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1 From the periods of History towards Autor(es): Publicado por: URL persistente: Valdez, Maria Ana Centro de História da Universidade de Lisboa URI: Accessed : 6-Jan :27:45 A navegação consulta e descarregamento dos títulos inseridos nas Bibliotecas Digitais UC Digitalis, UC Pombalina e UC Impactum, pressupõem a aceitação plena e sem reservas dos Termos e Condições de Uso destas Bibliotecas Digitais, disponíveis em Conforme exposto nos referidos Termos e Condições de Uso, o descarregamento de títulos de acesso restrito requer uma licença válida de autorização devendo o utilizador aceder ao(s) documento(s) a partir de um endereço de IP da instituição detentora da supramencionada licença. Ao utilizador é apenas permitido o descarregamento para uso pessoal, pelo que o emprego do(s) título(s) descarregado(s) para outro fim, designadamente comercial, carece de autorização do respetivo autor ou editor da obra. Na medida em que todas as obras da UC Digitalis se encontram protegidas pelo Código do Direito de Autor e Direitos Conexos e demais legislação aplicável, toda a cópia, parcial ou total, deste documento, nos casos em que é legalmente admitida, deverá conter ou fazer-se acompanhar por este aviso. impactum.uc.pt digitalis.uc.pt

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3 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END MARIA ANA VALDEZ Universidade de Lisboa Universidade de Yale Resumo A periodização histórica é um dos recursos mais frequentemente utilizados pelos autores/editores dos textos apocalípticos com 0 intuito de aproximar o tempo presente do tempo do fim. Desse modo, era possível assegurar que a turbulência do tempo presente era um sinal de que 0 fim, e, consequentemente, a recompensa do Reino Divino, estavam prestes a acontecer. Neste trabalho procura-se analisar alguns dos textos mais emblemáticos de Qumran onde este tipo de periodização está representado. Discute-se também 0 significado da expressão אחרית הימיס e das suas diver-sas interpretações. Abstract Historical periodization is one of the most common features used by the authors/editors of the apocalyptic texts to shorten the distance between the present and the time of the end. In that way, it was possible to ensure their people that present time turbulence was one more sign that the end was at hand, and with it, the divine kingship would soon be realized. In this study, we analyze some of the most well known Qumran texts where this type of periodization appears. The meaning of the expression אחרית הימים and its diverse interpretations are also discussed. 55

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5 It Is commonly accepted that an historical periodization in an apocalyptic text delineates the course of events until the expected end of days, the time when finally the awaited divine kingdom will come and Israel will get back all its privileges as the chosen people. Presenting time in a narrative as historical periods may be regarded as if the author is reducing time into smaller periods in order to diminish the waiting time for the end. However we are not facing a simple question. What is the end? Does it suppose some kind of earth extinction or not? Where will that new kingdom be established? Will it be with living people (in the common sense), or with the people «found written in the book?» <1) Daniel is the first text where some kind of resurrection seems to be implicit. Before, and according to the prophetic books, the people of Israel expected to be rewarded with the kingdom during their lifetime. The afterlife did not seem to be an issue at the time, although the reference to the end of times is an ancient motif and was not created by the apocalypticists in a later period. How is this to explain? Long before, we hear famous prophets speaking about the end while mentioning the «Day of the Lord», e.g., Amos and Isaiah. (2) Nevertheless, since the mid 20 th century, scholars have begun to translate the Hebrew expression in a different way. This was the beginning of a new pro-.אחרית הימים blem about the real meaning of the expression The earliest translators understood this expression to signify «at the end of the days» or «in the last days», but the modern ones consider it as «in the course of time, in future days», as noted by A. Steudel. (3) This creates, obviously, a problem about the expression s real eschatological meaning because with the new version this interpretation was almost lost. Insofar as the first translation let us think about the end of the times in a perspective of eschatological future, the latest only allows us to think about the days to come. This is somewhat problematic, yet with a careful reading of each text scholars can decide which definition to apply. Beyond that, a useful thing to constantly keep in mind is that even if this expression was used since the most ancient times its sense was clearly changed throughout history. 57

6 MARIA ANA VALDEZ From the time of the prophets to that of the apocalyptic writers, there was certainly a change of meaning, since the latter were facing different needs. While the prophets were expecting the last period of History to arrive, namely the day of the final judgment, the apocalyptic writers were waiting for the period which would anticipate the settlement of the expected kingdom of Yahweh. With this last perspective the end had a positive connotation as it enabled messianic expectations. This is not comparable to the prophetic view. Most prophets were concerned about the time in which they were living in and the course of events they were witnessing. Amos, for example, considered the end of the days as the final judgment of the people of Israel, whom he regarded as being lost, because they had not fulfilled their obligations according to the covenant made with Yahweh. Although the expression aharit hayyamim is commonly used in the OT there is no attempt to predict when the «end of the days» will happen. Consequently, Daniel can be understood as the exception in the canon. As previously noted, there are other texts that have tried to establish historical periodizations which included the end of times, but none contained a real attempt to date it. The concepts of generations, years, epochs, and weeks added to some numbers, are the most common attempts to predict the end in most of the texts. Another problem about this typology of the «end of the days» is the fact that with the information provided by the texts the scholar cannot infer if this expression meant the exact end of the world, a period of transition (and how long this would last), or even the new world itself. Were these authors speaking of the establishment of a wholly new space, or simply the restoration of the cult and Israel s sovereignty? Furthermore, what was expected to happen when the end of the days occurred? There are images in the texts of judgment, of resurrection and of punishment of the wicked ones, but there is no such thing as a common idealized end in those narratives. In a certain way, we could attest that each text resembles the reality of the author(s) daily life, and that can be understood in light of the apocalyptic literature. Moreover, this concept of the end of the days has to be understood in accordance with the principle of historical determinism that characterized these authors. Some of the best representations of this perspective can be found in the Qumran texts as we will demonstrate in the following pages. 58

7 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END The case of Qumran The community settled at Qumran is normally recognized as being the best example of an apocalyptic group and is usually identified with the Essenes (4). The texts found in the caves show a particular worldview where we witness a confrontation between good and evil world forces that anticipate the divine intervention. Once more, history is predetermined by Yahweh, and therefore these texts also provide a periodization of history, though slightly different from the one found in other apocalyptic texts such as 1 Enoch, or even Daniel. Most authors agree that the Qumran community had a different reading of the concept of the «end of times» since they believed they were already living in that last period and waiting for the Messiah to arrive. This also derives from the fact that they seem to interpret these last days as containing «two phases: a time of testing, (...), and the messianic age, which was still to come» (5) which we could say to be the epoch of the Teacher of Righteousness and the period right after. Qumran has kept some of the characteristics of the earlier apocalypses, but there are differences to observe. As compared with Daniel and 1 Enoch, it introduces the novelty of the expectation on a messiah to come in the last days. Though they believed that they were living already in the last days, they kept attempting to calculate the date of the end. This belief has also influenced the way they described the times to come and the emphasis attributed to the description of the final battle. Another variation is the pseudepigraphic device: earlier texts were attributed to more ancient characters in order to grant authority to the revelation they contained, i. e., in Qumran this authority was awarded by the Teacher of Righteousness and his heirs. In the scrolls the reference to the «end of the days» appears mainly in original sectarian texts and in the context of scripture interpretation as notes A. Steudel (6>, and not in texts that we would define as apocalyptic. Steudel also draws attention to the fact that two different prepositions were used before the Hebrew expression: כ or.ל The first was used in the OT texts while the second was used in the sectarian texts to express a temporal relation with the interpreted biblical passages. According to the study of the use of the expression aharit hayyamim in the texts from Qumran, there are three different uses to be noted: 1) it is already present; 2) it can be understood as a period of time that goes back into the past; and 3) it can represent a time still in the future. The interpretation of this expression is quite different from the 59

8 MARIA ANA VALDEZ one found in the apocalyptic texts produced outside the limits of Qumran where it meant: «a limited period of time, that is the last of series of divinely pre-planned periods into which history is divided.» (7) In short, since the community believed itself to be living in the days of the end, it was already writing in the present about events contained in the last days. Thus, the best translation for the Hebrew expression in the Scrolls should be something like «the end of the אחרית הימים days», meaning the last period of history. As noted before, there are several texts from Qumran which also include accounts of historical periodizations that would anticipate the end, but most of the references are found in the exegetical texts, as noted by J. Collins Among those we can cite, IQpHab 1QS, 1QSa, 4Q174, 4Q177, 4Q180, 4Q243-5, 4Q390, 4Q504, 4Q554, 4QDib Ham, 4QMMT, 4Qplsa, 4QpNah, HQMelchizedek, and CD. In the case of Qumran, the scholar faces a new reality because the community was highly interested in establishing a precise calendar different from the one in use in Jerusalem, which can be one of the factors that explains why so many texts included this type of periodization. Nevertheless, the common objective was predicting the end, the way they do this and what was inherent in it for some authors is different to others. The main difference could probably be explained by the fact that the Qumran community thought they were living already at the end of the days, while the other communities were still trying to predict the beginning of that end. Yet, they use a similar language to explain the different periods and their timings. Another common feature seems to be the date of the Exile as the starting point of these periodizations. One of the texts that best illustrates this starting point and the similarities with Daniel s chronologies is the Damascus Document (CD). In it the reader finds an intrinsic reference to the classic year period that will take place between the exile and the restoration of the kingdom of God. In fact, in CD there are 390 years between the Exile and the settlement of the sect, followed by a 20-year period that anticipates de arrival of the Teacher of Righteousness, and the 40 years currently attributed to the Teacher s career, which makes a total of 450 years. According to these numbers, the group at Qumran would only have to wait for another 40 years for the establishment of the divine kingdom. The number is not as relevant as is its significance, especially when compared to other texts where this type of historical periodization occurs. What should be underlined here is the fact that some of these texts use the 490-year period to divide history and to 60

9 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END predict the beginning of the end of the days. This stresses instantly the importance of the jubilee years, namely the big and symbolic jubilee that comprised the 490-year period. Another very important text for the study of this question of the periods of history is 4Q180, the so-called «Pesher of Periods» or «Ages of Creation», whose significance can be immediately perceived by the title the editors gave the manuscript. Normally, scholars question whether the text is or is not a pesher in its linear sense because of its first words, where one reads «Interpretation concerning the ages which God has made» (frag. 1, 1). It really does not interpret a biblical text verse by verse, nor is it a pesher about a specific subject; however, we do find some similarities between this text and the genre pesher. This is not enough to simply affirm that the text is a pesher, especially because what we find here can be said to create another type of pesher about subjects instead of regarding biblical texts in particular* 91, namely on a general theological subject of the sect. An additional question raised by some scholars is if this text should be read with 4Q181 and if both are commentaries of an older version of a text with some certain authoritative degree for the Qumran community. However, these questions are not the main purpose of this study, and what really interests us is how the text describes a view of history divided into periods, or in this precise case, into ages and generations. When a text like this begins with a sentence about the ages made by God, we definitely must take that detail in account. This is a phrase that we do not find in the texts mentioned above, although we do find the reference to periods, ages or generations in other Qumran texts as in, IQpHab 1QS, 1QH, and CD. Normally, the text references are related to the sequence of historical events planned by Yahweh, i. e., as a form of predetermined history, and this also seems to be the case in 4Q180. What makes this text special is the detail in which the author describes these periods: from creation to its end, including all human activities. This means that the establishment of the periodization reflects the fact that God predetermined history and that predestination was manifest in the thought of this writer, and probably of its entire community as well. The description of the different generations and of the biggest events that marked each one of them appears to be the way in which the author expressed that everything was organized and followed a pre-specified order. Even the evil had an objective. In the scheme of the ten generations presented by this manuscript we count well-known episodes as the story of the Angels and the daughters of 61

10 MARIA ANA VALDEZ men from 1 Enoch, an episode about Abraham derived probably from Genesis, and the story of Sodom and Gomorrah. The ten generations cover a period of time from Shem (first son of Noah), to Abraham, which seems to be the same chronology used in Jubilees: from the Flood to the episode of Sodom and Gomorrah. If this period of time appears to be small when compared in terms of world/earth history, it may be used as an argument to say that this special text should have been longer, especially if we base this theory in the interest about chronologies and world time that the sect seems to have had. As D. Dimant points out the members of the Qumran sect could be as interested in this type of chronology as the members of the apocalyptic groups were, which could explain the similarities between the two types of writing* 10 *. Since there are more examples of texts expressing interest in historical periods, settling, and describing them in Qumran, we have decided to analyse with more detail the references made in 1QS, 4Q243-5, 4Q390, and 1. IQMelchizedek Until now, we have to remember that the form used at Qumran to describe historical periods of time is similar to the one used in other apocalyptic texts. However, the ambience lived there was slightly different, especially when we are dealing with human expectation, and this makes a difference in the understanding of the text, as well in the application of what seems to be similar concepts as the ones used to define time. a) 1QS The Rule of the Community is one of the most important and well-known documents of the Dead Sea Scrolls. In addition to the almost complete copy found in cave 1, there are also 13 other fragments from caves 4 and 5. The text is so important that VanderKam does not hesitate to call it «a constitution for the Qumran community» (11), since it describes the process to be admitted and the general aspects that ruled the community s life. The scroll found in cave 1 includes two more texts: 1Q28a, the IQRule of the Congregation, and 1Q28b, the 1QThe Rule of the Blessings, which are not found in any of the fragments from the other caves. The text that interests us for the study of the community s perspective about the way history and its periods are settled is 1QS, namely columns III and IV (12). In that specific part of the manuscript we find what is normally called «the Instruction of the two spirits», a text 62

11 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END that most authors agree to be «the fullest and clearest information about the beliefs of the Dead Sea sectarians» (13). In fact, the reading of these two columns will convince any reader that the author s vision of history and time can easily be classified as deterministic. Besides, this same writer believed that God created two different times: one conducted by the evil spirit and another by the good one. These periods occur at the same time and their end has already been programmed in advance by the deity. According to this perspective, the human being is ruled by a certain type of dualist form and only in the future will he be released from evil and live solely in the good times. This transforms the sectarian life into a totally controlled space, although the community believed that the time for the rule of the good spirit was about to prevail and that they were soon going to live in it. In brief, we are facing a pre-ordained worldview that goes in the direction of the end of the days when the Light will triumph. This deterministic view of history can be observed in column III, 15, where we read: «From the God of knowledge stems all there is and there shall be.» This affirmation expresses what Licht has called a principle of predestination because it limits the human possibility of choice. In fact, in the same line, the author mentions that everything has been established in a previous time to their existence. This means that the divine plans cannot be changed, either partially or totally. Therefore, human beings will have to live in a time and in a world divided by good and evil. Thus, the reader is lead to detect the dualistic aspect of the two spirits described in lines In fact, if we take this dualism literally we have to say that besides those who will follow the paths of Darkness, the ones that go along with Light will be absent from any kind of sin, but this ability is somehow hard to understand and explain. This difficulty can explain why the author wrote «From the Angel of Darkness stems the corruption of all the sons of justice» in lines According to this view there is a conflict between the two parties that will be won by the Angel of Light at the moment God has previously decided. The text goes on reaffirming the dualistic view of life and its determinism. It explains that the sons of light will conquer the endless life in column IV, 8. Does this refer to an afterlife or to a period free from the Angel of Darkness? The references to eschatological motifs are sparse and the most we can infer from them is in its time, the visitation, God will deliver the world of Darkness, and the truth shall rise (IV, 19). Furthermore, we are told that «God has chosen an everlasting covenant» (14) for the followers of the Light. But the doubts about what the writer believed remain without a good explanation. 63

12 MARIA ANA VALDEZ It seems that this eternal life is not a reward but a natural consequence for those who compose the group that followed the Angel of Light. There is no such thing as repentance or any form of inverting the situation, since everything has been previously determined by the God of Israel. One could say that human beings are mere toys in the hands of the deity. Perhaps the best image to describe the situation is one of a battle where two armies face each other: one is lead by the Angel of Darkness and the other by the Angel of Light. The purpose of the Angel of Darkness is to corrupt the members of the other army, however, God had already planed each detail of the events to follow and, therefore, the purpose of the Light is to prevail at a certain moment in time, although his followers might be confronted with the injustice and evil. A new creation, according to line 25 is to be expected. However, the text gives us no more information about their expectations, about the date of the end, or even regarding what the end is supposed to be. The main question «when will the evil cease» is not answered, although the author firmly insists that the end has been predicted and that Light will prevail. In order to provide this eschatological feature the author inserts the topics of the new creation and of the endless life. b) 4Q390 4Q390 is one of the seven manuscripts originally ascribed to Strugnell by Qumran s working group. Due to the resemblances between them (physical and content), Strugnell decided that they were copies of an apocryphon of Ezekiel and, therefore, they were initially known as Pseudo-Ezekiel. When D. Dimant was invited by Strugnell to study these manuscripts she first agreed with this. However, following further studies and a deeper contact with the texts she changed her ideas affirming that the assumption that they all were copies of the same text would result «in substantial discrepancies and incongruencies of content and form» (15). With this in mind we are now obliged to consider the hypothesis of having various texts, though the scribal evidence does not support it very clearly, since the handwriting in these fragments is quite similar. Based on content, structure and style, Dimant offers a threefold division of this group of manuscripts: two considered as pseudepigraphic (Pseudo-Ezekiel and Pseudo-Moses), and one narrative about Jeremiah (Apocryphon of Jeremiah). Now known as Pseudo-Moses, 4Q390 manuscript comprises six fragments containing two well preserved fragments with three columns, 64

13 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END written in the Herodian style, and commonly dated from the first half of the first century b.c.e., although the existence of other copies, which are known to be older, can anticipate its age. Besides these fragments, there are another four in very bad condition comprising two or three words that are hard to read or understand. Of the well preserved ones, the first fragment is only conserved at the beginning of the middie column; though it contains only 11 lines, only 7 are totally intact. The second fragment preserves the rests of eight columns (also from the middle), and another eight from the beginning of the next column. Both manuscripts are similar in shape and size, and both contain «the same type of divine address with historical review», which induces Dimant to affirm that both texts could have derived from the same circumstances (16). The narrative follows the biblical style (deuteronomic) and the subject is a pseudepigraphic character. This text, 4Q390, is particularly interesting for our study because it includes a historical review, similar to the chronology attested in Jubilees, during which God reveals the future to an undisclosed figure that, in this specific case, Dimant believes to be Moses. This would mean that we are facing an ex eventu prophecy. Nevertheless, Dimant remembers that apart from some deuteronomistic expressions this text does not resemble any of the others from the Dead Sea Scrolls named as Moses-pseudepigrapha (being the exception 2Q21 that could have been originated in a larger work (17) ). Having in mind the existence of all these texts with Moses as the main character, it is possible to affirm that at Qumran a certain literary tradition existed based on his figure, a sort of mosaic cycle. Moreover, this seems to be extendable to later traditions, e.g., the Latin manuscript known as the Testament of Moses where we find an historical prediction in the word of Moses based in the last chapters of Deuteronomy. History is presented in 4Q390 as a sequence of pre-determined specific periods of time, namely weeks of years, seventy years and jubilees. Since the beginning and the end of the original manuscript are lost, it is impossible to determine with any kind of precision the exact start and ending points of the prophecy. Because of this some authors argue about which fragment should come first. D. Dimant, the editor of the text, confirms Strugnell s theory that the first fragment contains the most ancient sequence based on the clear reference to the return from Babylonia in I 5-7, while García Martinez prefers the second fragment where he sees the hypothesis of an allusion to the period of the division between the kingdoms of North and South, followed by the 65

14 MARIA ANA VALDEZ first fragment, which he takes as a reference to a return from exile and the beginning of the reconstruction of the temple (18). Yet, most agree that this text in its global view represents a sequence that can be understood as a Sin-Exile-Return (19) sequence, describing therefore both pre-exilic and exilic periods. However, due to the fragmentary condition of the text it is impossible to know the exact historical dates and events the author had in mind while writing. This same problem arises when dealing with who was the narrator since there is no specific reference. However, this question seems to be clarified as the text proceeds with the type of discourse used that obliges scholars to identify it with Yahweh. In fact, this is a first person speech with reference to «my laws» and to «my precepts» (cf. 2, I, 5) that have been violated by Israel. In the text there is also no specific mention of Moses, as García Martinez points out. On the other hand, Dimant interposes with the fact that the address is modelled according to the deuteronomistic way of naming Moses, and that there is a specific reference to receiving the Law, that being one of the main characteristics of Moses role. The prophecy contained in this manuscript belongs to the vat - cinium ex eventu type a well-known resource in Jewish literature. What is surprising and attests to the special character of this text is the profound historical detail, since the majority of these types of texts only provide a general description of these periods, although we should account Daniel as an exception. In 4Q390 we have reference to 70 years (1, 2), seventh jubilee (1, 7), week of years and jubilee (2, I, 4), and 70 years (2, I, 6). According to Dimant s analysis these periods share a similar pattern: chronological reference, description of the sin and Yahweh s reaction and consequent punishment. With this, the internal coherence of the text increases, especially when the reader understands that each punishment tends to be bigger than its precedent. It represents an order based in the repetition of these elements in every period and, at the same time, it shows an evolution either in the type of the sin of Israel or its punishment. In the first period Israel will not follow the commandments apart from «those who will be the first to go up from the land of captivity in order to build the temple» (1, 5-6). In the second, they will forget everything until the seventh jubilee (490 years) and during that time God will hide his face and deliver them to their enemies, though remnants will be kept. The third period mentions the dominion of Belial during a week of years as a punishment. The fourth refers to the fact that Israel will break the 66

15 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END covenant and all the laws delivered by the prophets in that jubilee year. In the fifth they will argue over 70 years, and will not acknowledge Yahweh s anger when they are subdued to money and gain. With this small description it is easy to understand Yahweh s growing anger along with the size of the sin, and the corresponding augmentation of the punishments. This status quo is the ideal to present a new covenant as the one described by the Dead Sea Scrolls community since this new generation, the ones who have returned earlier to build the temple, will need to prove to be faithful to Yahweh s commandments and live according to the Law given by the prophets. At a certain point, we have here the need to define a sequence of historical periods marked by the apostasy of Israel which will anticipate a time characterized by the establishment of a new covenant, probably with the members of the sect, though it is not explicit if it refers only to this group since we never have any kind of reference to the Teacher of Righteousness or to the Yahad in both manuscripts. As Garcia Martinez points out, what is clear is the existence of several historical periods marked by evil and by the disrespect of Yahweh s rules. Someone attempting to make the calculations based on the data provided by this text will reach a total of 490 years, a figure also found in Daniel. It would be like this: Seventy years Seventh Jubilee Week of years 70 years TOTAL (or 344 if we consider that the Jubilee is to be celebrated in the fiftieth year) (491) years The question now is how to relate these numbers with the historical chronology of the period. If we take as a starting point the date of Nebuchadnezzar s entry in Jerusalem in 587 b.c.e., the result would be the year 97 b.c.e., that is, some time during the reign of Alexander Janeus. This could be in accordance with the expansion of the settlement and the persecution led by Alexander Janeus against the Pharisees as noted by Josephus. Nevertheless, this is a question open for 67

16 MARIA ANA VALDEZ discussion, since most of the authors would indicate for the flourishing of the sect the beginning of the second century b.c.e., which refers to a century later. Was the text mentioning the first members that founded the community or the new ones who were escaping from Jerusalem and looking for a new place, where they could maintain their religious practices and the calendar they thought to be ideal? One thing seems clear: it differs from the 390-year chronology presented by the CD manuscript and which is normally used to date the sect s emergence. c) 11QMelchizedek Edited by Van der Woude in 1965, the manuscript now known as 11Q13 or 11 QMelchizedek (because of the main character), consists of 14, although some say 13, (20) fragments from where the successive editors 121 managed to rearrange three columns of text. One of the most problematic issues about this text is its original date. Van der Woude proposed that it should be dated from the first half of the first century C.E., although Milik thought that it was from the first century b.c.e. because of some of the palaeographical details. The last editor, É. Puech, based on palaeographical data claims the manuscript dates from the middle of the first century b.c.e. Nevertheless, dating the text itself is still today a problem. According to Milik it can be dated from around 120 b.c.e. due to the reference to the «anointed one», which could be an allusion to the Teacher of Righteousness. That date would imply, in terms of interpretation of the historical periods mentioned in the text, that the author lived during the tenth jubilee, at the end of the 490-year period mentioned in Daniel. However, Puech notes that the argument is weak, underlining that it is almost impossible to decide from the context if the author had in mind the end of the 490-year period or the end of this world history as Milik thought, though he prefers the first argument* 221. Unlike the texts studied before, HQMelkizedek does not contain a review of different historical periods; its focus is in the last jubilee of a group of ten and on its first events. Notwithstanding, some authors argue that this text is understood as a continuation of 4Q180, known as 4QAges of Creation or Pesher of the Periods, because it contains only references to the last period, the tenth jubilee. It seems important to note that this text presents a series of biblical interpretations of Leviticus, Deuteronomy, Isaiah, Psalms, and Daniel as a pesher. 68

17 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END This system of jubilees, and the jubilees divided into weeks to define the periods of world history, is not a novelty that arises from this text as we have already noted (23). The curious fact here is that the text only uses these forms. There are no references to years, sabbatical years, etc., as in other texts. The author aims to give an account of the events that were going to happen during the first week of the last jubilee, i.e., during the time that would anticipate the final judgment. What happened before, the events that led to a choice between the ones that belonged to the lot of Melchlzedek and the others is totally unknown perhaps because it was impossible to reconstruct the beginning or the end of the manuscript. The lacunae are multiple and the organization of the fragments is also a problematic issue. Should it be read as a continuation of 4Q180-1 or as an isolated work? Was the topic of historical periodization so well-known that there was no need to explain what came before? In fact, the text starts with a reference to what should immediately happen «in [this] year of jubilee», which is a clear allusion to Leviticus 25:10 <24) where it is expressed that in the fiftieth year property should be delivered back to its original owner and people should return to their original families. This can be understood as a description of the dawn of a new age to come, and Melchizedek seems to be the High-Priest chosen by Yahweh for the time when sin will end. With the reference in HQMelch 2,7 to the tenth jubilee and the weeks we have to agree that the text implicitly contains a 10 jubilees system, and that they were understood as being divided into weeks. Here the weeks are similar to the ones presented in 1 Enoch, namely in the Apocalypse of Weeks. Almost at the end of the text (as edited by García Martinez), there is an allusion to «the rampart of Jerusalem» (3, 9) at the end of the tenth jubilee, which scholars have tried to explain as a reconstruction of the temple that was going to take place at the end of the tenth jubilee. (25) The text begins with a description of the days of the jubilee when people were expected to return home, which can be said to be a reference to the last days היפים) (אחרית according to 2, 4. At that moment, the beginning of the tenth jubilee, the ones from the lot of Melchlzedek, the captives and the hidden ones will all return. Those are also the ones contemplated in the day of the atonement at the end of that same jubilee. We have here a possible chronological distinction between the first and the last weeks of the jubilee. The text follows with a description of the wicked times of the rule of Belial that would anticipate the 69

18 MARIA ANA VALDEZ arrival of an «anointed one». This anointed one seems to be understood by the writer as the prince announced by Daniel to arrive after seven weeks (Dan 9:25). In 2, 10 there is a reference to the «ages of the world» and, although, the text seems very fragmented, we are compelled to see in it an allusion to the entire system of the historical periods that would anticipate the last judgment and the reward of the righteous. Even though the last column is very fragmented, we can read in line 10 «at its appointed time», in line 13 «the end of the Jubilee», in line 17 «the week», and in line 18 «the divisions of the times», with which we can assume that we are reading some sort of historical development, and a certain amount of determinism can be found when it is said «at its appointed time». Everything is planned and can be explained, even the rule of Belial and the fact that the righteous people had to go to hide. At the tenth jubilee, Melchizedek, whom is here understood as an angel of God, is supposed to revenge God from Belial and reward the ones that stayed in its lot. In brief, this text seems to be organized according to the theory of the jubilees, namely the one presented in Dan 9:25 and which comprehends 490 years. Accordingly, this last jubilee described in HQMelchizedek can be a period of 49 years, a short wait in fact for those who have been waiting for the end of times for so long. The residual problem here is related with the date of the text and the references to the anointed one. Which date should we use: first century b.c.e. or c.e., early, middle or late? Without knowing the answer to that question we cannot assure any date for the expected last judgement, or even for the beginning of this last jubilee, which is also an important piece of data for the understanding of the Dead Sea texts and its authors. d) 4Q243, 4Q244, and 4Q245 This group of texts known as Pseudo-Daniel, due to similarities with the Book of Daniel (26), and to the fact that the name «Daniel» appears mentioned three times, is one with which scholars have always to be extremely careful. Its first editor, J. T. Milik (1956), took the 3 manuscripts as being part of a whole (27), although nowadays that is questionable. Another problem mentioned by some scholars is related to the question of the genre of the text: is it a court-tale, an apocalypse, or a sectarian text? But that is not really the subject of this study, although if the question was finally solved it would help us to better understand the difficulties of these texts. 70

19 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END The first manuscript, 4Q243, comprises forty fragments, the second, 4Q244, has fourteen, and the third, 4Q245, only four. Dating is again problematic. Even though the manuscripts (in Herodian script according to palaeographical studies), can be dated from around the first century c.e., the writing of the text is normally taken to be a product of the early second century b.c.e., somewhere before the arrival of Pompeius in 63 b.c.e. According to the specialists the beginning and the end of these manuscripts have also been lost, which complicates even more its interpretation. Currently, when studying this collection, the historian feels compelled to appreciate it more in a complementary way than as if it were part of the same text, as Milik first thought. The first two texts seem to narrate a speech by Daniel at the court, which is somehow similar to what happens in Dan 1-6. In the narrative there is a review of world history from Noah and the Flood towards the Hellenistic period, with permanent references to the foreign rule. This may represent a difference in relation to Daniel, where the main purpose of the history review was Israel s own history. Only 4Q245 seems to have a small review of Israel s internal history, because it introduces a list of names of high-priests and kings. Since most of the names are very fragmentary, this again causes several problems, espedaily in terms of dating and interpreting the events related. Besides, the fact that this is a list of names, which is so different from the style of the prior texts, further confirms that the text cannot probably be understood as part of the other two manuscripts. The reading of 4Q243 presented by García Martinez and Tigchelaar mentions a chronological period, which can be understood to be some time before the departure that anticipates the crossing of the river Jordan. This period is read as if it comprised 400 years (fragment 12). The text goes on to underline the anger of God before the evil committed by his people, which will lead to the deliverance in the hands of Nebuchadnezzar and to the beginning of 70 years of desolation. Only after that period of time will Yahweh rescue his people from the rule of a foreign king. In fragment 24, the last of this manuscript, the text seems to refer to successive generations of people. When it refers to «the children of sin» and to «the called ones» at least two distinct groups of people appear to be living in different times. 4Q244 begins with a description of the historical times before the Assyrians and how the people of Israel have behaved and drifted from the Yahweh covenant. Following this, the deliverance of Israel to Nebuchadnezzar is presented as God s punishment as well as reason for the beginning of the exile. 71

20 MARIA ANA VALDEZ Text 4Q245 is, as already noted, the most difficult to interpret, although scholars usually use it to locate the eschatological section when the three texts were to be read as a whole. In fragment 1 we have a reference to Daniel and to a book that was given, to which follows a list of names of high-priests and kings that cover from the patriarchal period to the Hellenistic age. In the second fragment, things get more complicated (these are the lines that Milik believed referred to the resurrection, as in Daniel 12, and that nowadays are questioned by scholars). The biggest problem lies in the fact that the Hebrew verbs used are different. In Daniel 12 the verb is יקיצו and in this text the verb used is.יקומון The first means «they will awake» while the second means «they shall arise», which may reflect a difference between the two texts or not. To resume, we have to arrive at the conclusion that, although these three texts have some references that can be understood as reflecting some kind of the danielic tradition, we also have to be aware of the fact that some of the assumptions are just that, assumptions. The texts are very fragmentary and the opinions of the scholars diverge. Are they only one text? How should we interpret the restored reference to the seventy years, when in the following lines (frags. 19 and 21) the text is almost unintelligible? We do have what can be said to be a review of history, but how can we compare it with the one presented in the Book of Daniel? Nevertheless, it seems possible to frame these texts in the context of the Dead Sea community s belief of being the elected group, even if we have no reference to the yahad. Conclusion As noted in the beginning of this work, one of the main characteristics of the historical apocalypses is a review of history and its division into smaller periods of time, in order to get big periods of time organized. This makes the understanding of such long periods easier and, at the same time, serves the main objective of the apocalyptic writers: getting faster to the final judgment and to the establishment of the kingdom of God. It seems obvious that the approaches to this subject of the historical periodization, though they have the same starting point and objective, have some nuances and developments in time. We certainly can note that, at Qumran, the community who was writing these texts 72

21 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END had a different starting point: they thought they were already living at the end of the days. That, in fact is a main difference when we think of what was behind the creation of books such as Daniel or 1 Enoch, where the authors still thought they were living some time ahead the beginning of the last times, though they saw the problems they were going through as necessary before the beginning of the eschaton could be possible. These different worldviews have to change the way we see historical periods. However, it remained current at Qumran to think they were living already in the end of the days, which is expressed by numerous texts as we have already noted. Again, the calculation of the end is not new: it represents continuity and not rupture, and also the expectation that Yahweh would bring an end to the evil of the world. Accordingly, the end of the days at Qumran was seen not as the end itself, but as a period that would anticipate it. Because of that, those days are normally seen as disturbing times during which people would be tested. In the texts we have dealt with we found explicit mention to this question, but they do not provide detailed descriptions of what was supposed to happen during that period. The emphasis is on the new covenant that people should respect before the last judgment was set. We would say that the hopes in a new life are similar to the ones of the writers of the classic apocalyptic texts. Nevertheless, the concept that they were already living at the end of the days compels us to change the perspective. The texts found at Qumran persist on the pattern of the 490-year period before the end. Yet, the historical reviews are less complex and shorter than the one presented in Daniel 9, for example. It seems that the reference to specific characters is faint: we only have allusion to names of kings and high-priests in a very fragmented way. They also use the vocabulary of the jubilees to express that sort of historical periods, but we have problems in establishing how many jubilees they had in mind as well as their starting date. The same happens when they indicate generations, because the references are much less detailed. Another problematic issue is the use of numbers: we do not find at Qumran as many references to numbers as we would like, the numbers used are normally based on the restoration of the text, and that leaves us in the field of the hypothesis. The Dead Sea Scrolls contain a deterministic view of history well expressed and at the same time we have descriptions of a continuous dualism between evil and good that anticipated the final judgment. It seems that they were fighting a battle in a conscious way, and the 73

22 MARIA ANA VALDEZ opponents were the gentiles, while the objectives were the establishment of good and the coming of the Messiah(s), and immediately after the judgment and the new kingdom. The references to ancient history do reflect some knowledge of the writer/community about the issue, but it does not seem to be as profound as in other texts outside Qumran. This would allow us to say that the periodization of history was a common issue at the time, known in very different spaces by diverse peoples. However, we do not have in the Dead Sea Scrolls studied texts any attempt to date the end as in Daniel. Why? Can this be explained by the fact that they believed to be already living that same last period? These are still open questions, though they are very important ones. The Dead Sea Scrolls writers seem to be more interested in explaining the dualism and the historical determinism than in predicting dates, which can explain the lack of some of the vocabulary forms used in other texts to illustrate the different periods of history. However, we can ask if what they had in mind was an explanation about the prolongation of the prophecy. If the Teacher had died, they still would have had to wait for a Messiah to come, and according to the dualism and the deterministic view of history they had to pass the test (represented by those troubled times), and only after that could they get their reward. This could also explain why the emphasis was on more recent periods of history. But we are speculating. Another detail of the description of the more recent periods is the fact that they mention a 40-year period after the Teacher s death (CD 20:14) that would anticipate the end. Could this be some sort of prorogation of the prophecy as it happens in Daniel when we deal with different figures for the date of the end? Again, we are in the field of the hypothesis. It seems that not even archaeologists will rescue us, since they have already noted that the most probable explanation for the abandonment of the site around the turn of the Era was caused by the earthquake of 31 b.c.e. and not because they felt that their expectations were not going to be fulfilled. We could say then that they saw in the Teacher the character that would lead them to the new world, but his death obliged them to rethink their calendar, which may explain that 40-year period of more wait, but it is not certain. The inherent characteristics of the sect have probably conditioned the understanding and the use of the concept of historical periods, especially if we remember that they thought they were already living in the end of the days. This obviously makes the Qumran approach to this subject different from the one used in other contemporary texts. 74

23 FROM THE PERIODS OF HISTORY TOWARDS THE END The main interest was the present while the others stressed a much larger view of the past, in which the future was still distant. The texts studied above do not present a description of the periods as in-depth as we would like, but they reflect without doubt a very precise way of thinking about matters related to calendar and history. And calendar, defining and usage, was an essential issue for the Dead Sea Scrolls community. To sum up, these texts represent continuity about the question of the periods of history and the way they were settled, although they have differences when related to other texts arising from other contexts, namely about how far they go back in time and the precision they refer to. They employ the same vocabulary used by previous texts, although they do not use as much as the previous writers the concepts of generations, sabbatical years, and weeks. Also, the various descriptions of these periods seem to be less detailed than the ones found in previous texts, e.g., the ones in 1 Enoch or Jubilees. Their temporal context seems also to be slightly different in the way they emphasize a closer past than extended reviews of history. We have to accentuate that these texts seem to not formulate a style rupture in what matters to the historical periodization, although they seem to be based on a new perspective more closely related to the present, which does not mean that the community behind these texts did not have the same expectations as the apocalyptic ones. They all believed that the new kingdom of God was near, though more near to some than to others, since the Dead Sea community seemed to think they were already living the «end of the days», which is a significant difference. To conclude we can say that this community has not introduced any novelty and has applied the older concepts of historical periodization in a way that agrees more with their own perspectives and way of living. That is probably the reason why we have the references to those periods, although we almost have no description of each one, espedaily about the most ancient periods. There is not also a reference to the use of numbers and the application of concepts of larger periods of time in order to organize time and approach the end to the present as in Daniel, but they believed to be already there. Nevertheless, we would continue to affirm that there is continuation and not any sort of rupture, although their specific circumstances commanded the way they applied the concepts of historical periodization.* 75