Kava, Kava Everywhere, Let s All Have A Drink: Kava Usage Among LDS Missionaries In Tonga. by Michael Gniewosz

Transcription

1 Kava, Kava Everywhere, Let s All Have A Drink: Kava Usage Among LDS Missionaries In Tonga by Michael Gniewosz History 490 Isaiah Walker April 24, 2007

2 When Elder Eric Shumway arrived in Tonga late in the year of 1959 as a missionary for the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints, it was not long before his mission president D Monte Coombs counseled him on the importance of the kava ceremony. President Coombs had spent his childhood in Tonga, as the son of earlier mission president M. Vernon Coombs, and understood that by attending these ceremonies the missionaries could build a trusting relationship with the people and that the ceremonies made for an excellent opportunity to preach the gospel. Elder Shumway recalled an experience he had in a kava circle where he was challenged by some of the chiefs concerning his titled rank. He was asked what name he was using to be called out when it was his turn to drink at the kava ceremony. Elder Shumway had been using a Tongan name instead of his own name for lesser ceremonies with little problem, but this circle had a gathering of high ranking chiefs. He was there looking for a chance to preach, but there was argument over the name Elder Shumway used during the ceremony. The other men found it amusing that Elder Shumway, a white foreigner, was using a Tongan name, and pressed Shumway about how he got the name and who gave it to him. Then the host, a respected high chief named Nuku, finally settled the matter. He bestowed upon Elder Shumway the chiefly title of Faivaolo. Nuku gave Shumway a Tongan title because he respected Elder Shumway and his genuine interest in learning and participating in the noblest Tongan customs. Being given such a rank to a white foreigner was quite extraordinary and caused quite a stir. With his new title, Elder Shumway was able to gain access to many opportunities to preach the gospel. As he recollects in his book, The title Faivaolo was instantly useful in opening doors to missionary work, a kind of passport in circles otherwise closed. The story of my investiture became a leading conversational

3 topic in my first encounters with people The Tongans listened more respectfully to my gospel conversations and open-air sermons. 1 Elder Shumway used kava ceremonies for his advantage. His participation in kava ceremonies helped to make his mission successful. Since the beginning of the Tongan mission, the Mormon Elders were aware of the significance of kava in the Polynesian culture. Kava is a drink made out of the root of a Kava plant, which is ground up or chewed, and then mixed with water. Kava held and still holds today many deep ceremonial meanings, and it is used on all types of occasions, such as: chiefly inaugurations, weddings, and funerals. All important events incorporated kava into them. Even in recreational settings, kava ceremonies retained their ceremonious nature with the specific protocol on how to make and serve it, but on a less grand scale. Kava circles were places where men would gather and establish their friendships, and these ceremonies were good places to have discussions. An important attribute of the kava ceremonies in Tonga was that when a person was given the opportunity to speak, it was customary that all those present in the circle were required to listen. It was considered a breach of their customary practices to interrupt a person while they were speaking. The men that broke this rule would often be asked to leave the circle. 2 Under these circumstances where people had to listen to whoever was speaking, kava ceremonies became the ideal situation for the LDS missionaries to preach their gospel. The missionaries could say whatever it was they wanted to without being interrupted and 1 Eric Shumway, Tongan Saints: Legacy of Faith (Laie, Hawaii: Institute for Polynesian Studies, 1991), Taken from a conversation with Viliami Tolu tau., Associate Professor of Fine Arts at Brigham Young University- Hawaii. Viliami Tolu'tau is Tongan-born, and has an extensive knowledge on Tongan culture.

4 they were aware of this cultural practice. Therefore, LDS missionaries used kava ceremonies as an effective tool to preach the gospel. Today, missionaries are not allowed to use kava. In recent years, there has been a move to discourage church members from using kava, except for ceremonial purposes. Problems have arisen in the LDS Church where men stay up all night attending various kava parties and do not come home until late at night. Their wives complain about their husbands neglecting their duties as husbands and fathers. This has led to many arguments and family problems. The informal kava ceremony, or fai kava, has been recently addressed by various stake presidents in Hawaii as being against church standards 3. To better understand the circumstances that the missionaries in Tonga encountered during the early years, it is important to understand the context in which they served their missions. On July 15, 1891 Elders Brigham Smoot and Alva J. Butler arrived in Tonga, sent out on assignment by President William O. Lee of the Samoan mission to try their hand at preaching the gospel. 4 These were trying years for the Mormon missionaries serving in Tonga. They faced many challenges, from difficulties with the language, to finding places to hold meetings. There was also the strong presence of the well established Wesleyan Church, which held much political power. Despite the difficulties of leasing land from the opposing ministers of the time, the Church was able to build a meetinghouse in the town of Mu a, on the main island of 3 Address by Stake Presidency of the BYU-Hawaii 2nd Stake, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter- Day Saints in November of R. Lanier Britsch, Unto the Islands of the Sea: A History of the Latter-Day Saints in the Pacific (Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, 1986). The subsequent summary of the Tongan mission history was taken from Chapters 25 and 26.

5 Tongatapu. The missionaries also translated some materials into the Tongan language, which helped to teach the Tongans about the LDS Church. The elders managed to make contact with and share their message on three of the island groups of Tonga; Vava u, Tongatapu, and Ha apai, The missionaries also established schools on each of the groups, where they taught the people English and basic skills. Despite their successes, the missionaries were only able to convert and baptize 16 people in a 6 year period. The Tongans were afraid to join the LDS church for fear of being ostracized by others of the Wesleyan church, and also felt that joining the LDS Church would show disloyalty to a king who supported the Wesleyan denominations. As Elder Jones mentions in his journal, There was another native presant who is about to be baptized all it is he can not stand to be made fun of by the other natives. 5 With the struggles of the missionaries and the small number of baptisms being performed, church leaders decided to close the Tongan mission indefinitely. Most of the seasoned missionaries were released to go back to their homes and families while others were brought back to Samoa. Then, in 1907, the president of the Samoan mission Thomas A. Court was sent on an assignment from church leaders to Vava u to investigate the possibility of another missionary effort in Tonga. After his trip, he felt that the mission would be promising and he reopened the Tongan mission. On July 13 th, 1907, Elders William O. Facer and Heber J. McKay arrived on Vava u for a second try at preaching the gospel. The elders opened a school and immediately it began to fill up. Within a year, the church had 3 branches on the island with a growing number of members. Meeting houses were overflowing with people interested in hearing the gospel. 5 Albert Jones, Journal, Vol.2, July 8, 1894, 13,

6 Throughout the next 9 years, the Mormon Church continued to grow and missionaries were being sent to other islands of Tonga. School houses were opened up on the other islands and slowly people began to join the church. By 1916, there were about 450 members in 11 branches with about 10 full time missionaries, and it was determined that a Tongan mission separate from the Samoan one would help increase further growth. William L. Smith was called as the first Tongan Mission President, and along with his wife Jenny, traveled to Tonga. The first step President Smith took was to write a letter to church headquarters asking for more missionaries. By the end of 1917 there were 20 full time missionaries serving in Tonga. However, soon after, troubles arose with the acquisition of visas for missionaries. The problem stemmed from troubles with England, which was a protectorate of Tonga, and the English exclusion of Mormon missionaries. The issue was finally resolved in 1920, but the total number of missionaries had dropped down to just 8. Despite these setbacks, the number of members had nearly doubled to 820 by the end of 1920 when President M. Vernon Coombs was called as the next mission president. President Coombs would have a difficult road ahead of him. The biggest obstacle for the Tongan mission at this time became the Mormon Exclusionary Law, where the Tongan government began to deny visas to LDS missionaries. After countless requests to repeal the law, it was finally lifted in But its effects could be seen in the Tongan mission field. There were only four foreign born LDS missionaries serving in Tonga in Many of the schools run by the missionaries had to be closed down. The situation looked grim and the church presidency considered closing the mission once again.

7 The situation would improve with the repeal of the exclusionary laws, and once again the schools reopened and missionaries preached the gospel to the Tongan people. With so few missionaries serving in Tonga, local church members began serving as missionaries on the Tongan islands. This was a great help because the local missionaries understood the culture and language and were a great help to the LDS church. The Tongan missionaries would prove to be vital for the life of the Tongan mission. In 1932, two LDS missionaries died of disease and two more were released because of illnesses. Then, the remaining four missionaries were dishonorably released and later excommunicated because of their behavior. Their actions tarnished the LDS churches reputation not only in the eyes of members, but to non-members alike. After these incidences, the mission president at the time, Reuben M. Wiberg, was the only foreign missionary at the time serving in Tonga. The next twenty years would have their share of ups and downs. Foreign LDS missionary numbers averaged around 5 missionaries. During World War II, all the missionaries were pulled out of Tonga. There would be many members who would be excommunicated for their transgressions, many for adultery. But, despite these hardships, church membership for those 20 years would triple from around 1,000 people to a little over 3,000. With so many obstacles to overcome, kava ceremonies became a good way for the missionaries to establish themselves and make connections with the people in the communities. Looking at the Tongan missionary journals, it is clear that the missionaries were aware of the importance of kava to the people and used that knowledge to their advantage. One can safely ascertain that the attendance of kava ceremonies was a tool

8 that the missionaries used to preach their gospel. They were not just there to drink kava and relax, but to further their cause of preaching to the people. Since I was unable to examine all the journals of missionaries that had served in Tonga, it is important to note that the journals that are used serve as examples to represent the missionaries as a whole. These missionaries are a representation of all the missionaries that had served in Tonga up until the time that Elder Shumway arrived. The first journal that I would like to address was written by Albert Jones. Hailing from Utah, Jones was called to serve a mission in Samoa in About a month after his arrival, it was decided by the mission president that Jones would go to Tonga. Jones makes his first mention of kava soon after he arrives in Tonga. He describes the way that kava is made, and the popularity of it among the native people. He also notes how he does not like the taste of kava. 6 In a later entry he again drinks kava with the other elders that were with him and a European trader who lived on the island named Mr. Giles. 7 Mr. Giles is one of the first people that Elder Jones tries to teach, and there are many occasions where Jones and Giles would drink kava together. Elder Jones began to see that kava was important to those that lived on the island, and even though he did not like the taste of kava he drank it anyhow because he saw its effectiveness in allowing him to preach the gospel. We can next see where Jones is beginning to become more comfortable with the Tongan people. Jones was attending kava ceremonies more frequently and became more familiar with the people and the language. In an interesting account from Elder Jones journal where he attends a kava ceremony, he writes: 6 Jones, Vol. 2, April 24, Jones. Vol. 2, April 25,

9 Here we was treated well also. they gave us some nius to drink and also gave us a picee of Kava; The coustom of the natives when they give a peice of Kava that you have it made right there. So you see they get the most of it back again.. We had the made and talked with them a while We then started on our way rejoicing because the Lord had opened up the way for us to talke We was called in to a nother house and here we had some more Kava and Bro. H. Talked to them and left a track. 8 A direct link can be made with drinking the kava with the Tongan men and the success in being able to talk to them. It was the use of kava that opened up the way for them to be able to preach to them. Also note the mention of the Lord s blessing in being able to talk to the people. They felt they were blessed with the opportunity to speak with them, and through kava they were able to achieve this. Elder Jones might have even equated kava with the Lord s blessings, and thought of kava as a blessing. There are other instances where after praying for an opportunity to be able to go out and preach to the people, he soon after is invited to a kava circle. 9 Kava has a bitter taste to it, and many of the missionaries did not like it. But they knew of its importance and drank kava anyway. Elder Jones had just such an experience. After the meeting we got called into a house and had a fai Kava. I have drank more of that rot or Kava since I came here to Uiha than I drink in three months at home {or Lifuka} I can not very well refuse as the natvies get insulted if I should do so. It is their coustom that when any one visits them they maust make kava. A little is good for a person but to much is injurious. I take good care I don't drink very much. 10 Clearly, Jones does not enjoy drinking kava, and does not drink more than he has to. Jones even says that it is not good for a person to drink too much. I believe this is more of a moral statement than a physical one, although there are physical symptoms of drinking 8 Jones, Vol. 2, Sept. 3, 1894, Jones, Vol. 2, Mar. 8, , and March 28, 1895, Jones, Vol. 2, August 10, 1894, 21.

10 large quantities of kava, such as dry and scaly skin. Kava held questionable status in the standards of the LDS church on what was acceptable to drink. It was recommended that LDS members refrain from drinking alcohol and other strong drinks such as coffee and tea, and kava could fall into these categories. Despite his attitude towards kava, he still knows that it is an important aspect of the Tongan culture. If he doesn t drink, he might very well offend the people that he worked so hard to befriend. By the end of his mission, to Elder Jones, attending fai kavas became synonymous with giving talks. By drinking kava with the Tongan men, he might have the opportunity to lead the topic of discussion onto the church and the sharing his message became easier. As Jones states, he got a couple of natives to come in and we had a fai kava, which also means a talk at the same time. 11 Here, attending a fai kava meant that a talk was likely. By talk, Jones meant a chance to proselytize. Elder Jones believed that attending fai kavas meant that there was a likelihood of him giving a gospel talk. However, fai kavas did not always result with the expected results. There were times that they did not lead into religious discussions. 12 In the last example for Elder Jones, we can see that there was success in preaching the gospel at fai kavas. Two men by the names of Namosi and Tautoi were the first to be baptized on Vavau. This was a great occasion because hopes had begun to decline of ever baptizing someone. They had come to hear the gospel during a Sunday church service and were interested in hearing more. Soon the elders were teaching them the principles of the gospel and they were ready to be baptized. While there is no specific mention of them having a fai kava together, Elder Jones does mention them having one after they were 11 Jones, Vol. 5, June 25, 1895, Jones, Vol. 4, November 13, 1895, 9.

11 baptized. 13 Fai kavas were so commonplace and something that the missionaries participated in often that it can be assumed that they must have participated in one together at some point before becoming baptized. Kava ceremonies were alos ways in which the LDS missionaries could strengthen church membership. In the next journal that I examined, Elder Willard L. Smith began teaching one of the Tongans, a man by the name of Nebote. There are no specifics on if Nebote is a church member or not, but by the mention of him attending church and paying tithing, it is safe to assume that he was a less active member. In one of the first encounters, Smith began by getting to know Nebote. Sister Winward & I ate breakfast with Nebote. He is beginning to do more in the church. 14 You can see that from the exposure and influence of the missionaries, Nebote had become more active in his church attendance. In the next instance that we find in the journals, Smith is having a fai kava with Nebote. Had supper with Nebote then we had a fai kava on the porch. I preached Gospel for three hours on the here after. 15 Smith used the opportunity of the fai kava to preach to Nebote. He understood that drinking kava helped to form bonds with the people, and allowed for a free discussion of church matters. The result was that Nebote began to become more active in church, as we can see from this journal entry. Nebote has been able to leave off smoking & has began to pay a small tithing. 16 Through the use of kava the elders were able to help strengthen the members of the church. Kava was not only used to help reach new audiences, but also to help with church members. 13 Jones, Vol. 5, July 15, 1896, Willard L. Smith, Journal, Vol. 3, January 26, 1919, 18, 15 Smith, Vol. 3, February 10, 1919, Smith, Vol. 3, May 20, 42.

12 In the 1920 s there was still a strong presence of LDS missionaries. Many difficulties arose, however, such as exclusionary laws, which did not allow any more missionaries to enter Tonga. Throughout these hardships, the missionaries continued to preach the gospel to the Tongan people. One of these missionaries was Elder Rueben Clark. From Utah, Elder Clark worked hard as a missionary and quickly learned the language and was soon teaching the people. Fai kavas were an important medium for Elder Clark. He understood their importance and looked for opportunities to attend them for the chance to preach the gospel. On one such occasion as he was traveling through a village, he and his companion looked for one to attend. We walked around town this evening trying to find a fai kava, but couldn t so went to Toga s house and held prayers. 17 They purposely went out looking for a fai kava for an opportunity to talk with the people about their church. Why else would they make such an effort if they did not know off the importance of attending such gatherings. In Elder Clark s eyes, kava ceremonies had the golden potential to bring up the gospel. When he saw a chance to attend one he would often time take it. In this journal entry Clark is walking home when he sees a fai kava. I was on my way home about 7:30 when I saw a chance to attend a fai kava in a house just across the street from Johansen s store and for four hours I talked gospel to eight men and three women. 18 By attending the kava circle, Clark was able to teach for 4 hours. He made good use of his time and tought the people about what he wanted o preach to them about. 17 Rueben Clark, Journal, April 13, This journal can be found in the Brigham Young University Hawaii Archives. 18 Clark, March 10,

13 Also note the use of the word "chance." A chance is an opportunity. Clark viewed fai kavas as an opportunity to preach to the Tongan people. With an opportunity to be able to preach with interruption, kava ceremonies presented themselves as excellent places to preach the gospel. From the previous journal entries, it seems that Clark was aware of the importance that kava ceremonies held in Tonga. So where did the LDS missionaries learn the importance of kava in the Pacific Islands? I would argue that the first experiences that the missionaries had with kava were in Hawaii. And the lessons learned in Hawaii would translate to Samoa, and then later to Tonga. On January 1, 1874, Hawaiian mission president Frederick Mitchell, visited a luau in Laie, Hawaii, and announced that all the kava the local people were harvesting had to be dug up and burned. At this time, the LDS church owned the property of Laie and had established the town as a gathering place for church members. Mitchell had announced the ban of kava three months earlier, but it wasn t until this day that Dean began enforcing the rules. The Hawaiians were outraged and did not take kindly to Mitchell s orders. He offered to pay for the loss of kava, but the compensation was far less then the actual worth of the kava plants. Some of the members rebelled against Mitchell s decision, and decided to move to Kahana Valley, some 10 miles away. There the Hawaiian Saints gathered enough money and purchased some of the land. Mitchell threatened disfellowship from the church to anyone who did not return, but the people ignored him. The Kahana Valley LDS members built their own chapel and held their own services.

14 Word of the Kahana Valley incident soon reached church headquarters, and after listening to the incidence from witnesses and reading a letter from the Kahana Valley members, church president Brigham Young decided to remove Mitchell from Hawaii. What might seem like an isolated incident with one mission president and a handful of people actually has broader sweeping influence. The first mission president of Samoa, Joseph Harry Dean, had served a mission in Hawaii, and knew of the banning of kava there. Deans brought over his past experience from Hawaii to Samoa. Elder Joseph Harry Dean would become the first official Samoan Mission President. Polygamy was a controversial topic in the LDS church's history at this time of the late 1880's, and the church finally decided to stop the practice of polygamy. Many church members, including some church leaders, were prosecuted for practicing polygamy. Dean practiced polygamy and was having trouble with the law and was threatened with arrest several times. To help Dean out church leaders called him on a mission to Hawaii, where he had previously served as a missionary. Dean was also given the option of serving outside of Hawaii, if he saw that it was necessary. While in Hawaii, he heard of the two elders in Samoa and their small missionary effort, and that they were doing well. These two missionaries had been sent out by Walter Murray Gibson, who had been excommunicated from the LDS church for stealing the lands and money Maui. Before being excommunicated, Gibson had organized his own missionary effort to Samoa without the consent of the church presidency. The two missionaries serving in Samoa were two native Hawaiians. When Dean heard the news of the two missionaries in Samoa, Dean wrote to the church presidency about possibly reopening the mission there,

15 and was given the go ahead. When the timing was right, with some of his family Dean set off for Samoa, and established the Samoan mission in When he first arrived in Samoa, President Dean refused to drink kava because the missionaries had banned its use in Hawaii. From the journal entry of Elder Jesse Bennet, a missionary serving in Samoa under Dean, we can see that President Dean was very serious about his calling as president of the Samoan mission. at night we had a meeting and after it was opened, Bro Dean said the Subject was baptism and he wished us new brethren to treat them as a congregation of unbelievers and I being the youngest one he said he would give me the first chance and the other new brethren spoke after and we consecrated some oil and Pres. Dean spoke upon administering the sacrament and told us never to partake of it with our left hand and to teach the natives to partake of it with their right hand. He also spoke about blessing children, administering to the sick, ordaining persons to the Priesthood and said that if we should baptize a family to take the oldest first and to be very serious in the ordinances of the gospel and to try and put down any laughter or making light of that ordinance. 19 From his previous mission experience in Hawaii, where kava usage had been banned, and his very serious attitude towards church standards, we can deduce that Dean was not one to stray from church protocol. However, Dean soon realized the importance of kava in Samoa and kava's importance in preaching the gospel. Drinking kava was a social custom for the Samoans, and to be able to be respected by the native people the missionaries had to participate in the custom. As Dean later recalled, A person is not required to drink the ava, however, but it would be considered rude and uncivil if he did not at least touch it to his lips. 20 His attitude towards kava had changed in a short while from discouraging the missionaries to drink kava to permitting the missionaries to participate in kava 19 Jesse Bennet, Journal, Vol. 1, June 19, 1889, 20-21, 20 Joseph Harry Dean, Samoan Etiquette, Juvenile Instructor, 1891, 96.

16 ceremonies to promote civility and social acceptance. Dean recognized that to have success in Samoa, the missionaries needed to attend kava circles. That sentiment that kava was important to the Samoan people and was therefore necessary to use kava is mirrored by other missionaries. On one occasion, Elder Wood, who was one of the first missionaries to serve in Samoa, explained in his journal how when first entering a village, they first made ava for us. It is always given to callers of importance as a welcome of the village to them Custom does not compel you to drink, but it is a grave breach of respect if you do not touch the cup and pass it back. 21 In another example the elder describes the importance of kava. We are not very fond of it, But to refuse you may as will leave the Village. 22 The missionaries recognized the importance of kava in Samoa and used it to integrate themselves in the society. While not all elders drank kava every time, most did drink it, and they all used kava as a tool to preach the gospel in Samoa. We can see an example of this in the missionary journal of Elder Abinadi Olsen, when after drinking kava with the chief of the village, talked about religious matters. the Chief of the village sent A young man to invite us to his residance to spend the night, to which we willingly accepted, he greeted us very kindly & we drank ava with him as a token of friendship & peace, he gave us charge of Devotional exersises, I red from Matt 5 CH Chirst Sermon on the Mt. 23 In this entry the missionaries are greeted warmly with kava, and the result of the missionaries attending is the opportunity to preach to the Samoan chief. 21 Britsch, Abinidi Olsen, Journal, Vol. 1, July 14, 1895, 86, 23 Olsen, Vol. 2, May 18, 1896,

17 Kava ceremonies gave the LDS missionaries many opportunities to be able to have religious discussions with the Samoan people. Elder Jesse Bennet recalled such an occasion. They called in all the young girls and they chewed up the kava and we drank some with them. After supper they wanted to know if Jesus was immersed in Jordan and I told them yes and proved to them and they soon crept off one by one like whipped hounds 24 The missionaries were able to hold religious discussions in kava circles because of the opportunities that the kava ceremonies had. In the context of the kava ceremony, the missionaries were able to preach without being interrupted. This gave the missionaries the chance to give their viewpoints, even if their teachings contradicted what the other churches on the islands had been teaching. Kava afforded the LDS missionaries many opportunities to have religious discussions. Sometimes the kava ceremony itself was the means where the missionaries would preach. Other times the fact that the missionaries were willing to attend the kava ceremonies and showed an interest in the native culture sparked a curiosity from the Samoan people. On one occasion the missionaries were about to drink kava when a gospel topic came up. We went to Seui's house and in a few minutes some of the aliis came in and had some ava and while they were making it Seui said he had heard we practiced polygamy and asked if it was so. This sparked a conversation and the people asked the missionaries if they would like to hold a religious meeting. They held a meeting and preached on the first principals of the gospel. Afterwards, In the evening after prayers Seui said he was going to join the church but would wait a little while to see if some others would not join also. 25 Here we can see the direct result of the missionaries 24 Bennett, Vol. 2, November 13, 1890, 180.

18 drinking kava with the Samoan people and the resulting gospel conversation and possible baptism. There are many instances of missionaries attending kava circles in Samoa. Their experience with using kava in Samoa helped to shape the usage of kava in Tonga. The missionaries in Samoa could see the results that using kava gave them. The missionaries were able to establish themselves among the Samoan people with the help of kava because of the cultural significance that kava held. Kava was used as a way to welcome visitors into villages and missionaries used that to their advantage. Kava ceremonies were also excellent places to preach the gospel because of the nature of the kava ceremony. Speakers were given the chance to speak without interruption, and many people were able to hear the LDS missionaries' gospel message. The knowledge that the missionaries in Samoa gained translated well in the Tongan mission because the kava ceremony practices were similar between the two societies. As we have seen, kava usage was an important tool in preaching the gospel to the LDS missionaries. This is because it held significant cultural importance to the Tongan people. When we examine some of the origin myths of kava, we can begin to see why kava was important to the Tongan society. The most popular myth for the Tongan people deals with Tu i Tonga, or the Tongan king. The story begins with the Tu'i Tonga out on a fishing trip with his advisor. Growing tired, he stops on an island inhabited by a couple and their leprous daughter. When the couple realizes who is visiting their island, they put on a large feast for the king. But, they are poor and short of food, and all they have to offer is a large taro plant. However, the king is leaning against it for shade so they cannot use it. So, left with no other alternative, they sacrifice their only daughter and serve her to 25 Bennett, Vol. 3, May 14, 1891,

19 the king. When the king realizes what he is about to eat, he doesn t eat, but is touched by their act. The couple bury their daughter and from her grave sprang forth two plants: from the head the kava plant, and from the feet sugar cane. The parents tell a high ranking chief what has happened and he suggests that they give the plants to the king. The king drinks the kava and eats the cane after, and the kava ceremony is born. 26 When we look at the myth, the main theme is the importance of sacrifice. The parents make the ultimate sacrifice of their only child to the king to keep with the traditional hierarchal practices. The king and the parents represent all Tongan people and teach the order of their society. When we add in the fact that kava sprung forth from the girl s grave and the king drank the kava that was made from the plant, we see that the kava ceremony is a sacred duty that also reinforces status. 27 This myth reinforces status because the couple is shown sacrificing their daughter to the king. The king is the most important figure in Tongan culture, and the people should try and do all that they can to show the proper respect and observe their social rankings, even by sacrificing their own children. The missionaries might not have been aware of the origin myth of kava, and I have found mention of it in the journals, but missionaries did recognize the cultural importance of the kava ceremony. Since the kava ceremony held such importance to the Tongan people, it was important for the people to observe the strict nature of the kava ceremony. Kava ceremonies held a deep cultural meaning for the Tongan people, and the people did what they could to uphold ceremonial practices. Giving the speaker at a kava 26 Elizabeth Bott, Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's Visits: Discussions with Her Majesty Queen S'alote Tupou (Wellington: Polynesian Society, 1982), Monique Jeudy-Ballini and Bernard Juillerat, People and Things: Social Mediations in Oceania (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2002),

20 ceremony the opportunity to speak falls into the category of the ceremonial practices of the kava ceremony. So, even if the people present at a kava ceremony did not wish to listen to the LDS missionaries preach their gospel, they would listen out of respect for their cultural practices. Another myth involving kava is the creation of the first Tu i Tonga himself. He was born of a mortal woman, the daughter of a chief, and the god Eitumatupu a. When the boy grows up, he wants to meet his godly father. He climbs up to heaven and meets his father and brothers. His brothers are jealous of his good looks and chop him up into pieces. The brothers then discard the head and eat the body. When Eitumatupu a finds out what the brothers have done, he orders them to find the head and put it in a kava bowl and regurgitate the boys body. The boy is brought back to life, and Eitumatupu a sends them all back to earth with the boy as the leader over all. 28 This myth might suggest kava as a form of giving life. When we look at the two myths together, we see that from death springs forward life in the form of kava. From the girl came kava itself, which the king drank afterward. And from the kava bowl came life. The two myths can t work together, because one originates from the king and the other the king originates from the kava. But that is not what is important. The main elements of both myths are life, death, and the king. These show a strong relationship to the importance of kava in the Tongan society, and its significance as regulating a hierarchal relationship. When we look at the ceremony itself, we see the hierarchal order and the importance in maintaining it. Everything is done is a specific order. The kava is prepared by pounding the root of the plant, although originally it was chewed by women who were 28 Ballini, 64.

21 virgins or teenage boys. It is then served in a way that denotes respect with a specific passing order, the highest ranking person present drinks first, and then the kava drinking goes down the line, until the kava bowl is empty. It is important to know the rank of all those in attendance so that the order of ranks is preserved. 29 Social rank was very important in Tonga, and the kava circle was a representation of it. People were always either of superior status or of inferior status in relationship to one another. 30 In the kava circle, it is no different. As Eric Shumway noted, From the time a Tongan is born he is imbued with a sense of rank and a sense of propriety in how to communicate with people of a higher rank. 31 When looking at the kava ceremony, social rank directly translated over into the kava ceremony. The person chosen to prepare the kava was done through rank and social status. As was the seating arrangement; there was the superior and inferior circle. The drinking order of the kava itself was crucial in establishing rank. Depending on who was hosting the kava ceremony, slight variations in rules would be applied. 32 Whether the missionaries knew it or not, in participating in the kava ceremonies, they were being integrated into the society and given a rank. So then how was it that the missionaries were welcomed into the Tongan society by their participation in the kava circles? First, by participating with the chiefs in the kava circles, they became welcomed by the rest of the village. The chiefs would welcome them 29 James Scott Neill, Excerpts from "10 Years in Tonga, " Found in the Pacific Islands Room at Brigham Young University- Hawaii. 30 Paul Van Der Grijp, Identity and Development: Tongan Culture, Agriculture, and the Perenniality of the Gift (Leiden: KITLV Press, 2004), Eric Shumway, Problems in Oral History in Tonga, Mormon History in the Pacific: Proceedings, First Annual Conference, August 1-2, 1980, Brigham Young University -- Hawaii Campus, Laie, Hawaii (Laie, Hawaii: Mormon Pacific Historical Society, 1981), Vincent Lebot, Kava-- The Pacific Elixir: The Definitive Guide to its Ethnobotany, History, and Chemistry (Rochester, Vt: Healing Arts Press, 1997), 150.

22 and as a result the people of the village would welcome them as well and treat them with hospitality. 33 To be recognized by the chiefs was of utmost importance. As illustrated in Tin Can Island, a story about two men in Tonga, the author describes kava as the visiting-card of the island. It is no more incorrect to make a call on a Chief or attend a ceremony in a state of nudity, than it is to go without a piece of kava. 34 These relationships began to form because kava was viewed as a way to promote new relationships and repair old ones, especially in the more common informal kava ceremony. 35 Here, men gathered around in a circle and drank kava and were able to discuss whatever it is they wished. Politics and the latest events in the village were often topics of discussion. By drinking kava the villagers were able to build their relationships with others. This was a popular way to welcome visitors and get to know them better. 36 In Samoa, the missionaries were familiar with the uses of kava and the effect that they had in welcoming them in. In a letter to the Deseret News, Elder Joseph Carpenter recounts what he has learned while serving in Samoa. We spent the few hours remaining in chatting with the folks, also with the head speaking man of the village who visited us and made ava for us, which is the Samoan sign of respect and friendship. 37 Not only did he understand the importance of kava, he also knew of the importance of speaking with the head of the village. 33 Michael J. Balick and Paul Alan Cox, Plants, People, and Culture: The Science of Ethnobotany (New York : Scientific American Library, 1996), Charles Stewart Ramsay, Tin Can Island: A Story of Tonga and the Swimming Mail Man of the South Seas (London: Hurst & Blackett, 1938), Lebot, Balick, J. Hatten Carpenter, Samoan Hospitality, Deseret News 45, Jan. 10 th, 1893, 340.

23 This was the perfect atmosphere for the missionaries to preach the gospel. In the kava circle there was an atmosphere of friendliness were topics could be discussed freely. 38 This friendliness and openness was in part due to the effects that kava has on the drinker. Kava is known to having a calming effect on a person. The drinker is able to become relaxed, and their sight and hearing are heightened. Most descriptions of kava effects include the increased capacity to hold conversations, which leads to long discussions. The effects of kava can be felt within minutes and last for two hours or more. 39 These seem like ideal conditions to preach the gospel. Gathered in a circle of men, possibly with the chief of the village, in a state of heightened senses, having an open discussion, this was an effective tool in spreading the gospel. the following we can see that the missionaries went to the fai kava to preach the gospel. This evening Bro Smith Jimmy Middlemiss & myself went out in the village to a friends place Palu & Taofa. we had a fai kava and quite a talk, but very little gospel they seem to shun that as they can not refute any of our principles whill we can down all of theirs. There was quite a crowd gethered. 40 Here, Elder Jones specifically mentions that there was little talk about the gospel. That is because, at least in Jones view, the Tongan men could not argue with them about the LDS church without getting frustrated. This points out that there have been many conversations about it before where the missionaries argued their point and won, at least in their own minds. Incidences like this could not have taken place if the missionaries did not try and preach the gospel while participating in the kava circles. The relaxed atmosphere allowed the missionaries to bring up gospel topics and openly discuss them. 38 Shumway, MPHS, Lebot, Jones, Vol. 4, February 10, 1896, 73.

24 By looking through the missionary journals of those who served in Tonga, it is clear that the LDS missionaries used kava ceremonies to preach the gospel. The missionaries would specifically search out kava circles. They did this because they understood the importance kava ceremonies held for the Tongan people. When attending a kava ceremony, the LDS missionaries could share their gospel without interruption, because to interrupt a person while speaking at a kava ceremony was a breach of the ceremonial rules that had been established hundreds of years before. The use of kava in Tonga stemmed back to the creation of the king himself, or at least this with what Tongan myth establishes. When the first king was brought back to life in the kava bowl, the people looked at kava as a way of rebirth. Other myths show kava as coming from the grave of a young girl, who had been sacrificed for the king. Kava ties back to the king and the hierarchical structuring of society. Social rank in Tonga is strictly defined and is upheld at kava ceremonies. Kava is also viewed at as coming from the land, and that by drinking kava one is drinking the land itself. 41 To drink the land, the Tongan people are reconnecting themselves to their home and their heritage. With such significant meanings of kava and the ceremony of drinking kava, the Tongan people view kava ceremonies as important cultural practices and observe them with strict care. When the LDS church tried to ban kava in Hawaii, the church soon found out that kava was important to the people in Hawaii. The experiences the missionaries had in Hawaii carried over to Samoa, where the missionaries found that attending kava ceremonies in Samoa was vital to the success of the mission there. The LDS missionaries 41 As explained by Tevita Ka'ili, Assistant Professor of International Cultural Studies at Brigham Young University Hawaii.

25 saw that to effectively preach their gospel, they must attend kava ceremonies. The knowledge of kava ceremonies then carried over to Tonga, where the missionaries applied the same practices with similar results. By attending kava ceremonies, missionaries in Tonga were able to establish themselves and form relationships with the Tongan people. Attending kava ceremonies was a way for the missionaries to be welcomed into the society. More importantly, the kava ceremonies proved an ideal atmosphere to preach the gospel. With the strict observance of Tongan cultural practices at the kava ceremonies, the LDS missionaries were given a forum for sharing their beliefs to the people. Under different circumstances, the Tongan people might not have had any interest in listening to white foreigners preaching about a new church, especially with other churches already well established. But, through the kava ceremony, the missionaries could preach their gospel uninterrupted. The people would have to listen. The kava ceremony became a powerful tool to speak to people that would otherwise not listen. The missionaries were aware of the importance of attending kava ceremonies and used kava ceremonies as a means of preaching their gospel. By the time that Elder Shumway had arrived in Tonga in 1959, kava ceremonies had already been established as useful ways to proselytize and were readily acceptable by LDS missionaries.

26 Works Cited Balick, Michael J. and Paul Alan Cox. Plants, People, and Culture: The Science of Ethnobotany. New York : Scientific American Library, Ballini, Monique Jeudy and Bernard Juillerat. People and Things: Social Mediations in Oceania. Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, Bennet, Jesse. Journal, 1889 to Bott, Elizabeth. Tongan Society at the Time of Captain Cook's Visits: Discussions with Her Majesty Queen S'alote Tupou. Wellington: Polynesian Society, Britsch, R. Lanier. Unto the Islands of the Sea: A History of the Latter-Day Saints in the Pacific. Salt Lake City, UT: Deseret Book, Clark, Rueben. Journal, 1921 to Carpenter, J. Hatten. Samoan Hospitality, Deseret News 45, Jan. 10th, 1893, 340. Dean, Joseph Harry. Samoan Etiquette. Juvenile Instructor, 1891, 96. Grijp, Paul Van Der. Identity and Development: Tongan Culture, Agriculture, and the Perenniality of the Gift. Leiden: KITLV Press, Jones, Albert Steven. Journal, 1893 to Lebot, Vincent. Kava-- The Pacific Elixir: The Definitive Guide to its Ethnobotany, History, and Chemistry. Rochester, Vt: Healing Arts Press, Neill, James Scott. Excerpts from "10 Years in Tonga." Olsen, Abinidi. Journal, 1895 to Ramsay, Charles Stewart. Tin Can Island: A Story of Tonga and the Swimming Mail Man of the South Seas. London: Hurst & Blackett, Shumway, Eric. Problems in Oral History in Tonga. Mormon History in the Pacific: Proceedings, First Annual Conference, August 1-2, 1980, Brigham Young University -- Hawaii Campus, Laie, Hawaii. Laie, Hawaii: Mormon Pacific Historical Society, 1981, 22. Shumway, Eric. Tongan Saints: Legacy of Faith. Laie, Hawaii: Institute for Polynesian Studies, 1991), 24. Smith, Willard L. Journal, 1915 to