents, Caldwell was ultimately a man of opportunity. This truth is being supported by the documented evidences within these pages. One of the only known sources of information that portrays Billy Caldwell's character comes from an interview conducted by Lyman Draper in 1866, with Caldwell's life-long 2

3 associate Alexander Robinson. Through Robinson's description, Caldwell was approximately six feet tall and weighed 155 lbs. His leanness was an asset to him, as it allowed him to be very active (Robinson stated that Caldwell was a fleet runner). Further, Caldwell was a man who was highly regarded and popular among his peers. He was viewed to be a kind individual who never hurt any living creature without justification and always helped any Indian(s) in need. Alexander Robinson stated that Billy Caldwell was better educated than most people, as he was very literate. Added, he was multilingual in that he could speak English, French, and Pottawatomie fluently. Caldwell was able to speak the Mohawk language at an early age, but his ability to carry it into adulthood faded. Regardless, his other mastered skills helped to increase his abilities for advancing himself when required. (4) Billy Caldwell's life began on March 17, 1782 in a Mohawk refugee camp near Fort Niagara (Yorktown, NY). (5) Caldwell's mother, Sarah (Rising Sun) Caldwell, was the daughter of a Mohawk Chief named Rising Sun. Paternally, his father was Captain William Caldwell of the British Butler's Rangers. (6) Although little is known about the role of Caldwell's mother in his life, much is known about his father's. 3

4 Following the end of the Revolutionary War in 1782, William Caldwell deserted his son and Indian wife at Fort Niagara and headed toward Detroit to establish a new life for himself. In regards to Billy Caldwell's formative years, little is known. What is understood was that his given English name was always Billy. Although author James Clifton hypothesized it was originally Thomas, his evidence as based upon a 1780 broadside titled Mohawk Song and Dance (located in the Haldimand Collection, New Brunswick Library) was misinterpreted and unsupported. (7) In truth, this broadside was printed in 1780 by a William Brown at Quebec for the 5 year old son of Lt.-Col. Henry Caldwell, Seigneur of Lauzon. This son, Sir John Caldwell, eventually grew up to succeed his father as Receiver General of Lower Canada in the year (8) Aside from this, the only other identified events that Billy Caldwell experienced as a toddler included the following two: that he was a witness to his tribe's final defeat in the American Revolution, and a participant in his tribe's migration from New York to the Grand River north of Lake Ontario where their resettlement occurred. Because of the fact that he was living with his people at the time of these events it would not have been possible for him to have 4

5 been absent. (9) In the year 1783, William Caldwell married Suzanne Baby. Through their years of marriage, they had five sons (William, James, Francis, Thomas, and John) and three daughters (Susan, Elizabeth, and Theresa) that lived to adulthood. All these children were raised according to Suzanne's Catholic faith (William was an Anglican), and received a Catholic education. (10) At some point during their first four years of marriage, Suzanne became informed of William's first born Billy, and insisted he be brought home to live with them. Suzanne s desire was based upon the Quebec inheritance laws which favored the oldest son regardless of ethnicity. However, no documentation exists to support this notion. Had this been true, the family would have had complete control over Billy s thoughts and actions, as he would have been entitled to the Caldwell inheritance first. (11) Instead, what has been found through Lyman Draper s interview of Alexander Robinson (1866), is that Suzanne was simply anxious to get Billy home so he could have been educated through the teachings of the Catholic faith. (12) Proceeding, in 1787, William Caldwell went east to locate his son at Joseph Brant's encampment on the Grand River. After finding his son, the two of them along with Billy's 5

6 mother and grandfather (Rising Sun) returned to the Caldwell farm in Following this journey, Billy's mother and grandfather returned to their people. Once returned, Billy's mother remarried an Indian husband at the Grand River encampment and had three daughters through that union. (13) While living with his new family, Billy was raised in the same manner as his step-brothers and sisters (he was very unruly). This upbringing required him to attend home schooling with them, through which he received a basic education. (14) Added, he was brought up to understand the beliefs of the Catholic faith, while also the values of the Loyalists to the British Empire. Furthermore, although Billy did labor on the Caldwell farm for a period of time, he did not find that type of labor appealing. (15) In 1797, at age fifteen, Billy Caldwell migrated into American territory and began to learn the ropes of the fur trade business. (16) His first apprenticeship occurred at the southern end of Lake Michigan with Robert and Thomas Forsythe. (17) Added to this experience, he also worked along the Wabash River and what was to eventually become the northern part of Illinois. (18) During these early years of his new occupation, he began to develop a deep association with the trading partnership of Thomas Forsythe and Robert Kinzie. (19) As a result of this 6

7 connection, by 1803, Caldwell had become promoted to the position of clerk at Forsythe and Kinzie's newly established trading post near Fort Dearborn. (20) Later during that year he went into the fur trade business for himself on the Wabash River. (21) During the year of 1804 while trading near Niles, Michigan, Billy Caldwell met Alexander Robinson, who was to become his life-long friend. (22) Also, around this time he married his first wife. As documented, her name was La Natte and she was the niece of Chief Mad Sturgeon of the powerful Pottawatomie Fish Clan, which reigned along the St. Joseph River. Sadly, La Natte died after giving birth to their first son. Following her passing, Caldwell took a second wife (her name is not known) who apparently was the daughter of Robert Forsythe and an Ojibwa woman. Once again though, his second wife died a year after their marriage in childbirth. It has been hypothesized that Caldwell may have had at least eight children in his lifetime, but this has never been confirmed. (23) In 1807, Billy Caldwell first came into contact with Tecumseh. Tecumseh was a leader of the Shawnee, and an ally to the British cause during the War of (24) Although most historical sources agree that Caldwell did become Tecumseh's personal advisor and secretary, 7

8 author James A. Clifton believed that no such relationship ever existed. (25) Despite this, what can be interpreted as truth is that Caldwell was somehow associated with Tecumseh until his death on October 5, 1813, at the Battle of the Thames. (26) From roughly 1808 until 1812, Billy Caldwell was placed in charge of supervising the operations of Kinzie and Forsythes trading post, located at Peoria. (27) In addition to this, he also continued to labor on other subordinate duties as requested by his employers. As a result of these experiences, not only was Caldwell able to establish himself as an influential trader, but also a middleman for merchants, fur traders, and Indians alike. The majority of his business transactions occurred around and near the vicinity of Lake Michigan. (28) This lifestyle continued for Billy Caldwell until the spring of 1812 when several events befell and changed everything for him. It was during this season when John Kinzie stabbed and killed a Frenchman named John Lelime, who was an interpreter for the American garrison at Fort Dearborn. Apparently at an evening party for the officers, Lelime became inebriated and engaged Kinzie in a volatile argument. This verbal confrontation escalated to a degree of physical violence on the part of Lelime, which forced Kinzie to stab him fatally. In order to remedy this affair, Kinzie employed Caldwell to travel with a statement concerning the case to 8

9 Governor William Henry Harrison at Vincennes. (29) Interestingly, as recorded by Lyman Draper in 1866, while at Vincennes Governor Harrison tried to persuade Caldwell to join the American cause. Caldwell, however, declined this invitation by declaring that he was a True Briton and wished to remain loyal to his government. After having made this statement, a friend who was present whispered to Caldwell that war between Britain and America had been declared. In response, to save his own life, Caldwell ran off and escaped unharmed. Following this event, Billy Caldwell made his way to Peoria. Since he was still in the employment of John Kinzie during this time, Caldwell completed several transactions at the Peoria trading post before heading back to Fort Dearborn. This truth is supported by his signature in the trading post s ledger on July 15 th. (30) One area of uncertainty that has been debated across writings has been the role Billy Caldwell played during and after the Fort Dearborn Massacre. This discrepancy having resulted from the fact that no sound evidence has been uncovered to support his whereabouts. Of all accounts, the one that has been referred to most often is Mrs. John H. Kinzie's, Wau-Bun: The 9

10 Early Day in the Northwest (1856). As written in this rendering, Caldwell was not present during the massacre. He did, however, arrive on August 16 th one day after it occurred in time to save the Kinzies from their Indian captors. (31) As more specifically described through her own words: From Ouilmette's house to the party of Indians proceeded to the dwelling of Mr. Kinzie. They entered the parlor in which the family was assembled with their faithful protectors and seated themselves upon the floor in silence. Black Partridge perceived from their moody and revengeful looks what was passing in their minds, but he dared not remonstrate with them. He only observed in a low tone to Waubansee We have endeavored to save our friends, but it is in vain-nothing will save them now. At this moment a friendly whoop was heard from a party of newcomers on the opposite bank of the river. Black Partridge sprang to meet their leader, as the canoes in which they had hastily embarked touched the bank near the house. Who are you? demanded he. A man. Who are you? A man like yourself. But tell me who you are, -meaning, tell me your disposition, and which side you are for. I am Sau-ga-nash! Then make all speed to the house-your friend is in danger, and you alone can save him. 10

11 Billy Caldwell for it was he, entered the parlor with a calm step, and without a trace of agitation in his manner. He deliberately took off his accouterments and placed them with his rifle behind the door, then saluted the hostile savages. How now my friends! A good day to you. I was told there were enemies here, but I am glad to find only friends. Why have you blackened your faces? Is it that you are mourning for our friends? Is it that you are mourning for the friends you have lost in battle? (Purposely misunderstanding this token of evil designs) Or is it that you are fasting? If so, ask our friend here, and he will give you to eat. He is the Indians friend, and never yet refused them what they had need of. Thus taken by surprise, the savages were ashamed to acknowledge their bloody purpose. They therefore said modestly that they came to beg of their friends some white cotton in which to wrap their dead before interring them. This was given to them, with some other presents, and they took their departure peaceably from the premises. (32) Speculatively, Billy Caldwell's ability to journey from Peoria to Fort Dearborn in a month's time (July 15th to August 16th) could have been accomplished via river routes and portages. Traveling north on the Illinois and Des Plains Rivers, east over the Chicago Portage to the south branch of the Chicago River, and north to Kinzie's residence would have been roughly only 160 miles. (33) As a result, it can be deducted that there is validity to Mrs. Kinzie's story as to Caldwell being in the area following the massacre. However, what historically has made the portrayal of this event fictionalized in many readers eyes is her use of romanticized language. 11

12 As believed by author James A. Clifton, had this event truthfully occurred it would have been out of Caldwell's loyalty to his British comrades, and not the American cause. (34) Unfortunately, the whereabouts of Billy Caldwell may never have a grounded answer. However, to rule out the idea that his participation may have been different than that of the Wau Bun story could lead to a stereotyped answer. Illustrating this, in 1903, an anthropologist named Charles Augustus Dilg conducted a series of rare interviews with Mary Robinson, who was the last living child of Chief Alexander Robinson. Dilg himself, was conducting these interviews in an attempt to document the life of Robinson. Unfortunately, he died in 1904 before any of his research could be published. (35) As revealed through Mary Robinson's interviews, her father religiously retold the events surrounding the Fort Dearborn Massacre. While reliving these memories, Robinson would often exclaim out loud, If it hadn't been for that Caldwell all this thing wouldn't have happened. Confound him and that Tecumseh anyhow! (36) As further disclosed, Billy Caldwell came to Chicago as a runner for Tecumseh. While in the region, he was known for telling his stories of British victories to the Indians, which warped and enflamed their minds. These stories 12

13 eventually helped to fuel the whole massacre. After the massacre had occurred, Caldwell not only basked in the American s defeat, but also the burning of Fort Dearborn. As stated by Mary, Billy Caldwell was a British Officer who hated the Americans. (37) In regards to Alexander Robinson's story, the following facts were conveyed to Mary Robinson by him. At the time of the final showdown, Robinson was guarding the settlers' cabins located on the north side of the river. The act of him protecting Ouilmette and Kinzies' homes and occupants from the murdering Indians was in fact the same scenario portrayed in Mrs. Kinizie's Wau Bun version. According to Robinson, at the time he was guarding the cabins Waubansia, Winnemace, Chief Joseph Bertrand, and a well-known river trader were all with him. For years following the massacre, both Robinson and Waubansia grieved over the wrong committed against them when Caldwell took credit for what they had done. (38) As learned by Charles Dilg through his interviews with Mary Robinson, Caldwell was nowhere near the cabins on the north side of the river during or after the massacre had been waged. Instead, he was present at the massacre fighting beside his comrades Shaubena and Tecumseh against the 13

14 Americans. (39) Further, as explained by Charles Dilg, neither Alexander Robinson nor Black Partridge were ever interviewed on the details of the Fort Dearborn Massacre. The reason why this was thought to be is because it would have spoiled Mrs. Kinzie s tale. (40) Even though in 1866 Alexander Robinson stated to Lyman Draper that Billy Caldwell showed up late to save the Kinzies, that was ten years after Wau Bun had been published. Added, it was never described in Draper's notes what exactly Robinson was referring to (Mrs. Kinzie's Wau Bun version, etc.). (41) To complicate matters, aside from Robinson s language barrier, in 1866 he was also suffering from memory loss due to his advancing age, which could have affected his response to Draper. (42) Interestingly enough, within the book entitled Chicago and the Old Northwest (1913), author Milo Milton Quaife critiqued Charles Dilg's techniques of obtaining information from Mary Robinson as being useless and unscientific. (43) Whether true or not, Dilg s information did provide another theory to Billy Caldwell s involvement with the Fort Dearborn Massacre. Thus, to insinuate that any one historical rendering of Caldwell s role is an absolute truth may not be just. 14

15 Following the Fort Dearborn massacre, in the early winter of 1812, Billy Caldwell returned to Amherstburg to enlist himself in the service of the British Crown. (44) At the time of Caldwell's enlistment, his father was a Lieutenant Colonel of the 1 st Essex Militia Regiment, and working to create a special corp. of rangers. As a result of his status, Caldwell Sr. was able to secure commissions for all of his sons, with the exception of Billy. Not being deterred by this rejection Billy went ahead and obtained a commission as a Captain in the Indian Department. (45) Due to the fact that he was highly influential among the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians around Lake Michigan, this commission suited him best. (46) Billy Caldwell's first combat experience came at River Raisin, Michigan, in the year During this battle, Caldwell took prisoner an American officer (a Kentuckian) who was very tall and heavy, in comparison to himself. As Caldwell was trying to rescue this man from his Indian comrades, the American officer lunged at him after being spoken to in a Pottawatomie tongue, instead of the English language. At the exact moment this situation was occurring, a Pottawatomie named Wau-gosh (or the Fox) yelled, Look out Caldwell he is going to stab you! Unfortunately, when Caldwell turned in response to this warning, he caught his foot and fell to 15

16 the ground. At once, the American officer jumped on top of him and plunged a knife through his neck. In response, Caldwell clutched the American's wrists and restrained them from causing any further damage. While struggling for his life, Wau-gosh advanced and shot the American officer through the head, killing him. As a result of this attack on Caldwell, the Indians revenged themselves by slaughtering all of the American prisoners. (47) Amazingly, the knife was able to be extracted from Billy Caldwell's neck, and over the period of a few weeks he recovered. After his initial recovery, Capt. William Caldwell and Col. Elliott transported him by sleigh back to the family's home in Malden. It was there at this home he remained until a complete recovery was achieved. (48) Following this injury, Billy Caldwell went on to participate in several other battles during the war. Among these included the Siege of Fort Meigs (May 1813), the Battle of Fort Stephenson (August 1813), and the Battle of the Thames (Moravian Town, October 1813). Along with these campaigns, Caldwell also partook in helping to defend the Niagara border. Interestingly, it was at the Battle of the Thames that Caldwell left the battlefield in disgust over the fact that he ever signed up to fight for the British. Apparently, as a result of this battle, he 16

17 was left feeling that General Proctor was the greatest of cowards. His deeply rooted feelings were based upon Proctor's early retreat, which left the Indians alone to fight the Americans. As a result of this maneuver, the Indians ended up being soundly defeated by the Americans. (49) Following the end of the war, Billy Caldwell became sought after by the American government for his skills and talents. To try to win his loyalty, they tempted him with a great number of gifts, all of which he turned down in favor of staying loyal to the British government. (50) In May of 1814, following the death of Matthew Elliott, Caldwell was provided with an opportunity to establish himself as the new Superintendent of the Indians for the Western District. (50) Unfortunately, his efforts brought him into contention with his own father, who was the department's first choice. In the end, Caldwell Sr. overwhelmingly won the right to hold the position, while Billy had to settle for his second in command. (52) During that same year (1814), Billy Caldwell made his first attempt to overthrow his father from that position he so desired. To do so, he aligned himself with several junior officers in the British Army. Being young and idealistic, these officers took a firm stance against their seniors and the role of civil authorities in the army. Although their efforts may have been noble at best, in the end they failed, and Billy remained subordinate to his father's authority. (53) 17

18 After this attempt to supplant his father failed things began to change in favor of Billy Caldwell in the year On March 1, Caldwell received a letter from Major General Porter that requested his testimony on the River Raisin affair, in which he was wounded. As stated within the letter, it was Porter's intention to inform all interested persons of Caldwell's courage, zeal, and activity during the battle. (54) These words, were no doubt an attempt to help pave a better road for Caldwell within the Indian Department. Regardless of this conjecture, Billy Caldwell's path to these days was not without its bumps. One instance of troubling moments took place on August 25, 1815, when Caldwell received a letter of inquiry from William Claus about his abusive conduct toward a fellow officer in the department. Apparently, Caldwell had insulted a Lieutenant Perin with abusive language, made threats to restrain him in the guard house, and rejected his registration to the Indian Department. (55) This situation no doubt brought into question Caldwell s ability to handle the responsibilities of his position. During the time Billy Caldwell was struggling with these affairs, his father was dealing with his own. While working as the Western District's Superintendent of Indians, Caldwell Sr. s 18

19 abilities to command effectively came into question by William Claus. Added members of the Indian Department had anonymously been accusing him of establishing his sons at their expense. Furthermore, his belligerent ideals of post war relations with America were not in line with Britain's. (56) Compounding William Caldwell's problems was a conflict that took place between Amherstburg's Commandant Reginald James and himself over the resettlement of the western Indians in This conflict led to the virtual starvation of the Indians, along with an all-out revolt by them. Responding to this embarrassment, General Proctor up through the highest levels of British command sought to hold Caldwell Sr. and James accountable for the mess, along with several other failures of the war. (57) Following this, in October of 1815, William Caldwell openly insulted Reginald James in public by insinuating that he was a liar and broke off all verbal communications with him. In response to this assault, on October 21 st James suspended Caldwell Sr. replacing him with Billy. (58) Unknown to Caldwell Sr., was that James and his son had been collaborating to remove him in order to make Billy the new Superintendent of Indians for the Western District. (59) Unfortunately for Billy Caldwell, his new position within the British hierarchy was short 19

20 lived. While in this position, the department's senior officers realized how incapable he was at managing his duties. Added, they then began to understand Caldwell's only reason for wanting his new position, which was nothing more than opportunism. As a result of this, in September of 1816, he was eased out of his position and removed from the Indian Department altogether. (60) Prior to Billy Caldwell's final departure from the Indian Department, he wrote an emotional letter to William Claus, which revealed new information about his true loyalties in life. As stated by Caldwell, while he was living in the Indian country (500 miles away from his home), the British army had offered him a high salary with the ability to trade freely if he kept the Indians neutral for them. Unfortunately, as generous as this offer was, he declined it. His reason for doing so was because he wanted to support the promise that the British government had always made to the Indians since the days of Brock. This promise was that a boundary line would be created in order to separate the Indian's territory from that of the American s. (61) Furthermore, in every past war in which the British had solicited the Indians help, a boundary line was promised to them. However this promise was never honored, as British lands were handed over to the American government at the end of each war. (62) As a result of this 20

21 and other injustices, Billy Caldwell wrote on to open William Claus mind to the possibilities of a day when a boundary line might exist between the Indians and Americans. (63) Figure 1. Typed copy of Billy Caldwell s written letter to William Claus about a boundary line. 21

22 Following his release from the Indian Department, Billy Caldwell removed himself to the Amherstburg region. The exact place of his residence is not known. However, while in the vicinity he did work to establish himself as a merchant. Unfortunately, for all his learned skills and past experiences in the trade, he was unable to succeed. (64) Regardless, it was during this same year that Billy petitioned the British government and received 500 acres of land in Upper Canada. This land was granted to him for his services to the crown during the War of 1812, as a reduced Captain of the Indian Department. (65) In January of 1818, Billy Caldwell s father wrote his Last Will and Testament. As expected, Billy was not first on his father s list for gifting, but rather the last. Regardless, William Caldwell did bequeath to his son one lot of land in the Harwich Township area (200 acres). (66) This tract was sold off as one piece of land at a later date, which to this day is still intact. (67) Sometime around 1818 Billy Caldwell uprooted himself once again and headed back to the Fort Dearborn area. (68) Up until his return, Caldwell had remained true to his British identity. However, once integrated into his new American society, he had to work hard to gain 22

23 the American's trust. (69) Among the opportunistic endeavors he undertook to align himself with his American counterparts included the following. In 1825, he sought an appointment to become a Justice of the Peace. Following this symbolic accomplishment, in August of 1826, Caldwell served as a judge in Peoria County's first election. Added, he also served as an election judge on July 24 th, August 2nd, and November 25th in the year Previously, in 1826, Caldwell was recommended to the Governor of Illinois to hold the Justice of the Peace position for Peoria County. Also during that year, he became an appraiser for the estate of John Crafts, a local trader who passed away during the year of (70) Following this, during 1827, Caldwell provided his services for securing information related to a possible Winnebago uprising. Despite these ancillary ventures, it must be noted that over the course of these years Caldwell continued to work for the Forsythe, Kinzie, and newly associated Wolcotts fur trade business. (71) During 1828, it was rumored that the United States government built a frame house for Billy Caldwell on John Kinzie s Land in the north division of Chicago. As accounts have written, this was done as a favor to Caldwell for his services he provided during the Prairie du Chien negotiations. (72) Unfortunately, this date was one year prior to the treaty negotiations. 23

24 Added, no primary documentation exists in the Bureau of Indian Affairs 422 A file or elsewhere to support this tale. In the year of 1829, Billy Caldwell's life turned toward another venture. It was during this year that the United States government began working to create an official treaty with the Chippewa, Ottawa, Pottawatomie, and Winnebago Indians in order to relieve them of their lands. These lands, known as the Mineral Country (due to the abundance of lead mines), were located south of the Wisconsin River and east of the Mississippi River. (73) To ensure the treaty s success, General John McNeil, Col. Pierre Menard, and Caleb Atwater were elected as commissioners to carry out the negotiations. (74) On July 15, 1829, all three commissioners arrived at Prairie du Chien where the treaty was to be held and met with the principal men of the Winnebago tribe and United Nations of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians. In all, there were approximately 1,300 men, women, and children present, along with the tribes respected agents and interpreters. Once introduced, they agreed that two treaties should be negotiated. The first was for the United Nations, while the second the Winnebago. (75) 24

25 As previously stated, in 1829 Billy Caldwell's life began to move in another direction. This change resulted from his participation in the first treaty negotiations between the United States government and United Nations of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie. Being a participant, he played an influential role in negotiating the outcomes of the treaty on behalf of the Indians. Added, through his involvement in the process he became recognized as a Chief of the United Nations. These facts were supported through the following entries on July 27: Council convened in the afternoon. A Chippewa rose and spoke. My fathers! I am going to raise my children up now and hope they will have their senses. Here is our flesh (Billy Caldwell), and we have all appointed him to talk to you for us for the three nations. He is our principal man. An Ottawa spoke. Fathers! You have heard our brother there has said. He is a Chippewa and I am an Ottawa. What he has said, we all agree to. We are of the same opinion. Our nations are one body. Ka-na-sot, a Pottawatomie spoke next. My fathers! You have listened to what our brothers have said. We are of the same opinion. You have also listened to us, what we have said, and there is the man (Billy Caldwell) we have all appointed to speak to you. What he says, and does we will always observe. It shall last as long as the world stands. Here is the Chief of the three United Nations of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie of Illinois. (76) 25

26 Following these speeches, which established Caldwell's leadership role, he placed several drawn-up terms in the hands of the commissioners for consideration. Amongst these terms included a two and one half section of land (1600 acres) for Caldwell himself. (77) Following two days of deliberations, on July 29th, both parties reconvened to finalize the treaty. Meeting alongside the United Nations and Chief Caldwell was their Indian Agent Dr. Wolcott, who was present throughout the negotiations. (78) After the treaty was read aloud and interpreted for the Indians, all participants agreed to the terms and signed it. Although officially agreed to by all on the 29th of July, it was not until January 2, 1830 that Congress ratified it. (79) Although Billy Caldwell's role in the negotiations may have been perceived to be of an altruistic nature in favor of the Indians welfare, it was not. His acquired status as Chief of the United Nations of Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians was in fact no more than a fabricated crown, created through a plan by Dr. Wolcott. In 1857, author Elijah M. Haines became acquainted with Alexander Robinson while conducting several business transactions with him. Apparently, through their conversations, Haines learned that Robinson's title as Chief of the United Nations was not one of inheritance. As explained to him by Robinson, he was made a Chief at the Treaty of Prairie du Chien in Apparently, while in attendance at the 26

27 treaty Wilmette (Ouilmette) had approached him and said that Dr. Wolcott wanted Billy Caldwell and himself to become Chiefs for the negotiations. In response, they both agreed to do so and were promoted to the positions of Pottawatomie Chiefs. (80) Continuing, at the time of the treaty two vacancies in the number of Pottawatomie Chiefs existed, due to recent deaths. These vacancies, if not filled, would have resulted in the United Nations of Indians opposing the sale of their lands. Additionally, as revealed by Robinson, in 1829 Pottawatomie Chiefs were little more than savage individuals. They had no care whatsoever for the white man's interests. As a result of this, Dr. Wolcott was convinced that success in the treaty negotiations could only be guaranteed to the American government if the Indian chiefs were influenced by Caldwell and Robinson. (81) To assure success, Dr. Wolcott strategically filled the two existing chief vacancies with Billy Caldwell and Alexander Robinson. In turn, this not only guaranteed successful negotiations at Prairie du Chien in 1829, but also the future 1833 treaty at Chicago. The reasons why Dr. Wolcott chose to deploy Caldwell and Robinson in this manner was because although their instincts were that of the white man's, past experiences were filled with faithfulness to the 27

28 Indians. Due to these conditions, these men could influence the tribes like no others alive. To compensate them, both were rewarded with large tracts of land within the terms of the treaty. (82) Following the Prairie du Chien affair Billy Caldwell returned to the Chicago region. (83) In 1831 following Mark Beaubian s erection of Chicago s first framed tavern, Caldwell approached him and said, Mark, name your house after me and I will make you a present. Beaubian, who was excited about the proposition promptly replied, I ll do it Billy, and named it the Sauganash. Following this exchange of words Caldwell presented to him one section of land. To date, it is not known where this parcel of land came from. (84) Adding to this immortalization, Billy Caldwell involved himself in the proposal of a feeder canal for the Calamic River ( ), commanded a force of Pottawatomie scouts during the Black Hawk War (1832), and paid for the education of local Indian children who dressed as Americans. (85) Added, Caldwell also dealt with the death of his first son Alexander in 1832 from his previous marriage to La Natte. Although only in his twenties he unfortunately succumbed from drunkenness. Sadly, as communicated by Caldwell, he saw his son to be a 28

29 worthless man who was never disciplined to work. (86) During that year in April, Billy Caldwell composed a letter to Thomas Forsythe that predicted the future of his Indian brethren in the Chicago region. Within this letter, Caldwell wrote and asked if Forsythe had read the papers about the Indians' removal to the west, what his opinion was, and how the Indians were to behave themselves when the thunderstorms looked black to them. (87) Added, Caldwell also stated how it had been 50 years since childhood, and although the years had swiftly passed him by, he still had made few noteworthy accomplishments. Further, Caldwell wondered if he would ever be able to accomplish the mission for which he was born to undertake (a boundary line), or die a coward like Napoleon did. Building upon this, Caldwell's own acknowledgement that the Indians move west would take time to complete was an indication that he knew what their destiny was to be. (88) In 1833, Billy Caldwell was involved in the creation of Chicago s first Catholic church. This church's name at the time of its creation was Saint Mary of the Assumption. In regards to its location, it was situated on what is now the south side of Lake Street, west of State Street. (89) During that same year, Billy Caldwell began to sell off his rewarded (Prairie du Chien 29

30 treaty) 1600 acres of reserve land located on the Chicago River. This decision was presumably the result of the economic decline in the region s fur trade industry, while the advent of its land boom. This tract of land encompassed a wide open prairie on the west side and a deep forest of timber on the east, which was the land's only true value. (90) To accomplish this, Caldwell enlisted the help of a man named Arthur Bronson. Mr. Bronson was a capitalist, lawyer, real estate speculator, and financier from the state of New York. (91) In regards to these services, they included the proper conveying of Caldwell's reserve lands. In conjunction with this, he worked to ensure that deeds of sale were endorsed with a President s of the United States signature. This signature was strictly enforced by the language of Caldwell's original land patent, which made any sales of his land legally binding. In total, six documented conveyances were completed by Bronson. (92) These land transactions included: 80 acres to George W. Dole and Richard Hamilton in June of 1833 for $100; 160 acres to Richard Nicolas, Sarah Amantus, Eleanor Hamilton, and infant heirs of Richard Jo and Diana W. Hamilton in July of 1833 for $200; 160 acres to Philo Carpenter in July of 1833 for $200; 720 acres to Arthur Bronson in 1833 for $900; 160 acres to Captain Seth 30

31 Johnson in November of 1833 for $200; and 240 acres to William De Camp and Julius B. Kingsbury in November of 1834 for $300. A seventh consisting of 80 acres acquired by William De Camp circa 1834 for an unrecorded amount exists in the historical record, but its legitimacy is questioned by the author. As recorded, William De Camp never established a deed of conveyance from Billy Caldwell for the 80 acres. Instead, after fraudulently claiming the parcel, De Camp flipped it to a Francis Allyn of New London, Connecticut in 1833 (not William Sattonstalls as incorrectly recorded on an 1830 s partition map). As supported by Land Case 3912, Allyn did not seek a deed for his land from the Cook County Recorder until The deed he eventually secured was issued with Caldwell s Heirs as the Grantor, a maneuver performed in response to Caldwell s prior death (1841). Interestingly, Cook County never attempted to obtain consent for the conveying of Allyn s land from potential heirs west of the Mississippi River. Hence, an imperfect title for the northwest 80 acres was established. (93) 31

32 Figure 2. (Left) Original survey of the Billy Caldwell s Reserve. (Right) Partition survey of the reserve. 32

33 Although this should have been an easy venture for Arthur Bronson, as based upon his experiences, it was not. Some troubles undermining his efforts were that the property lines of the sold land tracts were all inaccurate. Apparently, at some point prior to this problem, the reserve was surveyed by a surveyor named Mr. Herrington according to the government lines, but not smaller tracts for private sales. As a result of this, difficulties arose between land owners as to what land and timber belonged to whom. In order to remedy this, Col. Hamilton addressed Representative William L. May to ascertain if a formal survey of the reserve could be made. Through this effort, in 1836, a formal survey of the reserve was completed by Deputy Land Surveyor A. H. Evans. (94) Unfortunately, this surveying of the reserve did not end all of the problems faced by the land owners. Another pressing issue they had to endure was the amount of time it took to have their deeds sanctioned by a president. The reason for this delay was the result of Billy Caldwell's land patent not having been issued until June 1, 1839, when thereafter a copy was sent to Arthur Bronson. (95) As a result of this, none of the seeking landowners' deeds received sanctions until 1841 by President John Tyler (with the exception of Bronson who was able to painstakingly attain his in 1838 by President Martin Van Buren). Regardless of this situation, the landowners often had to deal with proprietors stealing the timber off their land as they waited for their legally approved titles from the 32

34 government. (96) As previously stated, it wasn t until June 1, 1839 that Billy Caldwell s land patent was issued. A copy was sent directly to Arthur Bronson and a second placed with the Cook County Recorder of Deeds (97). As a result of this, Caldwell never saw it because he was west of the Mississippi River when his patent was issued. Added, since Bronson was handling all the affairs related to the sold parcels, there would have been no need for him to review it. In regards to the language of the land patent several facts should be highlighted. The obvious was that it was issued in the name of Billy Caldwell on June 4, This said tract of land, which was referred to as Reserve 422 A by the Bureau of Indian Affairs, was comprised of two and one half sections of land (1,600 acres). Its location was in Township 40 and 41, range 13 East, of the 3 rd Principal Meridian, on the east and west sides of the Chicago River, above and adjoining the Line of the Purchase in (98) Further, as described within the patent, it was to be reserved for Billy Caldwell, his heirs, and assigns forever. This referred to those land parcels not approved for lease or conveyance by a President of the United States. Firmly supporting this were those words written into Caldwell's land patent by President Martin Van Buren: Now know ye that there is therefore granted by the United States unto the said Billy Caldwell and to his heirs the tract of land above described. To have and to hold the said tract of land with the appurtenances unto the said Billy Caldwell and his heirs and assigns forever, but never to be leased or conveyed by him or his heirs to any person whatsoever without the permission of the President of the United States. (99) 33

35 . Figure 3. First page of Billy Caldwell s original 1839 land Patent for his 1600 acre reserve. 34

36 Interestingly, had Arthur Bronson accomplished the proper conveying and sanctioning of all acres in Billy Caldwell s reserve, the patent s words would have lost their legal binding power. However, that was not the case, as 80 were not properly conveyed and 160 ever sanctioned by a United States President. As a result, it was not until several decades later that this situation led to an unexpected twist of fate. While working on different fronts to improve his life in 1833, none was able to equal the magnitude of the event that Billy Caldwell participated in during the month of September. This event was the Treaty of Chicago. (100) With the bringing forth of this treaty and Caldwell s role again as a negotiator for the United Nations of the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie Indians, his dream of a boundary line was about to turn into a reality. A concise overview of this event timelines the major points. The treaty itself began on the 10 th day of September in the year 1833, at which time the United States commissioners who were charged with the oversight of the negotiations included George B. Parker (Governor of the Michigan Territory), Col. Thomas Owen (U.S. Agent for the United Tribes), and Col. William 35

37 Weatherford (from Morgan County, Illinois). As for its location, the treaty took place at Fort Dearborn as described within the minutes of the treaty, while also Charles L. Latrobe s own written observations of the event. (101) This location is important to clarify, due to the fact that in 1937 a monument was erected under an elm tree in the Sauganash neighborhood of Chicago, whose settlers had claimed as the site of the treaty negotiations in The elm tree was actually a reference point (witness tree) used in the surveying of Caldwell s reserve in (102) The first discussions of the treaty were held on September 14th when Governor Porter informed the Indians of the United Nations that their Great Father had heard their complaints. These concerns were that they now were surrounded on all sides by the white man, as a result of the Prairie du Chien treaty. To remedy this situation, Porter inquired if they would be willing to sell the remainder of their lands in the Chicago region. Through such a sale, the Indians would be able to move west of the Mississippi River, where they could experience happier lives. (103) Following Porter's speech, the Indians were sent away to council over the selling of their lands. Before doing so, they were instructed to return to the fort with an answer once they heard th its cannons fire. Following this, on the 16 the Indians returned to the fort to declare to the 36

38 commissioners their unwillingness to release any remaining lands. Not satisfied with this answer the commissioners sent them back into council for three more days. (104) Once reconvened on September 19th, an Indian by the name of Way-mich-go stood up and emotionally expressed himself to the commissioners: When you call us with council at Prairie du Chien we were in trouble and not know what to do. We then appointed Caldwell and Robinson as our Chief Counselors we are one flesh They have been raised amongst us. So long as they live, they were chosen to manage our business. Whatever they say and do we agree to. They will take time and council together and determine what shall be done. (105) Following this speech and in support of its message, another Indian named Ap-te-k-zhich rose up and declared: We have the same confidence in Caldwell and Robinson now that we had when they were first appointed to manage the concerns of the United Tribes. We hope that it may continue. All the bands united in appointing them. The St. Joseph Indians have the same confidence in them that we have. (106) Although supported by the tribes to handle their negotiations, Billy Caldwell and Alexander Robinson were only allowed to consult with them. As reasoned by the commissioners, this was because they were not authentic chiefs and the Great Father forbade it. (107) 37

39 Following this, on September 26, Governor Porter spoke to the Indians acknowledging their choice of Billy Caldwell and Alexander Robinson to aid them. After this, the treaty was read aloud to the chiefs and their headmen, who all accepted it openly. In regards to the terms of the treaty, it was agreed that the Indians would cede all their remaining lands between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi River, receive the same amount of land at their new western residence, and be paid $1,000,000 in various ways. (108) The finalizing of this treaty took place on October 6th, when chosen chiefs and headmen signed all of the stipulations associated with it. While this validation occurred each was presented with a medal. Billy Caldwell, who himself received one of the largest and finest medallions, was given added praise by Governor Porter for his efforts with negotiating the treaty on behalf of the Indians. Following his words, Caldwell rose up and spoke the following, which formally brought everything to an end: You see that our Great Father by his commissioners here, has bestowed upon me a medal, as evidence of his love and good wishes for the welfare of his Indian Children You my brothers have caused this to be done. I have ever been your friend and will ever continue to do so. When you first called me to act as your friend and counselors, 38

40 we were in great trouble. We were surrounded by a great fire, but the Great Spirit protected us and we escaped unhurt. You have known me forty years during all which time Sauganash has been foremost with his counsel and aid, when trouble came upon you. Let us now open our ears to the wise council of the Great Father. Let us take up our families and place them all beyond the great Mississippi. But it must not be forgotten that your principal chief is not myself, but he who sits in our presence (Po-pe-ne-bee). We must look to him and respect him as our principal man. He inherited his rank from his father who is dead. It is by his right of birth and should be respected in its possession. In ten days after we separate, I shall go to the west and examine the country which our Great Father has set apart for us, and after I make a selection I will return to you and give you a faithful account of it. I hope that I will be able to satisfy you all and make your hearts glad, and that you will rejoice we have opened our ears to the advice of our Great Father and sold him our lands on this side of the Mississippi River. I hope we will all remove to that country and that we may grow into a great nation and be prosperous and happy. I will open a plain way for you to travel on without trouble. Wherever I meet our red brethren of other nations, I will hold them fast by the hands and cause them to be our friends, and open their arms to receive us, when we leave the land of our fathers and remove thither. Listen not to the wicked advice of bad white men. Reject their unwise counsels, but open your ears to your chiefs and listen to their words. (109) Following these negotiations, on May 22, 1834, the Treaty of Chicago became officially ratified by the federal government. As originally outlined within the terms of the treaty, Billy 39

41 Caldwell was to be paid $400 a year, plus another $10,000 in lieu of a reserve. However, before the ratification occurred, this $10,000 payment was promptly reduced to $5000. (110) Interestingly, had a reserve been awarded, it would have been at the mouth of the Milwaukee River and consisted of 800 acres. (111) Regardless of this, Caldwell had finally achieved the boundary line (Mississippi River) between the Indians and Americans, which he had so longed for. Interestingly, to say that Billy Caldwell s intentions during this event were of a selfless nature would be flawed. As previously written, Caldwell was a man of opportunity, and as viewed through his own compensation package in this treaty he faired quit well. Supporting this view were historian Frank R. Grover s thoughts as based upon Charles J. Latrobe s observations: That in the negotiation of this treaty there was more intrigue, and more attention to selfish interests of half-breeds, traders, and others seeking personal gain, than in the negotiation of any other Indian treaty seems quit evident. The reading of the schedules of beneficiaries attached to the treaty would tend to indicate that the rights of the Indians themselves were quite a secondary matter. One remarkable feature of this treaty is the fact that by its provisions some 500 to 1000 persons, most of them with no Indian blood in their veins, derived personal gain 40

42 from the transaction. The allowance and payment of Indian claims, ranging in amount from a few dollars to many thousands, and, as already noted, about one third of the cash consideration was thus dispersed. Among individual beneficiaries also appear the following: Alexander Robinson $10,000 cash and $300 annuity in addition to annuities already granted ; Billy Caldwell $10,000 cash and $400 annuity in addition to annuities already granted ; etc. (112) During that same year (1834), Billy Caldwell wrote a letter to his half-brother Francis. In this letter, Caldwell for the first time revealed the exact date of his birth. This date was March 17 th or St. Patrick's Day, which as he wrote had passed over his head for the 52 time in his life. (110) Through this documented acknowledgement it is possible to discern that Caldwell was 52 years old when he wrote this letter, and born on March 17, Furthermore within this letter Billy Caldwell expressed a firm stance against Francis, who had previously chastised him for masquerading as a Pottawatomie chief at the two treaty negotiations he participated in. Apparently, this did not sit well with his English family who felt embarrassed by his actions. In response, Caldwell stated that he was unsure as to whom he should blame, since it was either the fault of his Indian ignorance or his British education. Caldwell further went on to inform Francis that he would only take on a political role again if it 41

43 aided his Indian brethren s move across the Mississippi River, away from the white man's destructive behaviors. (114) Finally, during the fall of that year and prior to his leaving the Chicago region forever, Billy Caldwell married his third wife. As written by the Chicago Democrat newspaper, the marriage happened on the morning of November 18, Caldwell s chosen bride for this union was a Pottawatomie and French woman named Saqua LeGrand. (115) Following their being wed, as rumored, the married couple moved into a cabin upon his Chicago River reserve. This home was located north of Devon Avenue, east of the Chicago River, south of a prairie, and in a grove at the top of a hill. Unfortunately, no primary documentation exists to support this story. Added, since Philo Carpenter purchased this land in 1833, it is questionable whether the couple would have had permission to settle upon it. Interestingly enough, all claims regarding this story surfaced during the Cook County Forest Preserves formative years when this area was being used as a camping ground. (116) Despite the year of 1834 being busy for Billy Caldwell, he also lead a delegation of Indians to inspect their new reservation in Platte County, Missouri. Following this examination, Caldwell made his final journey west with his Indian brethren on September 21, 1835, under the 42

44 guidance of Colonel J. B. F. Russell of the U. S. Army. (117) After living there for a short period of time, they were all moved to the area of Trader's Point (in the Iowa Territory) in (118) The reason for this had to do with the Platte Purchase of 1836, in which Joseph Robidoux sold the northwest corner of Missouri to the United States government for $7,500. (119) Once settled at their second home overlooking the Missouri River, Billy Caldwell became the leader of a Pottawatomie band consisting of 2,000 Indians. As their leader, he was given the responsibility of managing the tribe's finances and negotiating with the Americans when required. (120) In regard to their home, it became known to Indians and other persons in the area as Camp Caldwell. (121) Originally, it was established near Point Aux Poules (Trader's Point), about 10 miles south of Council Bluffs and across the river from Bellevue. However, at some unknown time, it was relocated to the Indian Creek area in Council Bluffs. (122) While living there, life for Caldwell's band was not without its problems. Repeatedly, he had to use his negotiation skills to resist efforts to move his tribe to the Osage Reservation in Kansas. (123) In 1838, Billy Caldwell welcomed Father Pierre De Smet to the area. During the spring of this year, De Smet was sent to the Trader's Point region to create a mission amongst the 43

45 Pottawatomie Indians. Upon meeting De Smet, Caldwell gave him three cabins of which one was to become a church. The exact date of the mission's establishment occurred on May 31, Until 1839, De Smet remained at and undertook the management of the mission when he was transferred. Following his departure, the mission began to slowly lose its following, before finally being disbanded in July or August of (124) The few years Billy Caldwell lived in this home were not poverty ridden ones for him. Annually, he received approximately $1,000 in annuities, owed to him by the federal government for all his past work. (125) In order to protect these monies while off on buffalo hunts, he would call upon Joseph Robidoux to act as his Power of Attorney. One example occurred in June 1841 when he accompanied a group of men from his tribe on a hunt into Sioux country. The Sioux Indians were not fond of the other tribes in general and disputes arose from time to time. For this reason, Caldwell made sure that Robidoux understood to collect and distribute his annuity amongst the tribe's people if he were to die during the excursion. Once safely returned though Caldwell recollected it. (126) Unfortunately for Joseph Robidoux, this business arrangement with Billy Caldwell did 44

46 not last long. Sadly, it ended at the time of Caldwell's death on September 29, 1841 (speculatively due to Cholera). As stated within his obituary by the Chicago Democrat newspaper: Died at Council Bluffs on the 29 th of September last, Sau-Ga-Nash (Billy Caldwell), principal chief of the United Nations of the Ottawa, Pottawatomie, and Chippewa, in the 60th year of his age, he was well and favorably known to the old residents of Chicago, and the northern frontier of Illinois, as an old and efficient friend during the Sac and Foxes troubles communicated. (127) Mr. Robidoux s last dealings with Caldwell came during that fall when he was upon his death bed. Before passing away he had sent for Robidoux. However, due to the fact that Robidoux was busy posting an account, he was unable to answer Caldwell's call. In turn when he did, it was too late, as Caldwell was weak and unable to conduct business. (128) Upon Billy Caldwell's death, his remains were interred in the Indian burial grounds near the mission. This site was reportedly on Pierce Street in Council Bluffs. Interestingly enough, many years ago when the street was under construction, a group of Indian bones were unearthed. Although it was not known if any of these belonged to Caldwell, they were reburied in the city s Catholic cemetery. Out of some form of respect, the remains were given a small burial marker 45

47 bearing the inscription Indian. (129) Ironically, Council Bluffs is not the only city to lay claim to the burial site of Billy Caldwell. Another city which makes claim to it is Three Rivers, Michigan. According to its history, Sauganash (Caldwell) was a Pottawatomie Indian who lived and died there. Upon his death, as was tradition, his body was positioned sitting up in a log pen above the ground. After some time, his remains were buried next to the old Sac War Trail, which passed through the now extinct village of Eschol. To commemorate this site, a tombstone was placed upon it in 1911 by the Abiel Fellows Chapter of the Daughters of the American Revolution. Currently this marker resides at the Riverside Cemetery in Three Rivers. (130) Unfortunately for Three Rivers this is not the burial of Billy Caldwell. Instead, it is likely that this grave belongs to a Pottawatomie chief named Sau-au-quett. Interestingly, Sau-au-quett lived at the same time Billy Caldwell did and was a participant at the 1833 Treaty of Chicago. Unfortunately, he was murdered in 1839 by one of his own tribesmen who opposed the selling of their lands to the Americans. (131) 46

48 Figure 4. Chief Sau-Ga-Nash gravestone, Three Rivers Michigan. Following Billy Caldwell s death in 1841, the state of his tribe in the Trader s Point region began to crumble. As communicated by Indian Sub-Agent Stephen Cooper in his annual report, the tribe had made little progress since Caldwell's passing. Their failure was the result of the Indians having no farmer or school teacher to help them progress, which was due to the government's failure to employ these positions. Added to this problem, the Indians had only one 47

49 blacksmith who could not meet all their demands. (132) As the number of issues pressed down on the Indians over the next few years, a larger problem presented itself to Billy Caldwell's widow in the year of During that June, Indian Sub-Agent Richard E. Elliott wrote to Indian Agent D. Mitchell in St. Louis regarding Caldwell's annuity due to his wife at the time of his passing. Apparently, it was Caldwell s last payment from the federal government, but his wife never received it. This problem stemmed from the time of Caldwell's death, when Mr. Robidoux failed to secure Power of Attorney from him before he died. Despite Robidoux's efforts to remediate this problem, the Indian Department declared that it was without such a letter. As a result of this, it was suggested that Caldwell's widow never received his last payment, and was plunged into a life of poverty. (133) Following this, on September 15, 1845, P. D. Clark wrote Francis Caldwell to describe the last moments of his half-brother's life. As described by Clark, Billy died in The day prior to his death, Billy's half-brother James had paid him a visit. As observed by James, Billy appeared to be gradually recovering from his illness. He was calm and of a clear mind, talking quite normally. However, as the next night approached his condition worsened. As stated by James, his powerful mind, which but a little while ago was calm and clear, was now wrapped in 48

50 somber gloom. Before the next day's dawn, his spirit had left its earthly tenement. Upon his death, Caldwell left no will to his wife. She, herself, eventually passed away during the winter months of (134) During the year of 1846, the United States negotiated another treaty with the Chippewa, Ottawa, and Pottawatomie, which removed them to the Atchinson County Reservation in Kansas. As stated in the minutes of the treaty by an Indian, The bones of our great Chief Mr. Caldwell are there (Trader's Point). (135) These words paid respect Billy Caldwell s role in the lives of his people, while also supporting his resting place. Although these words would have made a poetic ending to the story of Billy Caldwell's life, they did not. Almost twenty-seven years following his death, Caldwell's British family stepped back into the picture. This reentry of theirs was the result of a letter written to Thomas Caldwell (Billy's half-brother) by Secretary of the Interior R. M. Clelland in the year Through this letter, Thomas Caldwell was informed that 160 acres of land in the northwest end of Billy Caldwell's Chicago River reserve was never sold off. (136) As a result of this, Mary Ann Caldwell (widow of Thomas Caldwell) appointed attorney William Caldwell (son of Francis Caldwell) to take possession of all the remaining lands of Billy 49

51 Caldwell. Apparently, it was the family's belief that they were lawfully entitled to these and could be claimed as Billy's heirs. Unfortunately, the United States government did not see it this way, as the family's claim was denied. (137) Following this defeat, Billy Caldwell's British family never again attempted to lay claim to his lands. Despite this fact, it did not mark the last time a blood relation attempted to gain control of them. In the year of 1872, something never written about in any description of Billy Caldwell occurred. A living bloodline of his surfaced. More specifically, a son, who went by the name of Pe-y-mo (alias Caldwell). Seldom is known about Pe-y-mo Caldwell, the only child of Billy Caldwell's to survive. While his father was Billy Caldwell, his mother's name was Ma-sa-qua. (138) Presumably, this woman was Caldwell's third wife Saqua LeGrand, only gaining a phonetically altered spelling to her name over the years. As to when he was born, nothing is known. However, it must not be ruled out that Pe-y-mo was likely conceived years before his parent's marriage in 1834, as he was said to be approximately 55 years old when he came forth. (139) As documented, Pe-y-mo was at one point a member of the Kickapoo Nation in Kansas. In 1862, he received 84 acres of land under the name Pe-wa-mo through the United States treaty 50

52 negotiations with the Kickapoo. (140) After becoming naturalized on October 25, 1870, he absolved his ties with the Kickapoo Nation and took up the responsibilities of American citizenship. He did have a family, although it is not known how many children he had. Finally, being that his name was written onto documents with different spellings, it can be understood that he was illiterate. (141) As documented on January 27, 1872, with his name spelled as Pawymo Colwell, he appointed attorney Samuel V. Niles of Washington D. C. to be his Power of Attorney. Pe-y- mo's reason for retaining Mr. Niles, as written on his Power of Attorney form, was so he could: Procure a government patent or title to all lands coming to him by the death of his father William Caldwell. Said land lying and bearing in the State of Illinois. Near Poplar Grove in the Northern Part of the state. (142) This Power of Attorney letter was officially filed by Niles in Washington D. C. on April 30, (143) 51

53 Figure 5. Pe-y-mo s Naturalization paper and Power of Attorney document. Prior to this filing, Samuel V. Niles wrote Indian Affairs Commissioner Francis Walker to inform him of Pe-y-mo's entitlement and Power of Attorney claim. Added, he made a request 52

54 for a copy of Billy Caldwell's land patent to his Chicago River Reserve. Through this means, Niles began to make progress towards procuring Pe-y-mo's legal right to the land embraced within the patent. (144) Following several correspondences between the two men, Niles informed Walker on June 8, 1872 that: As attorney of Pe-y-mo, alias Caldwell, the son and only heir at law of Billy Caldwell and now a citizen of the United States. I present here with for your approval a deed made by him to Benjamin F. Freeland, of June 15, 1872 in and to such remainder of the unsurveyed land in Cook Co., Ills patented by the United States to his father, the said Billy Caldwell, June 4, This warranty deed, which was made in Kansas, consisted of 160 acres of land and thereafter was recorded as document # in Tract Book 225 B, at the Cook County Recorder of Deeds office on March 25, To support the fact that Pe-y-mo was Billy Caldwell's only son and justify the sale of land to Freeland for $1000, Niles submitted two pieces of evidence. These included Pe-y-mo's naturalization paper from October 25, 1870, and the affidavits recorded during the creation of Freeland's deed. (145) Although Pe-y-mo's naturalization paper provided few details about his life, an affidavit 53

55 provided by an Indian named Paschael Pensoneau did. As described by Pensoneau on June 20, 1872, in his earlier years he was acquainted with Billy Caldwell and knew of his marriage to Ma- Sa-Qua with whom he lived until his death. She herself, lived only four years after him and never took another husband. As further indicated, Caldwell and his wife bore two children together, a girl and a boy. The girl, whose name is not known, died at a young age without ever marrying or having children. The boy, Pe-y-mo, lived to adulthood and thus became Caldwell's only son and heir at law. (146) Unfortunately, even with all the evidence supplied to the Department of Indian Affairs, the deed was denied for approval by the president. The reason for its denial resulted from the fact that the land was not properly conveyed. In order for the deed to have earned an endorsed signature by the president, a diagram prepared by a competent surveyor was needed, along with a description of the land to be conveyed. (147) Following this rejection, on April 13, 1873, Samuel V. Niles once again attempted to have Benjamin Freeland's deed approved. To support this application, on April 22 nd he provided copies of Pe-y-mo's conveyance, naturalization paper, and a certificate from Justice of the Peace E. H. Osborn of Atchison County. (148) In response, on May 16th, the Department 54

56 of Indian Affairs indicated that no records existed for Hamilton and Dole (80 acres) or Kingsbury (80 acres). Regardless, due to possible inaccuracies in their records, the Department of Indian Affairs required Niles to submit certification on this parcel of land from the Cook County Recorder of Deeds. This was to assure that no sanctioned deeds existed already for the 160 acres. (149) After pursuing this, Samuel V. Niles communicated back on February 2, 1875 that only 80 acres had never been sanctioned (which was false and unsupported). These 80 acres of land comprised the northwest section of the reserve. (150) Although originally marked as being sold to Julius Kingsbury and William De Camp on an Indian Department map, this information was incorrect. Regardless, Freeland's deed was again denied, due to issues surrounding the correct conveying of the land. (151) Figure 6. Northern 160 acres of the present day Caldwell Reserve. 55