Lecture 22: Ideology of Qumran 2009 Ronald Troxel Last time we began our study of Qumran by reviewing the archaeological finds and four current

Transcription

1 Lecture 22: Ideology of Qumran 2009 Ronald Troxel Last time we began our study of Qumran by reviewing the archaeological finds and four current interpretations of them, as well as the relationship between that site and the scrolls in the caves. At the outset, then, I want to summarize the evidence that supports what I consider the most likely interpretation: namely, that Qumran was the site of a Jewish sectarian community and that the scrolls were associated with it. The Jewishness of the group is put beyond question by the numerous miqva oth (ritual baths) in the compound, as well as the presence of stone vessels. DeVaux s map shows no less than 6 miqva oth in the compound, a striking number for the site s size. Moreover, some of them are especially large, allowing groups of people to pass through. The evidence provided by the cemeteries, with their large number of plots, far out of proportion to the number of people that could have lived at the site over its roughly two centuries of occupation, as well as the indications that some of those interred had been transported there for burial and even reburial, suggests that the site served as a spot of pilgrimage or retreat. If the results of the excavation of the 26 graves de Vaux opened in the main cemetery is representative (and we ll know soon, because a new excavation is about to get underway), then the presence of only adult males, laid out in similar orientation, with women and children buried in a separate location, is suggestive of an ideological agenda. Another indication that this site served as a center for a large group is the pantry with its stacked dishes, and the adjacent hall, complete with access to water for washing the sloped floor. This room is suggestive of a dining hall for communal meals, and lacks the sort of luxury appointments found in the banquet halls of the villas. As for living quarters, what seems certain, setting aside speculation about the use of the second story of the central structure, is that some of the caves were inhabited, given the discovery of mezuzoth in caves 4 & 7. Moreover, Hanan Eshel s divining of footpaths leading to compacted soil north of the compound gives credence to the suggestion that a tent camp provided lodging for some. As for the connection between Khirbet Qumran and the caves, the pottery finds of like clay and designs in both the caves and the compound (some of which designs were unique to this site) have convinced most archaeologists that those who lived in the caves were associated with the compound. By inference, that also means that there is a connection between the scrolls of the caves and Khirbet Qumran. In particular, it leads to the inference that at least some of the scrolls were produced in the compound, although it is widely recognized that a good number were brought to the site by those who joined or were allied with those who lived there. The inference that at least a number of the scrolls were produced and/or copied in the compound is buttressed by the unusual concentration of inkwells in locus 30, more than at any single site elsewhere in the land of Israel.

2 Lecture 22 p. 2 This much can be fairly well established on the basis of the remains. To further identify the group that used Khirbet Qumran we need to turn to the scrolls found in the caves. You ll recall that all 11 caves are located within a mile of Qumran. Those with the most mss were 1 & 4. That cave four housed the largest number (around 500) is understandable, since it is immediately adjacent to the ruins. Moreover, given that it was man-made and appears to have been fitted with shelves, it likely served as a sort of library for the sect. On the other hand, cave one contains the only manuscripts wrapped in linen and stored in jars, suggesting these scrolls were likely hidden, probably in view of the imminent Roman attack in 68 C.E. The mss of the 11 caves can be divided into three classifications, setting aside those which have not been aligned with any particular group: There are biblical mss, such as the two Isaiah scrolls from cave 1, the Jeremiah and Samuel materials from cave 4, and the Psalms scroll from cave 11. Only Esther and Nehemiah are not specifically attested. There is a striking distribution in the number of copies of each biblical book found in the caves. The most frequently represented, as you can see is Psalms, followed by Deuteronomy, Isaiah, and then the remainder of the Pentateuch. All other books register between 1 and 8 copies. (Vanderkam provides a complete list on p. 30.) And yet, as this graph shows, the 223 copies or fragments of biblical texts compose only 29% of the 760 or so mss found. The most numerous finds are manuscripts unique to the sect. And obviously those are of greatest interest for understanding the community. These are mss like the Pesharim, the Community Rule, and 4QMMT, all of which we ll examine. The third classification is the non-sectarian literature. As the graph shows, those mss account for around a quarter of the total. The non-sectarian literature comprises literature the community shared with other strains of Judaism. In some cases we know these works from elsewhere, such as Enoch and Jubilees. But besides such previously known works, there are works unknown previously, and yet not infused with the ideology that seems to have characterized the sect. An example of this set of materials is the Aramaic composition the Genesis Apocryphon, an embellished version of Genesis. Fragments of 13 other works fall into this classification, as well. All you need to remember of VanderKam s summary of how the scrolls have been dated is that the several methods, while yielding differences in a few cases, generally pinpoint most of the mss between the 2nd century B.C.E. and the first century C.E. Let s turn, then, to what we can learn about the community that lived at Qumran by study of the scrolls considered sectarian. Obviously, any summary of the community s beliefs must be based on only the scrolls that reflect Qumran ideology, setting aside scrolls recognized as the common possession of Judaism of the day. But how do we

3 Lecture 22 p. 3 know which scrolls are sectarian? Which scrolls are the unique products of the community? Needless to say, there is a debate here. A high profile example of this is the Temple Scroll from cave 11, the longest scroll to survive - around 65 columns. It was also, as far as anyone knows, the last scroll to be discovered, found by the Bedouin in 1956, but not accessible to anyone but the Bethlehem antiquities dealer Kando until 1967, when Yigael Yadin was able to strongarm him into surrendering it after Israel gained control of Bethlehem. While some consider it a product of the Qumran community, others point out that it does not voice the sort of polemic towards outsiders that the clearly sectarian literature does, nor is it concerned with ritual purity, a persistent issue in the sectarian literature. And so I will omit it from the short list of what can be called Foundation Documents, the writings most assuredly composed by or within the community. With that said, among the works composed in the community is a scroll sometimes called the Zadokite Fragments, otherwise known as the Damascus Document (because it mentions Damascus 7x). This composition includes a brief survey of the history of the community, together with legal codes stylized after Deuteronomy that address such issues as the purity of priests and sacrifices, marriage, tithes, relations with non-jews, observance of Shabbat, and entry into the community. Two partial copies of this document dated to the Middle Ages were discovered in Cairo in 1896 by Solomon Schechter, who concluded that their ideology betrayed they were written during the second temple period. The designation of this document as CD is due to the combination of Cairo and Damascus. When fragments of this document were found in caves 4, 5 and 6 at Qumran and compared to other writings there, it became apparent that this was one of the sect s foundational documents. The fragments found at Qumran not only attest the existence of this document before the turn of the era, but also preserve passages of the document not found in Cairo. The Community Rule (1QS) or Manual of Discipline (as Millar Burrows called it) gains its siglum S from its Hebrew name, dxyh Krs, (the rule/order of the community). This nearly complete copy of the rule was among the original seven discovered in cave one, while 10 significant fragmentary copies were found in cave 4. This work amounts to the community s constitution, specifying conditions for entry, the order of community meetings, and punishments for violations of the community s code. Intriguingly, this document appears to have passed through several editions, as we ll see next time, suggesting that it evolved as the community developed. The Rule of the Congregation (1QS a ) is one of two compositions contained on the same scroll as the Community Rule, but distinct from it (cf. the Rule of Blessings ). This two column work sets out rules for the latter days and for the conduct of the Messianic banquet, which is modeled on the sect s common meals. The War Rule (1QM) has the siglum M, based on the Hebrew word for war, hmxlm. Parts of 19 columns of the cave 1 scroll have survived, while cave 4 preserved fragments of another six mss. The work sets out regulations for a 40 year war between

4 Lecture 22 p. 4 the sons of light (the sectarians, assisted by angelic forces) and the sons of darkness (who are also aided by supernatural forces). While the first six battles are to end in a 3-3 tie, the seventh battle will be decided by God intervening to overcome Satan and his forces. In the ensuing era of universal peace they will reestablish the temple in the New Jerusalem, the very pivot of their messianic kingdom, and a revive a glorified version of the independent Israelite state. As you know, the Pesharim are commentaries written on biblical books to identify words in the prophets that had foretold events of their community s life. Needless to say, this way of reading the prophets as predicting the establishment and life of their community gives us a window on the sect s self-understanding. Also important is 4QMMT, dubbed the Halakhic Letter, whose siglum is based on its Hebrew title, once again: hrwth y#o(m tcqm (= Some of the work[s] of the Torah ). Six copies of this document were found in cave 4. While the presence of the Temple Scroll suggested that the community may have been concerned with legal matters, especially purity, the doubts about whether that document was composed at Qumran left questions about what concerns it held. 4QMMT is widely considered a product of the sect and treats disputes over the interpretation of the Torah. In essence, this is a letter setting out 22 areas of interpretation of the Torah about which the community disagreed with the priests at the Jerusalem temple. Yet, 4QMMT is more than just a white paper. It s author appears to have wanted to goad the priests in the Jerusalem temple to reconsider their interpretation of the Torah on these points and concede the correctness of the sect s interpretation. In fact, this treatise may have been written specifically to the high priest, given that throughout the document the second person singular pronoun you is used. That is, it was addressed to an individual, rather than a group. Based on this stock of foundational documents, let s sketch out the community s ideology, which will also involve us in the history of the sect. We ll begin by looking at what the documents reveal about the community's self-understanding. 4QMMT reveals that the community s isolation was due to disagreements with practices in the Jerusalem temple, disagreements that impelled them to withdraw from temple life. Here is how the author of 4QMMT states it: [You know that] we have separated from the mainstream of the peo[ple and from all their impurities and] from mixing in these matters and from being involved w[ith them] regarding these matters. But you k[now that there cannot be] found in our hands dishonesty, falsehood, or evil. Even though the text speaks of separation from the mainstream of the people, the content of the letter makes it clear that the problems surround priestly practices in the temple. E.g. one of the 22 areas in dispute concerns the presence of dogs in the temple area: And into the [ho]ly camp dogs should not be brought which can eat some of the bones from the te[mple with] the flesh on them. Because Jerusalem is the holy camp So it appears that the issues that caused the community to separate from the Jerusalem establishment had to do with interpretation of the Torah s purity codes. That these were no small disputes in the eyes of the community is shown by the repeated appeal in

5 Lecture 22 p. 5 4QMMT that the sons of Aaron not to lead the people into sin by their laxity in pure temple practice. As we ll see, the community frequently speaks of themselves as constituting a new house for Aaron, underscoring their disagreement with the priestly practice in Jerusalem. But 4QMMT also reveals that while the sectarians saw the temple leadership as failing, they also considered this to be something predicted: And in the book it is written [ ] not to [ ] And further it is written that [you shall stray] from the path and you will undergo evil. By the way, you might recall the way the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs frequently place back on a patriarch s lips a prediction that his descendants would stray from proper behavior. While the author saw this corruption as predicted, he also saw this state of affairs as destined to change at the end of time, when judgment would fall: And it is written that [all] these [things] shall happen to you at the end of days, the blessing and the curse [ and you shall ass]ent in your heart and turn to me with all your heart [and with a]ll your soul [ at the en]d [of time] and you shall be [ ]. The belief that the straying of the addressees and their ultimate judgment had been foretold implies, of course, a strong sense of determinism. Indeed, the community s appeal to the scriptures as a repository of information about events in their day assumes that God had orchestrated history in advance. More important, the group at Qumran saw themselves living on the cusp of the era when all the significant events foretold would be realized, as is apparent from this text: And we are aware that part of the blessings and curses have occurred that are written in the b[ook of Mo]ses. And this is the end of days, when they will return in Israel to the L[aw ] The conviction that they are living at the end of days, so that the great judgment could take place at any time formed part of the community s selfunderstanding. Their name for themselves was dxyh, the community, which was short for ynb dxy l) ( community of the sons of God ) or qwdc ynb dxy ( community of the sons of Zadok ). The sons of Zadok refers to the legitimate priestly line established during the days of David and Solomon. The sectarians also came to designate themselves as h#odxh tyrbh y)b, those entering the new covenant, or h#odxh tyrbh w)b r#o), those who have entered into the new covenant, a reference to the new covenant promised for Israel in the writings of Ezekiel and Jeremiah. As Shemaryah Talmon says, The [sectarians] viewed their community as the new link in the historical chain which had snapped when Judah was conquered by the Babylonians and thus the only true continuation of the pre-exilic community. The basis on which they did so was an interpretation of Ezekiel 4:4-5, where God commands the prophet: 4 Then lie on your left side, and place the punishment of the house of Israel upon it; you shall bear their punishment for the number of the days that you lie there. 5 For I assign to you a number of days, three hundred ninety days, equal to

6 Lecture 22 p. 6 the number of the years of their punishment; and so you shall bear the punishment of the house of Israel. Their idiosyncratic interpretation of this text runs this way: For when they were unfaithful and forsook him, he hid his face from Israel and his sanctuary and delivered them up to the sword. But remembering the covenant of the forefathers, he left a remnant to Israel and did not deliver it up to utter destruction. And in the age of wrath, 390 years after he had given them into the hand of King Nebuchadnezzar of Babylon, he remembered them and caused the root he had planted to sprout from Israel and Aaron to take [again] possession of his land and enjoy the fruits of his soil. (CD ) If we subtract the 390 years that the text specifies from 586 we arrive at 196 B.C.E., which is certainly too early for the habitation of Khirbet Qumran by the sect, but one thing we need to take into account of is the the period the group says they existed before taking up residence in the wilderness. In any case, it s not clear that they understood 390 years as a precise designation of years. What s important to notice is that this reveals the sectarians belief that the history of Israel lay more or less dormant until their era; only in their day had God taken up the cause of Israel so that they could call themselves those entering the new covenant. While the rabbis viewed the biblical period as a closed chapter, this group seems to have held the belief that they were still living in it. E.g., while the rabbinic movement was moving towards viewing prophecy as a thing of the past, the Qumran community seems to have retained a high esteem for prophecy, not simply in the interpretation of the past prophets, but in submission to the leader called qdc hrwm, the teacher of righteousness. The fact that his name includes the word zedek ("righteousness") is significant, because it is allied with "Zadok," the name of the ancient priest appointed by David, to whom those in the community laid claim as being a "new house for Zadok." The implication is that they are the legitimate priestly house. The Teacher of Righteousness's role in interpreting prophecy was distinctive for its era. While the rabbinic movement made decisions by logical interpretation and debate, the teacher proclaimed decisions by prophetic dictum. As Talmon observes, being prophetically inspired, the Teacher s decisions were beyond debate and unconditionally binding. There was a strong sense that the communication by God to Israel that had enlivened Israel was still at work in this new community. Moreover, while the rabbis, regarding the biblical period as over, no longer used the literary forms of ancient Israel, Qumran continued to do so. A prime example, of course, is the Damascus Document, which utilizes the idioms and style of Deuteronomy. We can also think of the Hodayoth, which were composed in the manner of the biblical psalms. Composing literature in biblical idioms was quite natural for this group, another indication they saw themselves picking up where ancient Israel had left off; they were at the heart of the resumption of ancient Israel s life. It appears that in its earliest years the group anticipated the restoration of Israel's fortunes and the establishment of a new era. In essence, they were quietist millenarians,

7 Lecture 22 p. 7 passively waiting for God to fulfill the promise. This expectation seems to have led to disappointment when the anticipated new era failed to materialize. In fact, immediately following the computation of the 390 years we just read, the Damascus Document reports: And they [the founders] realized their sin and knew that they were guilty men; but they were like blind persons and like those who grope for the path over twenty years. And God appraised their deeds, because they sought him with a perfect heart and raised up for them a Teacher of Righteousness, in order to direct them in the path of his heart. In their diagnosis of why their hopes failed to materialize, apparently they blamed both their own sinfulness, as attested in the text we just read, and those outside their group. They speak of the congregation of traitors, who turn aside from the way. In particular, they opposed a priestly figure, the evil counterpart of the "Teacher of Righteousness" (qdc hrwm), whom they dubbed, the wicked priest ( (#$rh Nhkh), who (according to their account) persecuted them, as reflected in the Pesher Habakkuk, which first cites the verse on which it will comment: Woe to anyone who makes his companion drunk, spilling out his anger! He even makes him drunk to loot at their festivals! (Hab 2:15) Then comes the commentary: Its interpretation concerns the Wicked Priest who pursued the Teacher of righteousness to consume him with the ferocity of his anger in the place of his banishment, in festival time, during the rest of the day of Atonement. He paraded in front of them, to consume them and make them fall on the day of fasting, the sabbath of their rest. It is quite likely that the wicked priest was one of the Hasmoneans and that the split that produced a separatist movement under the teacher was due to changes in temple worship during the Hellenistic era. The community viewed their retreat into the wilderness as itself the fulfillment of a prophecy, as indicated in this excerpt from the Damascus Document: They shall go into the wilderness to prepare the way of him, as it is written, Prepare in the wilderness the way of ] make straight in the desert a path for our God (Isa 40:3). From this point on, the members of the community saw themselves called upon to pave the way for the realization of the promises; no longer would they be quietist millinearians, but activists. Every male retreats for (at least) a season to the desert, there to prepare for the final, cosmic battle described in the War Scroll, in which the Sons of Light will defeat the Sons of Darkness, through God s intervention in the decisive battle. This group also developed a distinctive strain of messianism. At the onset of the ideal eon, two figures would arise simultaneously, together with a third figure called the Prophet : one would be a priestly Messiah of the house of Aaron, while the other was to be the Messiah of Israel, associated with the royal house of David. (Talmon) Three times the Damascus Document speaks of a Messiah of Aaron and Israel, which could be interpreted either as "a single Messiah deriving from both Aaron and Israel, or one Messiah from Aaron and one from Israel, as might be indicated in column 20, line 1, where we have, a Messiah from Aaron and from Israel, although

8 Lecture 22 p. 8 even that could refer to a single Messiah who derived from both sources. You might recall that we saw a similar variation in the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs. However, the Community Rule speaks of the messiahs of Aaron and Israel. The context for this phrase is instruction about the behavior of members of the sect: They shall depart from none of the counsels of the Law to walk in the stubornness of their hearts, but shall be ruled by the primitive precepts in which the men of the community were first instructed until there shall come the prophet and the Messiahs of Aaron and Israel. Note, by the way, that this text envisions a triad of leaders: the prophet, the Aaronic messiah, and a royal messiah (the messiah of Israel). As John Collins has pointed out, when it comes to the idea of two messiahs, The issue is not how many texts speak explicitly of two messiahs, but how many involve the presence of another figure of authority equal to or greater than that of the Davidic messiah. He cites, in particular, a passage from the Rule of the Congregation I mentioned earlier, in which the protocols for the messianic banquet are laid out. The significant excerpt reads this way: [The priest] shall enter [at] the head of all the congregation of Israel and [all his brethren the sons of] Aaron, the priests, [who are invited] to the feast, men of renown, and they shall sit be[fore him, each] according to his importance. Afterwards, [the me]ssiah of Israel [shall enter] and the heads of the [thousands of Israel] shall sit before him [ea]ch according to his importance. [no] one [shall extend] his hand to the first (portion) of the bread and [the wine] before the priest. Fo[r he shall extend] his hand to the bread first. Afterwa[rds,] the messiah of Israel [shall exten]d his hand to the bread. [Afterwards,] all of the congregation of the community [shall ble]ss, ea[ch according to] his importance There is a parallel treatment of the priest and the messiah in this text, insofar as both are said to have people seated before them in order of their importance. However, the prerogatives at the meal are entirely the priest's. It is the priest who is first to partake of the food, then the messiah of Israel, and then the guests. Again, this superiority of the priestly leader over the Messiah from Judah is something we found in the Testament of Levi. Another sort of deference by the messiah of Israel to the priest is registered in 4QpIsa a : He shall not judge by what his eyes see (Isa 11:3). Its interpretation: [ ] according to what they teach him, he will judge, and upon his mouth [ ] with him will go out one of the priests of renown, holding clothes in his hand. As Collins concludes, even though the priest in these texts especially the one from 1QS a, is not specifically called a messiah, it is quite clear that the messiah of Israel here is not a priest, and that the priest takes precedence over him in the strictly hierarchical proceedings. Accordingly, it is reasonable to infer that the priest spoken of in 1QS a is the messiah of Aaron referred to elsewhere and to conclude that the community did in fact believe that there would be two Messiahs: a priestly one and a royal one.

9 Lecture 22 p. 9 During the period the community was anticipating the great onset of the new era, it held to a strict legal code to govern its life, providing a way of spanning the chasm between the distressing historical present and the awaited messianic era. [Talmon] That strict code is apparent in the way the community organized and regulated its membership and life. The Damascus Document lays out instructions for the camps, which probably refers to groups allied with the community, but scattered throughout the villages of the land. You ll recall that the cemetery gives evidence of people transported to Qumran for burial, which fits with this picture. Of course, the Damascus Document s instructions for the camps registers a difference with the Community Rule, which seems to focus on the organization and regulation of the wilderness community, without regard for any other group. As you know, other differences in regulating community life exist between these documents. E.g. in the camps or towns, people lived in families, while it appears that the desert settlement was an isolated, virtually celibate society. Both the camps and the desert community were overseen by a rqbm, an assessor who evaluated the spiritual progress of each member and ranked them accordingly. In towns the assessor was to ensure that no contact occurred between his congregation and the men of the Pit, i.e. those regarded as sinners. However, the desert community was, additionally, overseen by the council of the community. In the camps people held private property, but in the desert compound property among full-fledged members was held in common. The best explanation of both the similarities and the differences is that the community at Qumran was linked to a broader movement, but that it was group that had, at some point, separated from the larger movement. But who were these people? This brings us, finally, to the question of the identification of the sect at Qumran. I noted in talking about the history of the manuscript finds that early on the suggestion arose that those who produced the scrolls were Essenes. That suggestion was made by Eleazar Sukenik, the first scholar to examine the scrolls. And, in spite of the detractors that hypothesis has had, in my opinion it remains the best option. One of the main reasons the Essense were proposed as the identity of this community was its location. The Roman writer Pliny the Elder, who lived between C.E., reported the following about the Essenes: On the west side of the Dead Sea, but out of range of the noxious exhalations of the coast, is the solitary tribe of the Essenes, which is remarkable beyond all the other tribes in the whole world, as it has no women and has renounced all sexual desire, has no money, and has only palm trees for company. Lying below the Essenes was formerly the town of Engedi. Not only the location Pliny specifies, but also the description of this as a community of men who live celibate and without money fits the scrolls and the archaeological and documentary evidence.

10 Lecture 22 p. 10 Another ancient author who wrote about the structure of the Essenses was the Jewish historian Josephus, who referred to it as one of the four philosophical schools of the Jews. Josephus listed the following as characteristics for the Essenes: First, they were overseen by superiors, to whom the members were bound in obedience. Second, he enumerated rather extensive initiation rites, comprising four steps, leading from novice to full member. The process involved a year of probation, followed by ritual ablutions, then a two year probation period, after which one could sit at the common table and enter into the order. Also according Josephus, members were obliged to keep secrets from non-members, making them sound much like the Hellenistic mystery cults with which his Roman readers would have been familiar. Furthermore, he notes the existence of a court numbering at least 100, and reports that members could be expelled from the community. According to his summary, only adult males were allowed to be members, although he notes that the Essenes took in the children of others to educate them and thus maintain their numbers. As this implies, there was (according to Josephus) no marriage among the Essenes, although they did not condemn marriage on principle. Moreover, he reports that another order of Essenes did allow marriage, and he makes a special point of this difference between the two orders: Moreover, there is another order of Essenes, who agree with the rest as to their way of living, and customs, and laws, but differ from them in the point of marriage, as thinking that by not marrying they cut off the principal part of the human life, which is the prospect of succession. (Wars ) Josephus insistence of this as the sole difference between the two groups is significant, for it can help us understand the assumption of marriage and family in the Damascus Document and the indications that Qumran was inhabited (at least primarily) by males. Once again, the group at Khirbet Qumran likely derived from the larger movement of Essenes, but became a more radical version of it. Josephus also tells us the members of the sect took ritual baths before each meal and after excretion, which correlates with what I mentioned last time about Jodi Magness s discovery of a miqveh located at the exit of a bathroom installation at Qumran. Contact with someone outside the group would also trigger a ritual bath. Perhaps in keeping with this, members of the Essenes always wore white clothing, at least by Josephus account. Similar to Pliny's report, the Essenes of Josephus were said to hold property in common. The daily work of the Essenes was strictly regulated and mainly involved agriculture and the trades. Josephus also states that the Essenes shared common meals, with the food prepared by priests, and that they took a ritual bath before entering the dining hall.

11 Lecture 22 p. 11 Significantly, Josephus also mentions that the group possessed its own books which it was the duty of members to preserve with great care. Indeed, he mentions that some among them foretell events, based in part on study of the holy writings. As for their beliefs, Josephus mentions that they subscribed to determinism. He writes, They say fate is the mistress of all things, and nothing befalls man except in accordance with her decree. The Essenes, he reports, also believed in the immortality of the soul. The community reflected in the scrolls accords strikingly with both Pliny s and Josephus description of the Essenes. The location of Khirbet Qumran certainly accords with Pliny's description of where the community of Essenes he knew lived. The community of the scrolls was certainly engrossed with ritual baths, while the reports of holding common property is consistent with what we know of membership practices of the sect. Moreover, it seems highly likely that those who lived at Qumran were at least predominately if not exclusively male, while Josephus report of another order that practiced marriage (though with a certain wariness) is significant for understanding the instruction on this topic in the Damascus Document. It is entirely possible, in fact, as Josephus implies, that these two groups of Essenes lived side-by-side throughout the country, although just because Josephus speaks of these as two groups of "Essenes" doesn't mean that they were precisely the same or even consciously associated with each other. Even though Josephus claims to have joined the Essenes in his youth, we'll see that Josephus is liable to exaggerate when it serves his purposes. While Josephus description of the process of becoming a member of the sect does not accord precisely with what we know from the scrolls, it is roughly similar. And we have to keep in mind that Josephus probably drew on sources for this description rather than first hand information. We know that the Qumran community believed in afterlife as an immortal soul, while they assumed determinism as a basic tenet. Next session we ll explore two of the fundamental documents from the Qumran community: the Community Rule and the Damascus Document.