"Once There Were Two Brothers...": Religious Tension in One Algonquin Community

Transcription

1 "Once There Were Two Brothers...": Religious Tension in One Algonquin Community GORDON POLSON and ROGER SPIELMANN Amo Ososwan School, Winneway, Quebec Introduction The beliefs and practices of the two Christian denominations in the community of Winneway in relation to one specific incident are the general topics of this paper. 1 More specifically, we want to focus on how the two denominations interact with each other, how their differing practices and beliefs are viewed by the larger community and cultural methods for managing community conflict. Most of the data for this paper come from personal observation, informal interviews and taped interviews. In this paper we try to provide a kind of insider's view of the Christian experience in the two denominations in relation to a specific incident in the community of Winneway and a better understanding of the relationships and influences in the area of religious preference. There are approximately 370 Algonquins living in the community of Winneway. The people were originally located at Old Long Point on the shore of the Ottawa River. In the 1920s the people moved to Sand Point and in the late 1940s the community relocated to its present site at Winneway. The native language is Algonquin, although English is understood by almost everyone in the community. Differences in Beliefs and Practices The anthropologist Sol Tax (1956) claimed that North American Indians *We wish to thank Lisa P. Valentine for her insightful comments on an earlier version of this paper. We benefitted greatly from her encouragement and suggestions. 303

2 304 POLSON and SPIELMANN demonstrate greatflexibility through highly diffuse systems of leadership while James G.E. Smith (1979) contends that the native peoples of the northern woodlands have demonstrated their strength in the face of cultural change with the stress on egalitarianism, decision-making by authority, individual autonomy and limitation on the exercise of power. Thus ourfirstquestion was: how are these cultural features expressed in the two Christian demoninations in the community of Winneway? For example, who speaks for cultural authenticity? And how do the people of Winneway define themselves in relation to religious preference? Generally speaking, the differences between the belief systems in the two Christian denominations at Winneway were originally determined by the outside religious leaders and the denominations which they represented. In both denominations the religious leadership is imported and non-native. By "imported" we only mean to imply that the leadership comes from outside the community and was, in the beginning, discontinuous with a distinctly Algonquin world view. The early and recent missionaries in the Catholic Church have been assigned to the community by a non-native denominational hierarchy with little, if any, input from the native community. In contrast, Andrew Graham (1969:170), writing of the period between 1767 and 1791, claims that, "[Native] Leadership was based on personal qualities, for example, a person who is an expert hunter, one who knows the communcations between lakes and rivers... is a conjurer and has family of his own; such a man will not fail of being followed by [other] Indians." The Pentecostal group, a fairly recent movement in the community in contrast to the Catholic Church, began about ten years ago and, until quite recently, was administered exclusively by non-native missionaries. According to a former member of the group, the Pentecostal missionaries consider the group of followers at Winneway to be a satellite group of the larger, non-native Pentecostal church from which the missionaries hail. From personal conversations with some of the people involved in the Pentecostal denomination, the important teachings of the Pentecostal missionaries are; (1) the "born again" experience of "accepting Jesus into your heart", (2) living a life free of sin (sinless perfection), and (3) obeying the chain-of-command teaching relating to doctrine and life-style supplied by the non-native sponsoring church. Since life on the reserve has generally been subject to planned and directed culture change, we wondered what appeals to those who have decided to become involved in the Pentecostal denomination as opposed to those who remain involved in the Catholic denomination? One important aspect which we heard from some members of the movement is what we referred to early on in our notes as the "quick fix". In the Pentecostal

3 "ONCE THERE WERE TWO BROTHERS...» 305 experience at Winneway there are explicit maxims to which the member must adhere in order to remain an active member in the fellowship. These are included under the rubric of "repentence" and include; not drinking alcoholic beverages, not "sinning" (sinless perfection), and not engaging in "worldly" activities. In our observation and from our conversations with participants in the Pentecostal denomination, the terms "sin" and "wordly" refer to such things as; (1) drinking parties, (2) watching TV, (3) listening to rock music, (4) dancing, (5) bingo, and (6) anything which is elsewhere prohibited by the sponsoring church. We had the opportunity to interview people from both denominations and from some non-participants about the attraction that the Pentecostal fellowship holds for some people. The following comments come from one non-participant resident of Winneway: There has been one main reason, it seems, that has turned people onto the Pentecostal thing; that is, to stop drinking. They used this [movement] for their needs. No drinking, no smoking, no presents for kids at Christmas, no Halloween or any "devilish" practices. People were saying, for example, "[that man] is a sinner because he drinks". At the same time, it was not unusual for some of the Pentecostals to drink outside of the community on the sly. and, The Catholics have a longer track record and seem to be more sensitive to other world views and religions and they tend more to look for common ground with the native people. On the other hand, look at the successes that the Pentecostal denomination has had in helping people to quit drinking, something the Catholic denomination has not had great success with. Note that both comments mention the activity of "drinking" and how the Pentecostal movement has helped people to stop drinking. In talking informally with some of the Pentecostals at Winneway, we found that the drinking issue seems to be at the heart of what it means to be identified as a "Christian". According to those involved in the movement, one who drinks cannot be considered a true Christian and all who surrender to Jesus and obey the teachings of the sponsoring church will inevitably stop drinking. This in-group viewpoint is grounded in the concepts of repentence and selfdenial where, for example, new converts are expected to quit drinking "cold turkey". Looking back, many active members talk about how they were dissatisfied with their pre-pentecostal life-styles and were considered to be outcasts in the community. Their involvement in the Pentecostal movement at Winneway pays for their acceptance into a recognizable community ingroup, the currency of which is universal in the sense that being involved in the local Pentecostal group provides for universal acceptence in the worldwide Pentecostal family.

4 306 POLSON and SPIELMANN Ethno-Christianity and the Algonquin Cosmos Before attempting to describe the relationship between the two Christian denominations and the larger community, we want to take a brief look at the Algonquin cosmos into which these two religious systems stake their ground. The Algonquin people have some distinct notions of just what constitutes religion, spirituality and a spiritual person which would seem to be important for us to explore. These notions have, we take it, been coloured over the years by missionary activity in the two communities, yet we would claim that there remains a distinct Algonquin way of understanding the supernatural world. As we have been told more than once by active members of the Catholic Church, "I believe what the Church teaches, but I still have my own beliefs, too." Certainly such sentiment suggests what we might call a kind of ethno-christianity, or a distinctly native, in-group view of understanding the Christian message, perhaps even a kind of religious dualism. More than a few respondents, when asked about the essential characteristics of their native identity, replied most often using terms that refer to characteristics such as honesty, hospitality, sharing, humour, tolerance, and respect for creation and the Creator. This observation can be supported by the ethnographic literature on the Ojibwa, as represented in the paper by Richard Rhodes (1988) where he argues for a quite significant influence of cultural values such as cooperation, harmony, patience, self-control and humour, among others, on interpersonal relationships. We would claim as much for Algonquin interpersonal relations stemming from our research into the social-organization of interactional structures (Spielmann and Chief 1986). The Algonquin world-view places great esteem on respecting all things, both animate and inanimate. Algonquin people not only consider themselves as individuals who ought to both display and accept the characteristics mentioned above, but they consider themselves to be representatives of their families and nation as well. If we think of a concept such as respect in terms of a hierarchy, then, certainly the group or nation or community is considered to be more important than the individual. Could it be that such a hierarchy of importance can be seen to be in conflict with the respective religious structures? It seems that, although Algonquins m a y and do express their individuality, the preference is to limit one's individuality when their behaviour would in any way reflect badly on their family or their community. There are, of course, exceptions, but it does seem to be a cultural preference (cf. Spielmann and Chief 1986; Valentine 1990; Rhodes 1988). Within the Algonquin cosmos the important and respected cultural activities include: hunting and bush skills, story-telling skills, shared labour, being at one with the Creator and one's fellow person and the sharing of possessions and ex-

5 "ONCE THERE WERE TWO BROTHERS..." 307 periences. While these culturally-based activities are certainly changing with the younger generation, the basic values exhibited in these activities still seem to be very much a part of the Algonquin value system. How, then, are these Algonquin values reconstructed in a hierarchical church setting, such as we see in both religious movements in the villages of Pikogan and Winneway? Certainly both of the religious movements influence community values in more than just the religious arena. For example, in the area of community leadership, while the concept of "rank" is certainly understood by the people of Winneway, how does the concept of "leadership" in the two Christian denominations interact with the community norm and the hierarchy of importance in relation to group and individual? For one thing, it seems that individuality and individual efforts in the Pentecostal denomination, for example, regularly usurp the cultural preference for putting family and community above individual interests. Informal interviews with people involved in the Pentecostal group at Winneway show that the emphasis on attaining personal salvation and individual sanctity has resulted in more than a few instances of confrontation on religious issues with those not involved in the Pentecostal movement. Further, the leaders and visibly active followers in the Pentecostal movement, in particular, are accorded different social status in the Pentecostal in-group than occasional attendees or backsliders. Denominational Attitudes Towards Each Other At some point in our research we wondered: What does each denomination have to say about the other? Based on our conversations and observations, our tentative assessment is that, generally speaking, there seems to be more tolerance from the Catholics toward the Pentecostals than vice-versa. More than once we heard questions from Catholic Algonquins along the lines of, "How are they [the Pentecostals] different from us?" and, "Don't we believe the same thing?" The active Catholic Algonquins at Winneway seem perplexed at this new religion which seemed to be so similar to their religion. One community elder, an active Catholic in his seventies, expressed this attitude about the two Christian groups by saying, "We all work for the same Company." He went on to say that faith is the key ingredient to having a relationship with the Creator and that the Creator is not concerned so much with denominational membership as He is with a personal expression of faith. Among those 50 and over, especially, we have observed that the new religion (Pentecostalism) has not seemed to seriously disrupt personal relationships. There seem to be ongoing relationships between elders involved in different denominations as seen at community functions and who goes with whom to the bush. We suspect that community and

6 308 POLSON and SPIELMANN interpersonal histories, along with a shared language, have much to do with this kind of tolerance. On the flip side of the coin, while the same attitude of tolerance, a "live-and-let-live" preference, so to speak, seems to exist among the members of the older generation in the Pentecostal demonination, the younger generation, especially those fluent in English, seem to be more hostile in their response to Catholicism and those actively involved in the Catholic tradition. As one non-particpant said of the situation with the two Christian denominations in the community: "The Pentecostals figure if you're a Catholic you're not a Christian and vice-versa. It's such a vicious circle. We don't have to put those kind of labels on who's right and who's wrong." Whose Body Is It, Anyway? When one of the elders in the community died a few years ago in 1985, the question of where he should be buried and by whom became a community issue. Since many members of his immediate family had converted to Pentecostalism, the family began to debate whether or not he should be buried in the community graveyard, which was informally considered to be a Catholic graveyard, or buried somewhere else. Thefirstdecision was: where would the body lie in state prior to the funeral? The Pentecostals were, after all, adamant against having a Catholic funeral. The local Catholic priest agreed with the family that it would be best for the body to lie in state at the community hall rather than in the church but also said that the body would have to buried outside the confines of the graveyard. The immediate family still wanted him to be buried in the community graveyard. Accusations began tofly back and forth between members of both denominations about who has the right to decide w h o m is to be buried where. Eventually the body was buried outside of the graveyard, although one person noted that the body will soon be within the confines of the graveyard since expansion plans were already under way. The situation basically divided the community into denominational lines which transcended familial relationships. A phrase borrowed from Jesus which is, unfortunately, badly translated in most English versions, "Unless you hate... your brothers and sisters, you cannot be my disciple," seemed to be, in the minds of many of the Pentecostal converts, a perfect description of the situation. One felt obligated to stand up to the "non-christian" [i.e. Catholic] members of the nuclear and extended family in order to follow the teaching of Jesus. After all, the Pentecostals called themselves "the Christians" as opposed to "the Catholics" and were required to formally renounce their Catholic baptism in order to enjoy full status in the local congregation. This terminology caught on in the larger

7 "ONCE THERE WERE TWO BROTHERS..." 309 community to the point that even the Catholics referred to the Pentecostals as "the Christians." Interestingly, the distinction in the native language is not as discriminatory the Pentecostal (or any Protestant) denomination is known as caganac aiamiewin, 'the English-speakers religion' while Catholicism is known as tcibaiatigo aiamiewin 'the religion of the cross'. This distinction may help to explain why the expression of feelings from the elder (50 and over) Pentecostal converts toward the Catholics was not as hostile as the younger converts' feelings. This claim is supported by the fact that we have had the experience of seeing Pentecostal and Catholic elders still relating to each other in quite friendly and non-threatening terms, which is not as evident among the younger Penecostal converts. In fact, the elder Pentecostals seem to be more in the position of detached observers of the younger converts' expressions of hostility toward the Catholics, which has its origin in the teachings of the non-native Pentecostal missionaries. Needless to say, those not actively involved in either denomination had a field day with this incident. As one respondent from this group said, "White people are always trying to control each other. That's why there are so many religions." As Harvard historian James Clifford (1988) notes, Native American religions are generally more tolerant, pragamatic and inclusive than Christianity, which tends to be quite exclusive. Clifford cites historical accounts of conversion among Native American Indians as a complex reality of cultural change, resistance and translation rather than a process of "giving up old ways" or "choosing a new path." This is not to say that both Pentecostal and Catholic converts in Winneway do not embrace Christianity in good faith and find a source of spiritual strength. But it does raise caution about the "either-or" logic of conversion as seen by outsiders whose accounts dominate the written record. We would claim that the conversion to Christianity in Winneway does not necessarily imply a loss of what we refer to as Native spirituality, a claim which we are currently researching. Cultural Techniques of Conflict Management The incident described above provides us with some clues for discovering culture-specific techniques for dealing with community and interpersonal conflict. Brown and Levinson's (1987) theory of politeness phenomena categorizes cultural preferences by reference to what they term "positive politeness" and "negative politeness". According to Brown and Levinson cultural members have "positive face wants" (the desire to be liked or admired) and "negative face wants" (the desire not to be imposed upon). The concern for situated, everyday interaction provides us with a means for analyzing culturally-based interactional activities involving politeness,

8 310 POLSON and SPIELMANN deference and tact. Prior to the incident described above the community seemed to be on the verge of being torn apart by the controversy. After the burial, however, we were able to observe a reconciliation of sorts between the two denominations. As one community member responded when asked about the effect of the incident on the community: I think it's a healthy situation now. It gives people a choice [having the two denominations]. It also fosters a greater appreciation of native spiritualism because now there is a comparative element in the community. The core teaching of native religion is not that much different from the teachings of Jesus. and, As long as alternatives are offered, even if there's a lot of bullshit that goes along with it, it's healthy for the community. You see a lot more tolerance on both sides now. It's a compromise. The strategies of seeking agreement and avoiding disagreement as categories of positive politeness are clearly observable in the relationships between many in the community who were at odds with one another during the dispute over the dead body. One aspect of the strategy "seek agreement" involves monitoring topics in conversation for those which can be assumed to be agreed-upon or safe. People involved in both denominations seem to be much more likely to interact with each other now in non-threatening terms. This strategy, which is so highly conventionalized in other aspects of Algonquin interaction (cf. Spielmann and Chief 1986), can be seen in use at community gatherings. Prior to the incident with the dead body there was very little participation from the members of one denomination in events sponsored by members of the other denomination and vice-versa. That situation has changed remarkably. People in both denominations seem to have come to the conclusion that the whole dispute between old Catholicism and new Pentecostalism had gotten completely blown out of proportion. Fighting over a dead body! What next? One is now able to observe a thawing of hostile relations at community events by noticing who is interacting with whom and what the members of one denomination are saying about the members of the other denomination. Our claim is that community conflict was managed via a return to culturally preferred methods of maintaining community and interpersonal harmony. Most of the people we have spoken to since the incident now agree that it's good to have alternative choices to choose from in relation to religious preference. It provides freedom of choice and it's better to make your own choices rather than have choices made for you. The other observable positive politeness strategy of avoiding disagreement can be seen in the comments we elicited where people from both

9 "ONCE THERE WERE TWO BROTHERS..." 311 denominations spoke of more tolerance and understanding on both sides. Other respondents indicated that one can better appreciate what other people believe and that having the two denomination provides the occasion for learning from each other. Another responded by saying that the community is going through a whole learning process right now. Finally, in relation to the question of autonomy and authority, one respondent suggested that the leadership question in the two Christian denominations is no longer a question of authority, or even of leaders and followers and that a person can be seen by others in the community as being religious without worshipping in a building or participating in a formal gathering. Conclusion In this brief study we've tried to provide one view of the Christian experience in the two denominations in one Algonquin community. We have relied mostly on observational and interview-based insights in an attempt to discover some of the inner workings of the two denominations, their beliefs and practices, how they relate to each other, what the bases of their disputes are and how they've compromised for the benefit of community harmony. One kind of obvious factor emerged during the course of this preliminary research and that was community conflict, with a focus on conflict management including community methods for reinstating and maintaining community harmony. Both denominations are now at the point where they are at least talking to each other and the negative and hostile rhetoric has diminished noticeably. Since community harmony is at stake, there is, as we said, a more tolerant attitude now. It would be interesting to do further research on the non-participating segment of the community's population, particularly in reference to the rather intriguing statement that we heard more than once; namely, that Christianity is considered by some, at least, to be compatible with what is considered to be "Native spirituality." Further, the familial connection/influence in relation to religious preference would be interesting to explore. Finally, we would suggest that it would be worthwhile to update this brief study in a few years for comparative purposes. Will the two denominations continue to move closer together? Will other Protestant denominations enter the community? If so, where will the lines of fellowship and cooperation be drawn? Will cultural methods for dealing with community and interpersonal harmony undergo modification and change? The future is open and it will be interesting to see how traditional community values are changed, reinforced or abandoned.

10 312 POLSON and SPIELMANN REFERENCES Brown, Penelope, and Stephen C. Levinson 1987 Politeness: Some Universals in Language Usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Clifford, James 1988 Identity in Mashpee. Pp in The Predicament of Culture. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Graham, Andrew 1969 Andrew Graham's Observations on Hudson's Bay, Publications of the Hudson's Bay Record Society 27. Glyndwr Williams, ed. London. [Cited in Clifford 1988.] Rhodes, Richard A Ojibwa Politeness and Social Structure. Pp in Papers of the Nineteenth Algonquian Conference. William Cowan, ed. Ottawa: Carleton University. Smith, James G.E Leadership among the Indians of the Northern Woodlands. Pp in Currents in Anthropology: Essays in Honor of Sol Tax. Robert Hinshaw, ed. The Hague: Mouton. Spielmann, Roger, and Bertha Chief 1986 Requesting and Rejecting in Algonquin. Pp in Actes du dix-septieme congres des algonquinistes. William Cowan, ed. Ottawa: Carleton University. Tax, Sol 1956 The Freedom to Make Mistakes. America indigena 16: [Cited in James G.E. Smith 1979.] Valentine, Lisa P Wemihshoosh and the Burned Shoes: The Narrative Structure of a Severn Ojibwe Legend. In "Everything is Burning": Studies in Algonquian Discourse. J. Randolph Valentine and Lisa Philips Valentine, eds. [To appear.]