Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION

Transcription

1 Chapter 1 This volume isintendedasabroadintroductiontotheevolutionand scopeofislamistpoliticalthoughtfromtheearlytwentiethcenturytothe present. Our sample is relatively small, and unavoidably so. Given the complexityofislamisttrendsandhowtheyrelatetootherreligio-politicalorientations,evenamuchlargerselectionoftextscouldnotcapture thefullrangeofargumentsandcommitmentsthatconstitutetheislamist movement.asaresult,thisreaderaimsnottobeexhaustiveorcomprehensivebutrathertobeillustrative:weseektomapwhatisdistinctive about Islamist discourses by attending to the regional breadth, gender dynamics,andpolitical,theoretical,andtheologicalcomplexitythatcurrentlytravelundertherubricofislamism.ourselectionsaredrawnfrom thearabmiddleeast,africa,iran,andsouthandcentralasia;include Sunni and Shi i activists and intellectuals; incorporate those trained as ulamaaswellasthe newreligiousintellectuals (cf.eickelmanandpiscatori1996,13,44);andattendtoarangeofpositionsontherelationshipbetweenjihadandviolenceaswellasislamanddemocracy.manyof thevoiceshereinreflectthefactthatmostislamistideologuesandactivistsaremale,yetwomenhavebecomeanincreasinglycrucialpartofthe movement.consequently,thisvolumeillustratesnotonlyhowmaleislamistsconceiveoftheroleofwomenbutalsohowcertainprominent womenhavearticulatedtheirownislamistvision.suchperspectivesfurtherprovideawindowontothoseunwrittengendernormsthathelpestablishtheparametersandcontentofislamistargumentsaboutpolitics, virtue,action,andthefamily. ThefocusonIslamistthoughtinevitablytendstoprivilegewritingover speech, ideas over particular practices. Yet this reader ultimately challengestheveryoppositionbetween theory and practice byshowing theinterrelationofthoughtandactioninthelivesofindividualislamists as well as in Islamist ideas and the dynamics of their political appeal. Thus,whilethefollowingchaptersdonotdelveintotherecentriseofIslamist organizations in Indonesia and Bangladesh or the strategies of such radical groups as Egypt s Gama a al-islamiyya and the Islamic SalvationFrontinAlgeria,theydoilluminatethecontoursandcomplexityofaninterpretiveframeworkmanyIslamistsshare.Thelanguageof interpretiveframework, inturn,signalsbothanapproachtoislamism andanargumentforunderstandingitasalensontheworldratherthan a mere reflection of material conditions or conduit for socioeconomic

2 2 grievances.amongotherthings,islamistthoughtisacomplexsystemof representationthatarticulatesanddefinesarangeofidentities,categories,andnorms;organizeshumanexperienceintonarrativesthatassemble past, present, and future into a compelling interpretive frame; and specifiestherangeandmeaningofacceptableanddesirablepractices. UnlikeotheranthologiesofIslamistwritings,oursbalancesattention tobroaderpoliticalandtheoreticalframeswithrelativelysubstantialintroductionstothelifeandworkofeachoftheauthorsincludedhere.the selectedtextsmustspeakforthemselves,ofcourse,butitisourhopethat theseindividualintroductionsofferamorenuancedsenseofthemultifacetedcontextsinwhichislamistthoughtandactivismhavebeenarticulatedthaniscommonlyfoundintheliteratureoncontemporaryislamism. Withineachchapter,weattendnotonlytothemultipleandvariousways IslamistthinkersreinterpretIslambutalsotothespecifichistorical,culturalandpoliticalcontextsinwhichtheyareembedded,alongwiththe particularproblems,partisans,andaudiencestheyseektoaddress.atthe same time, we have organized the chapters thematically rather than chronologically to bring into view the web of concerns animating Islamists,aswellasthepolyvalentconversationsacrosshistoryandculture inwhichtheyparticipate. OurapproachandargumentimplicitlychallengetheManichaeanworldviewthatcurrentlypervadescommonperceptionsandpopularrhetoric aboutislamism,oneinwhichoppositionsbetweengoodandevilorus andthemaregraftedontoadivisionbetween thewest and Islam. 1 Such a perspective is, paradoxically, endorsed and reinforced by those whosharelittleelse,fromislamistswhoseethemselvesastheforcesof lightagainstinfideldarkness,topatriotswhodepictamericaasgod s bulwarkagainstencroachingheathendom,toproponentsofthe clashof civilizations thesiswhopositafuturerivenintotwoclearlydelineated and constitutively antagonistic cultural traditions (Mahbubani 1992; Huntington1993,1996).Asthisworldviewcongeals,itbecomesincreasinglydifficulttorecognize,letalonetomakesenseof,thewealthofinformationthatchallengesordisruptsit.Inthisway,theveryopposition betweenislamandthewestbecomesaself-fulfillingprophecy,presuming andsustainingaviewoftheworldinwhichcontradictory,multiple,and cross-pollinating histories and identities are pressed into the service of 1 BinariessuchasWest non-westorwest-islamcarveuptheworldinwaysthatobscure criticalpointsofengagementandcommonalitybetweenthem,aswellasthecomplexdifferencessubsumedwithineachterm.giventhatsuchterminologynotonlyisinvokedby peoplesallovertheworldbutevokesallegiancesandenmitieswithquiterealpoliticalconsequences,however,itisnotpossiblesimplytodispensewithit.thisisparticularlytruein thecaseofislamistdiscourse,inwhichtheoppositionbetween thewest and Islam frequentlyfunctionsasastructuringpremise.subsequentreferencesappearwithoutquotation marks,butshouldbeunderstoodasrepresentationsoftheworldratherthanaccuratehistorical,cultural,orterritorialdescriptions.

3 3 neat binaries that distort rather than illuminate the political landscape (R.Euben2002a). Ifthisvolumeisanimplicitcorrectivetosuchreductionistgeneralizations,itisalsointendedasanexplicitguidethroughthehazeofpolemic, fear,andconfusionswirlingaroundthesubjectofislamismintheearly twenty-firstcentury.suchconfusionevencharacterizeswhatmightseem tobesimplemattersofterminology.whatwecallislamismherehasbeen describedinthemediaandpolicycirclesinnumerousotherways,from Islamicextremism to politicalislam to fundamentalism, stillthe mostcommonlyusedenglishtermtorefertoreligio-politicalmovements, Muslimorotherwise. 2 InthewakeoftheeventsofSeptember11,2001, the array of names for the phenomenon has only proliferated, thereby addingtotheterminologicalconfusion.acaseinpointis jihadism, a neologism derived from the Arabic jihad(to struggle, to strive) that is frequently used in the press to denote the most violent strands of Islamism, those associated with what are alternatively called suicide bombings or martyrdomoperations inparticular.olderwordsputto newuseshavealsogainedcurrencyintheyearssince9/11:suchisthe casewith Salafism, whichreferstocontemporarymuslimswhogenerallyeschewtheinterpretivemethodsandnormsofthemedievalislamic schoolsandtakeasaguideforproperbehavioronlythewordofgod, the teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, and the example set by the piousforbears. ButthereisperhapsnoothertermwithwhichIslamismhasbeenmore closelyidentifiedinrecentyearsthan terrorism, somuchsothatthe twotermsandthephenomenatheynameareoftendepictedassynonymous(desai2007,23;richardson2007,61 69).SomeofthemostviolentIslamistsclearlydoengageinwhattheU.S.StateDepartmentdefines as terrorism: premeditated, politically motivated violence perpetrated against non-combatant targets by sub-national groups or clandestine agents,usuallyintendedtoinfluenceanaudience (Title22oftheUnited StatesCode,Section2656f(d)).Yet,inasmuchasmanyterroristspastand 2 Fundamentalism wascoinedin1920specificallytodescribeprotestantevangelicals anxioustorescueamericanchristianityandculturefromwhattheyviewedasthemoral degenerationinauguratedbymodernism,rationalism,andmaterialism.suchwarriorsfor Godsoughtto dobattleroyalforthefundamentals by(re)establishingthebibleasthe authoritativemoralcompassforamericanlife,infalliblenotonlyinregardtotheological issuesbutalsoinmattersofhistorical,geographical,andscientificfact(laws1920,834; Massee1920,5,8;Barr1978,1,37,40,46 47,52;Marsden1980,118 23,159).Itisrevealingthattherewasnoequivalentfor fundamentalism inarabic,thelanguageofthe Qur an,untiltheneedtoapproximatetheenglishtermcalledforone.usuliyya,derived from usul, the word for fundamentals or roots, has emerged as an Arabic name for Islamism,butitscurrencyisduetothewayitapproximatestheEnglish fundamentalism ratherthananycorrespondencewithaspectsoftheislamictradition.withinthistradition, usuli isassociatedwithscholarshipontherootsandprinciplesofislamicjurisprudence,and expertsinthisdisciplineareoftenreferredtoasal usuliyyun.

4 4 presentareneitherreligiousnormuslim(bloom2005;gambetta2005; Pape2005),andIslamiststhemselvesaredividedaboutthelegitimacyof terroristtactics,theterminologyof Islamistterrorism takesapartfor thewholewhileimplicitlycollapsingdiverseislamistperspectivesabout retaliatoryactionintoanargumentforviolenceagainstnoncombatants. Whilesuchequationsandassumptionshaverecentlygatheredsteam,they are structured by broader cultural discourses that predate the U.S.-led WaronTerror bydecadesandevencenturies.asrichardjacksonshows, thefieldofterrorismstudies,orientalistscholarshiponthemiddleeast, andlong-standingeuro-americansuspicionsaboutislamnowinteractand reinforceoneanothertoproduceadiscourseonislamistterrorismthatis highlypoliticized,intellectuallycontestable,damagingtocommunityrelationsandlargelycounter-productiveinthestruggletocontrolsubaltern violenceinthelongrun (R.Jackson2007,395, ). Incontrasttomanyofthesedesignationsandtheassumptionsanimating them, we prefer Islamism, perhaps the most widely used term amongscholarsofmuslimsocieties. 3 WetakeIslamismtorefertocontemporary movements that attempt to return to the scriptural foundationsofthemuslimcommunity,excavatingandreinterpretingthemfor applicationtothepresent-daysocialandpoliticalworld.suchfoundations consist of the Qur an and the normative example of the Prophet Muhammad(sunna;hadith),whichconstitutethesourcesofGod sguidanceinmatterspertainingtobothworshipandhumanrelations.ingeneral,islamistsaimatrestoringtheprimacyofthenormsderivedfromthese foundationaltextsincollectivelife,regardingthemnotonlyasanexpressionofgod swillbutasanantidotetothemoralbankruptcyinaugurated bywesternculturaldominancefromabroad,aidedandabettedbycorrupt Muslimrulersfromwithintheumma(Islamiccommunity). IncontrasttothoseMuslimswhoprimarilyseektocultivateamystical understandingofthedivine(whichisnotitselfdevoidofpoliticalimplications)orwhostrivetocarryontheirdevotionalpracticesandscholarly pursuitsindifferenttotheirpoliticalsurroundings,islamistsmaybecharacterizedasexplicitlyandintentionallypoliticalandasengaginginmultifacetedcritiquesofallthosepeople,institutions,practices,andorientationsthatdonotmeettheirstandardsofthisdivinelymandatedpolitical engagement.usingmaxweber sterminology,islamismisnotdefinedby an other-worldly orientationinwhichsalvationrequireswithdrawal fromworldlyaffairsbutratherisdefinedasamovementinwhichsalvationispossibleonlythroughparticipationintheworldor,moreprecisely, withintheinstitutionsoftheworld,butinoppositiontothem (Weber 1964,166). 3 Islamism isnot,however,universallyacceptedandisfrequentlyinvokedwithcaution andcaveats.analgerianwriterhasargued,forexample,thatislamismwronglyimpliesthat thosewhoclaimthenamehavecapturedtheessenceofislam,andthusitsuseisnomoreappropriatethancallingdavidkoreshachristianist(citedinbennoune1994,37,n.1).

5 5 Inthefollowingpages,werefinethispreliminarydefinitionfurtherby delineatingseveralaspectsofislamismthatshouldbeconsideredbroad tendenciesand familyresemblances ratherthanfixedattributes,characteristicsofislamismthatnoteveryislamistexhibitsallofthetime,yet whichinterweavetoforma complicatednetworkofsimilaritiesoverlappingandcriss-crossing:sometimesoverallsimilarities,sometimessimilarities of detail (Wittgenstein 1953, 66). We bring such tendencies andresemblancesintosharpreliefbywayofcontrastwithseveralother MuslimorientationsandgroupscrucialtomodernandcontemporaryIslamicthought:modernists, ulama(traditionallyeducatedreligiousscholars),salafis,andsufis.thiswayofsituatingislamismisbothanargumentandaheuristicdevicedesigned,first,toidentifythecommonalities amongislamistthinkers;second,tomakevisibletheheterogeneityofislamistargumentsandideas;and,third,tosuggestthattherelationship betweenislamistandnon-islamistreligio-politicalorientationspastand presentismarkedasmuchbycontinuities,complexoverlaps,andsubtle differentiationsasbyradicalbreaks. Situating Islamism The Muslim Modernists and the Ulama TheonsetofEuropeancolonialruleacrossMuslimsocietiesinaugurated agreatdealofsoulsearchingonthenatureandcausesofmuslimpoliticaldeclineandwhatcouldbedonetoreverseit.manymuslimreformers ofthenineteenthcenturyinsistedthatthepoliticalsubjugationofmuslimstoforeign,non-muslimrulerswastheresultofafallingawayfrom adherence to their authoritative religious norms. The best, indeed the onlywaymuslimscouldhopetoremedytheircircumstanceswasthrough arenewedadherencetogod scommands.thiswouldentitlethemonce againtogod sfavor,theargumentwent,notjustbeyondthegravebutin thisworld.thisperspectivewasnotnew.longbeforetheadventofeuropeancolonialism,reformersandmujaddidun(renewers)hadperiodicallyarisentoguidethecommunityoutofwhattheysawasitsmoralanarchy.notinfrequently,suchreformershadmadecommoncausewith membersofthepoliticalandmilitaryeliteineffortstosetthingsrightas theythoughtgodhadintended. Yet,ifneitherthediagnosisnortheremedywasnew,callsforarevived Islamic piety did come to carry a new burden in colonial societies. In SouthAsia,adecadeorsoaftertheformalestablishmentofBritishcolonialrulein1857,someMuslimreligiousscholarsbegancallingforareinvigorated adherence to Islam in light of the Qur an, hadith, and the normsofthehanafischooloflawdominantinindia,embarkingonsustained efforts to educate members of the Muslim community in these

6 6 norms. 4 This reformist effort centered on a madrasa a school of advancedislamiclearning foundedatdeobandinnorthernindiain1867, whichgraduallybecamethenucleusofnumerousmadrasassharingthe samereformistorientationandspreadthroughoutsouthasiaandeventuallybeyondtheindiansubcontinent(metcalf1982;zaman2002).the convictionthatguidedthesereligiousscholars,the ulama,wasnotjust thatthesorrystateoftheirfellowmuslimsreflectedalaxityinadhering togod scommandsbutalsothat,intheabsenceofmuslimpoliticalrule, religious knowledge, anchored in the foundational and other religious texts,wasthebestguaranteeforthepreservationofadistinctmuslim identity. Such ulamahavehadtheiranaloguesacrossmodernmuslimsocieties (cf.zeghal1995;zaman2002,144 80;HefnerandZaman2007).They havealsohadtheiropponents.manyoftheopponentsarewhatmightbe characterizedasinternal,thatis,other ulamacommittedtoarivaldoctrinalorientationortodifferentbeliefsabout,say,howthememoryofa saintoroftheprophetmuhammadoughttobeveneratedorwhatcustomary norms might be accommodated into legitimate ways of being Muslim. But other Muslim reformers whom scholars have often referredtoasthe modernists havehadverydifferentideasaboutwhat hadgonewrongwiththemuslimworldandhowtoremedyit. 5 Tothe modernists, the sort of institutions and practices represented by the ulama,andtheremediesproposedbythem,pointednottoasolutionof theproblemsmuslimshadcometofaceinthecolonialcontextbutto theirperpetuation.modernistreformersalsoprofessedfirmcommitment toislamicnormsbutwithsomecrucialdifferences.theyarguedthatit wasnolongerenoughformuslimssimplytoholdfirmtotheteachings oftheirfaithasconventionallyunderstood.thetimeshadchangeddrastically.muslimsneededtoacquiremodern,westernformsofknowledge andtoaccommodatethemselvestoeuropeanpractices,technologies,and institutionsiftheyweretoimprovetheirlotand,indeed,tosurviveatall asacommunity.theearlymodernistsalsoinsisted ashavetheirsuccessorstothisday thatislamitselfneededtobereinterpretedinorderto 4 MostSunniMuslimshavelongbelongedtooneoffour madhhabs(schoolsoflaw) whosebeginningsareattributedtoscholarswholivedintheeighthandtheninthcenturies. TheHanafischooloflawisnamedafterAbuHanifa(d.767),theMalikischoolafterMalik b.anas(d.795),theshafi ischoolaftermuhammadb.idrisal-shafi i(d.820),andthe HanbalischoolafterAhmadibnHanbal(d.855).AmongtheShi a,thereareseveralsectariandivisions.ofthese,thelargestcommunity theimamisortheithna asharis( Twelvers ) adheretoalegalsystemwhoseearlyarticulationisattributedtothesixthshi iimam,ja far al-sadiq(d.765). 5 ThescholarlyliteratureonMuslimmodernismissubstantialbutuneven.NotablestudiesincludeHourani1983(firstpublishedin1962);Ahmad1967;Troll1978;Brown1996; Khalid1998;andHefner2000.Thespectrumofmodernistthoughtmayusefullybeseenin twoanthologieseditedbykurzman,liberal Islam(1998)andModernist Islam(2002)and inkamrava2006.

7 7 meetthenewchallengesthatconfrontedmuslims.itwasnotislamthat boretheresponsibilityforthepoliticalandintellectualweaknessesafflictingmuslimsocieties asmanyaeuropeanobserverofislamsuggested butthefailureofmuslimstoproperlyinterprettheirfoundationaltexts inaccordancewithchangingneeds. While many among the ulama have long affirmed the authority of theirmadhhabs(schoolsoflaw)andtheneedforstrictadherence(taqlid) toschooldoctrinesinordertomaintainthecontinuityandcoherenceof theirscholarlyandespeciallytheirjuridicaltradition,modernistshaveseldomseenanythingredeeminginsuchconceptionsofauthority. 6 Taqlid,to them,is blindimitation oflongdeadmastersandoftheiranachronistic views,whichhasstoodinthewayofpeople sabilitytoadaptthemselves tonewchallenges.themodernistshavealsoallegedthat,inholdingfirm totheiroutmodedways,the ulamawereinterestedneitherinthewelfare ofislamnorinthatofthecommunity;theywereonlydefendingtheir ownprivilegesastheguardiansandauthoritativeinterpretersofthereligioustraditionandtheconsiderablesocialstandingthatoftenwentwith it. As the modernist reformers have understood it, there is nothing in Islamtostoppeoplefrominterpretingitsnormsaccordingtotheneeds ofchangingtimes.indeed,thequr aninvitespeopletoreflectonit( Will theynotthinkaboutthisqur an? Q4:82),whichistheveryoppositeof the ulama sinsistenceonfirmadherencetoearlierauthorities.asmuhammad Rashid Rida(d. 1935), the editor of the Egyptian journal al Manar( )andadiscipleofthefamousreformerMuhammad Abduh(d.1905),wroteinhiscommentaryonQur an4:82: Theonlyunavoidablerequisite[tobeabletoreflectontheQur an]is knowledge of the language of the Qur an, its words and its style, which[inanycase]isthesortofthingrequiredofanyonewhobecomes a Muslim... Taqlid signifies preventing [people] from reflectingonthequr an...yetgodhimselfhascommandedusto reflectonhisbookandtoreasonwithit;andnoonefromamong HiscreaturescanforbidwhatHehasmadeobligatory...Bythe rejectionoftaqlid,wedonotmeanthateverymuslimcanpossibly becomeamalik[d.795]orashafi i[d.820]inderivingthejuristic rulesrelatingtothecommunity,orthateveryoneoughttodoso.we meanonlythateverymuslimisobligatedtoreflectonthequr an andtobeguidedbyitinaccordancewithhisabilities.itisneverpermissible for a Muslim to abandon[the Qur an] and to turn away fromit,ortoprefer overwhatheunderstandsofitsguidance the wordsofanyoneelse,beitamujtahid[apractitionerofijtihad,i.e., ofindependentlegalreasoning]oronecommittedtotaqlid(muqallid).amuslim sreligionislifelesswithoutthequr an.thereisno 6 On the ulama s conception of tradition, see Zaman 2002, especially 3 16; 2007b,

8 8 book,byamastermujtahidorbyamuqallid,thatcanmakeupfor [direct]reflectiononthebookofgod...ifmuslimshadstoodfirm inreflectingonthequr anandinbeingguidedbyitineveryage, theirmoralsandmannerswouldnothavebeenruined,theirrulers wouldnothavebeenunjustanddespotic,theirauthoritywouldnot havedeclined,andtheywouldnothavebecomedependentonothers fortheirlivelihood.(rida ,5:296 97) 7 Asthispassageillustrates,centraltomodernistdiscoursesacrossMuslimsocietiesistheideaofijtihad(cf.Kurzman2002,9 14),bywhich theyhaveoftenmeantnotonlytheefforttoformulateislamiclegalrulingsonmattersthefoundationaltextshadleftunregulatedbutalsothe reinterpretationofmattersonwhichthegeneralityofearlierscholarsand eventhefoundationaltextsthemselveshadhadareasonablyclearview. Manyamongthe ulamahaveinsistedthattheirschooldoctrinesprovide sufficient resources to meet all contingencies, and what remains to be doneistofindaparticularnormordoctrinethatmatchesthequestionor problemathand.notall ulamaofmoderntimeshavebeenaverseto particularformsofijtihad;indeed,thecontinuingnecessityofijtihadin atleastsomeofitsformshascometobeincreasinglyrecognizedbymany amongthem(cf.zaman2008,16 17,64,126).Still,theideathatspecificlegalrulingsenunciatedinthefoundationaltextsmightthemselves besetasideinthenameofdarura(necessity)orsubordinatedtoconsiderationsofmaslaha (commongood)is,tothem,tantamounttotaking libertieswithgod seternalword(cf.zaman2004,133 39). Needlesstosay,modernistreformershaveneverthoughtoftheirinitiativesastakinglibertieswithGod scommands.theyhaveofteninsisted, however,thattheliteralwordofgodmustalwaysbeunderstoodinlight oftheoverall spirit ofthedivineinjunctions,takenbothintheirentiretyandintheiroriginalhistoricalcontext. 8 Modernistdiscourseson 7 Thiscommentary,theTafsir al Manar,reflectstheviewsofbothMuhammad Abduh andrashidrida,thoughitwaslargelywrittenbyrida. 8 Invocationsofthe spirit ofthequr an,oftheprophet sexample,orofislamatlarge areacommonmotifinmodernist(andsomeislamist)writings.syedameerali(d.1928), ashi imodernistscholarandjudgeincolonialindia,hadcharacteristicallytitledhisbestknownbookthe Spirit of Islam.Forsomeotherinstancesoftheappealtothespiritof IslamandtheQur an,andrelatedformulations,cf.iqbal1934,149,156;kurzman2002, 60,256;Ramadan2007,xi.Themedievaljuridicalideaoftheoverarching purposes underlyingthesacredlaw(maqasid al shari a),anunderstandingofwhichoughttoguide thejuristinallhisendeavors,mightbethoughttohavesomethingincommonwithmodernistappealstothespiritofislam.anditisnoaccidentthattheworkofthemedieval Spanishjuristal-Shatibi(d.1388),whoisamongthosemostcloselyassociatedwiththe elaborationofthisidea,hasremainedespeciallypopularinmodernistcircles.medievaljuristsunderstoodtheideaofthemaqasidal-shari atomeanthattheshari awasconcerned, aboveall,withthepreservationoflife,religion,rationality,progeny,andpropertyandthat nolegalrulingsshouldviolatethesefundamentalconcerns.inmarkedcontrast,however,to thecarefulexegeticalandlegalargumentationthatwentintodemonstratingwhatthepur-

9 9 polygamyofferanillustrationoftheirapproach.thequr anallowspolygamy: Ifyoufearthatyouwillnotdealfairlywithorphangirls,you maymarrywhicheverwomenseemgoodtoyou,two,three,orfour.if youfearthatyoucannotbeequitable[tothem],thenmarryonlyone,or yourslave(s):thatismorelikelytomakeyouavoidbias (Q4:3).The Qur an thus permits polygamy, but simultaneously insists on equity as thenecessaryconditionforapolygamoushousehold,aqualificationsupplementedbyqur an4:129: Youwillneverbeabletotreatyourwives withequalfairness,howevermuchyoumaydesiretodoso,butdonot ignore one wife altogether, leaving her suspended... Modernist reformershaveoftenseenthequr anicsanctionforpolygamynotjustas beingspecifictoextraordinarycircumstances asawayofprovidingfor girlsmadeorphanbywar butaseffectivelyruledoutbythequr anic statementthatmencanneverreallybeequitabletowardmorethanone wife(cf.rahman1989,47 48).Tothe ulama,thisisspeciousreasoning, forifgodhadreallywantedtoprohibitpolygamyhecouldsimplyhave said so (cf. Shafi , 2:313 14, ). That medieval jurists andexegetesarepracticallyunanimousinallowingpolygamyis,fortheir latter-daysuccessors,furtherconfirmationofthecorrectnessoftheirown understandingofthequr anonthismatter. Asthisexamplesuggests,atissuebetweenmodernistsandthe ulama isnotonlyhowparticularnormsareviewedbutalsohowtheyareaffirmedanddefended.the ulama sscholarlytraditionisconstitutedbya longandcomplexhistoryofcommentary,debate,agreements,anddisagreementsaboutthefoundationaltextsandaboutallmattersislamic. Astheyseeit,thistraditionisnotclosed,frozen,ormonolithic,yetitis with reference to the scholarly tradition that any given reading of the foundational or other texts finds meaning and legitimacy in their discourses.modernistreformers,fortheirpart,haveusuallyseenthistraditionpreciselyasclosedandanachronistic,asoccludingthetruespiritof Islamic teachings, and therefore as unworthy of serious and sustained engagement. Modernists, Islamists, and the Ulama Thecontestationbetweenthemodernistsandthe ulamaprovidesaway ofsituatingtheislamistswithinabroadspectrumofcompetingbutalso overlappingorientationsinthemuslimpublicsphere.likethemodernists, who themselves hold varied positions on the relationship between Islam and politics, many among the Islamists are products of modern, Westerninstitutionsoflearning.SayyidQutb(d.1966)wasnottrained posesofthelawwere,howoneknewwhattheywere,andhowthelawwastobeinterpretedwithreferencetothem(cf.hallaq1997,esp ;Weiss1998,78 87,145 71), modernistappealstothespiritoressenceofislamareoftenextremelyvague.

10 10 asareligiousscholar.norwashasanal-banna(d.1949),thefounderof themuslimbrotherhoodofegypt,theoldestandoneofthemostinfluential of Islamist organizations in the Sunni Muslim world. Both were educatedatthedaral- UluminCairo,aninstitutionfoundedinthelate nineteenth century to establish something of a middle ground between al-azharuniversityincairoandmodern,seculareducation,althoughit gradually veered toward the latter and in 1946 became part of Cairo University (cf. Reid 1990, ). Abu l-a la Mawdudi (d. 1979) of Pakistan did receive an intermittent madrasa education, but it was the vocation of a journalist, not that of an alim (plural: ulama), that he adopted.thanksinparttothisbroadlysimilareducationalbackground, Islamistsalsosharewithmodernistsasupremeconfidenceintheirown abilitytodiscernthetruemeaningorspiritofislamthroughamoreor lessdirectencounterwiththefoundationaltexts.ascharlesj.adams (1966,396)hasobservedincomparingMawdudiwithMuslimmodernists, Bothhaveclaimedtheabilitytodisengagethespiritoressentialsof God sguidance...toliberatethemselvesfromtheauthorityofthecumulative Muslim past and to undercut the position of the ulama who representthatauthority. MuchthesamemightbesaidofSayyidQutb, aswellasofmanycontemporaryislamists. Despitesuchcommonalities,Islamistsfrequentlypositionthemselves inoppositiontothemodernists.astheislamistsseeit,themodernists havemadeislamitselfsubservienttotheprojectofestablishingitscompatibility with Western norms and institutions, rejecting or explaining awayanythingthatdoesnotconformtothesenorms.mawdudiputit this way in deriding modernist discomfort with the implementation of punishmentsmandatedbyislamiclaw: Iwouldliketoputastraightquestiontothesevotariesof modernity : Whatarethevaluesthatyoubelievein?Doyoubelievein theislamicvaluesoflifeandstandardsofmoralityorthoseofthe modern civilization? If you have made your choice and accepted someothervaluesandsomedifferentstandardofrightandwrong, ofvirtueandvice,ofthepermissibleandtheprohibitedasagainst thoseenvisagedbyislam,itisthenadifferenceofaveryfundamentalnature.itmeansthatyoudifferwithanddisbelieveintheislamic ideologyitself.inthiscaseyoushouldhavethecouragetodeclare thatyourejectislamoutright.isitnotfoolishtoallegefaithinagod whose laws you consider as barbarous? Anyhow, nobody can remaininsidethepaleofislamafterholdingsuchanopinionaboutthe lawofgod.(mawdudi[maududi]1960,67) PolemicsofthissortnotonlysuggesttheIslamists senseofwhatseparatesthemfromthemodernistsbutalsopointtointermittentislamistefforts to make common cause with the ulama. Such efforts are often predicated on both the rhetorical claim that all sincere Muslims fully

11 11 concurintheirconceptionoftheshari a(islamiclaw)andtheislamists astuterecognitionofthe ulama sconsiderablestandinginsociety.unsurprisingly,someleadingislamistshavesoughttoblurdistinctionsbetween themselves and the ulama to enhance their own authority. Usama bin Laden(b.1957)styledhisfamous1996 DeclarationofWaragainstthe AmericansOccupyingtheLandoftheTwoHolyPlaces asafatwa,that is,ajuridicalopinion,therebyrhetoricallyobscuringthehistoricalfactthat fatwashavetypicallybeenthepreserveofthe ulamaand,morespecifically,ofthefuqahaormuftis(jurists)amongthem.binladen,however, hasnoformalscholarlycredentialsinmattersislamic.mawdudiwascommonly styled as mawlana, a common honorific for the ulama in South Asia.Adeliberateblurringofdistinctionsislikewiseevidentinthestatement of the Sudanese Islamist Hasan al-turabi (b. 1932): Because all knowledgeisdivineandreligious,achemist,anengineer,aneconomist,or ajuristareall ulama (Turabi1983,245;alsochapter8inthisvolume). Yet,thereareleadingIslamists inthisvolume,khomeini,mutahhari, Baqir al-sadr, Fadlallah, Ali Nadwi, Umar Abd al-rahman, and Qaradawi whoweretrainedas ulama,whichmeansthatporousboundariesbetweenislamistsandthe ulamaarenotjustamatterofself-serving rhetoricbyautodidacts.giventhisfact,thedistinctionbetweenislamists and ulamaturnslessonstarkdifferencesineducationalbackgroundand moreonthecharacterandcontentoftheirpoliticalcommitments.more thananythingelse,islamistsseektoimplementislamiclawthroughthe agencyofthestate.notallarewillingtoresorttoviolentmeansinpursuitofthisend.many,suchasyusufal-qaradawi(b.1926),ahighlyinfluentialislamistandoneofthemostprominent ulamaofcontemporary Islam(Skovgaard-Petersen2004;Krämer2006),professdemocraticcommitments.Butwhateverthestancetowardeitherdemocracyorviolence, thepublicimplementationoftheshari aisattheheartofallislamism,in bothitsshi iandsunniforms.thissuggestsanimportantcontrastwith manyamongthe ulama. SincethefirstcenturiesofIslam,the ulamahaveoftensoughttomaintainacarefuldistancefromtherulingelite,jealouslyguardingtheirinstitutionsandpracticesfromgovernmentalinterference.the ulamagenerallyrecognizedthatthefunctioningoflegalandotherislamicinstitutions presupposedtheexistenceofamuslimgovernment,andtheydefineda legitimategovernmentasonethatoversawtheimplementationofshari a norms.buttheyhavetypicallyunderstoodthegovernment scommitment totheshari atomeanthattherulerdefendedthebordersofthepolity, regulatedpublicmorality,suppressedheretics,andappointedthoseproficientinlegalmatterstoimplementthelaw(cf.crone2004, ). Theyhavenotunderstoodanyofthistomeaneitherthattherulershould beabletoofferabsoluteinterpretationsofgod slaworthattherealmof politicsandstatecraftshouldbecomesynonymouswithislamitself.yet this is precisely how Islamists have often conceived of the relationship

12 12 betweenislamandpoliticsand,morespecifically,betweenislamandthe state:nocallingishigherthanstrivingtowardtheestablishmentofanislamicstate,and,oncebroughtabout,allwillbeinaccordancewithgod s purposes.mawdudi(1960,177)claimedthat thestruggleforobtaining controlovertheorgansofthestate,whenmotivatedbytheurgetoestablishthedin[religion]andtheislamicshari ahandtoenforcetheislamic injunctions,isnotonlypermissiblebutpositivelydesirableandassuch obligatory. Tomany ulama,thisamountstonothinglessthanmakingreligious norms subservient to political goals. As Mufti Muhammad Taqi Uthmani,aleadingDeobandischolarofPakistan,notesinhisrejoinderto viewssuchasmawdudi s, Intheirzealtorefutesecularism,somewritersandthinkersofthe presentagehavegonesofarastocharacterizepoliticsandgovernment as the true objective of Islam, the reason why the prophets weresent[bygodtothepeople],indeedtheveryreasonforthecreationofthehumanbeing.andtheyhavenotonlygivenotherislamiccommandments forinstance,onmattersofworship asecondaryposition,theyhaveevendeemedthemtobemeremeansfor politicalends,justawayoftrainingpeople[towardpoliticalmobilization].( Uthmani1998,25 26;cf.Zaman2008,116 18) Notall ulamasharesuchmisgivingsaboutthesubordinationofislam topolitics,thoughitshouldbenotedthattheywouldseethisintermsnot ofanysuchsubordinationbutratheroftheutterinseparabilityofthereligiousandthepolitical.byfarthemostnotableoftheseamongtheshi a isayatollahkhomeini(d.1989)ofiran.againstalong-standingtraditionofshi ipoliticalquietismintheabsenceofthehiddenshi iimam, KhomeiniarguedthattheShi i ulamaoughttoassumedirectpolitical leadership,andhethenproceededtospearheadthemovementthatculminatedinthefalloftheiranianmonarchyandtheestablishmentofthe IslamicRepublicofIran. 9 Hisdoctrineofthevelayat e faqih(guardianshipofthejurist)isaradicalrethinkingofshi ipoliticaltheology,blurringanymeaningfulboundarybetweenreligiousandpoliticalauthority (seechapter6).itispreciselykhomeini scommitmenttoestablishingan Islamic state along these lines that warrants his classification as an Is- 9 TheImamiorIthna asharishi abelievethatthetwelfthandlastoftheirimamswent intoghayba(hiding)in874andthathewilleventuallyreturnasthemahdi amessianic figurewhoalonecanrestoreproperordertotheworld,inaugurateaneraofunalloyedjustice,andreclaimfortheshi atherightsofwhichtheyhavebeendispossessedbythesunnis andbycorruptrulersformuchofthehistoryofislam.shi ischolarshavelongdebatedthe questionofwhatsortofauthoritytheleadingreligiousscholarsoughttohaveinofficiating intheimam sabsence.khomeini sview,disputedbymanyotherscholars,wasthattheleadingscholar(s)oughttodischargethefullrangeoftheimam sfunctions,includingthepoliticalheadshipofthecommunity.

13 13 lamist,notwithstandinghiswell-recognizedstatusasoneoftheleading Shi i ulamaofhisgeneration. The Azhar-educated Yusuf al-qaradawi has, for his part, criticized manyfellowislamistsonseveralissuesbutnotonthefundamentalquestion of their political orientation. Just as Khomeini had chastised the propagandainstitutionsofimperialism...[fortrying]topersuadeus that...thereligiousleadersmustnotinterfereinsocialmattersandthat thefuqaha[jurists]donothavethedutyofoverseeingthedestinyofthe Islamicnation (Algar1981,141),QaradawiinsiststhatdenyingthepoliticalorientationofIslamamountstoitswillfuldistortion: Amongtheinterpretationswithwhichthesecularists[ almaniyyun] andthemodernists[al hadathiyyun]calumniate[islam,properlyunderstood, and those committed to it] is the notion of political Islam, which,withoutdoubt,isanideaalientoourislamicsociety. By[politicalIslam]theymeananIslamthatconcernsitselfwiththe internalandexternalaffairsofthemuslimcommunity.[theymean byit]actionsaimedatfreeingthecommunityfromtheforeignpower that directs[muslim] affairs, physically and morally, as it pleases. [Theyalsomeanbyit]actionsseekingtocleansethecommunityof the cultural, social, and legal sediments of Western colonialism so thatthecommunitycanreturnonceagaintosubmissiontogod slaw indifferentareasoflife.theyusethischaracterizationof political Islam inordertoalienatepeoplefromits[aforementioned]content and to frighten them away from those calling to a comprehensive conceptionofislam onethatisinclusiveofbeliefandlaw,worship andsocialinteraction,proselytismandthestate.(qaradawi2007,93) Islamistpoliticalcommitmentsareoftenintertwinedwithcritiquesof thescholarlytraditionanditsattendantinstitutionsandpractices,and this criticism provides us a crucial way of thinking further both about whatdistinguishesislamistsfromthe ulamaandabouthowtoviewislamismitself.whatthe ulamacannotbutseeasacavalierattitudetowardtheirscholarlytraditionis,wesuggest,betterviewedaspartofa largerislamistcritique,onethatgoestotheheartofhowislamismought tobeunderstoodasaphenomenon.itisacritiqueofparticularmuslim beliefs,practices,mores,andinstitutionsthataredeemedtohaveonlya tenuous basis in true and authentic Islam; of the repeated wrong turnsmuslimshavetakenthroughouttheirlonghistory;ofthecorrupting foreign influences fromsufismtogreekphilosophy,tothelureof modernwesterncultures bywhichmuslimshaveallowedthemselves tobeseduced;andoftheirunwillingnesstodowhateverittakestoestablish the hakimiyya(sovereignty) of God on earth. That it is the sovereigntyofgodthatislamistsseekultimatelytoaffirmintheirindividual andpubliclivesremindsusthattheircritiqueofthepastandthepresent isapoliticalcritique,anchoredinanddrivenbyaspirationstoinstitutea

14 14 newreligio-politicalorder.whetherthiscritiqueisarticulatedinconcrete or vague terms, in a seemingly moderate or plainly militant language, there is no mistaking either its principal target facets of the Islamic tradition oritsfundamentallypoliticalorientation. 10 IslamistshaveofteninsistedthatthewordofGodcanandshouldbe approacheddirectly,withoutthemediationofpresentorpastscholars, andwithoutanyneedfortheedifyingtales,thephilologicaldebates,and thelong-windedtheologicaldisquisitionssooftenfoundinmedievalexegeticalliterature,amajorfacetoftheislamicscholarlytradition(cf.carré 2003,18).ShukriMustafa,anEgyptianIslamistexecutedin1977forthe murderousactivitiesofhissocietyofmuslims(popularlyknownasthe Society of Excommunication and Emigration), had famously asserted thatalloneneededtoresolveuncertaintiesinone sunderstandingofthe wordofgodwasadictionary(kepel1993,79).sayyidqutbdidnotgo quite that far. But he, too, affirmed that the fundamental teachings of Islamwereentirelytransparent: WhatwearesayingaboutIslamisno inventionofours,oranynewinterpretationofitsessence.itissimply plainislamasitwasunderstoodbyitsfirstadherent,muhammad,and hissincerecompanionsandthoseclosetoitsauthenticsource (Qutb 1996,9,withminorchange). TheimplicationofQutb sstrikingassertionistwofold.first,behinda rhetoric of humility in relation to divine knowledge, Qutb implicitly claimsthefullbackingofgodandhisprophetforthe plainislam he setsforth.morespecifically,heessentiallydepictshisownunderstanding ofislamassynonymouswithgod seternalintent,muchaskhomeini s pronouncementsasthevali ye faqih(guardianjurist)presumedtoarticulatewhatislamitselfstoodfororrequiredonanygivenmatter.second, thestatementimpliesnotonlythatviewsotherthanhisaremereinterpretationsbutthattheyarethemorereprehensibleforbeing novel a suggestionthatevokesthenotionofbid a,thatis,ofillicit,capriciousin- 10 ThatIslamismshouldbeseenasawide-rangingcritiqueoftheworldandoftheIslamic traditionisareminder,ofcourse,thatcritiqueisnotaninherentlysecularphenomenonnor doesitnecessitateasecularframework.astalalasad(2008)hasobserved,givenawide varietyof possibleinstancesofcritique/criticism...whatwehave...isafamilyconcept forwhichitisnotpossibletoprovideasingletheorybecausethepracticesthatconstitute themdifferradically (alsocf.mahmood2008;taylor2008).norshouldourviewingislamism as a politically motivated critique suggest that other, competing orientations in modernislamcannotalsobeseenascritiquesofparticularpractices,particularformsof knowledge.whatdoesdistinguishanislamistorientationfromothersis,onceagain,both thedegreetowhichislamistcritiquesbreakwiththeirpastandpresentandtheiraspiration to remake the world in accordance with their understanding of immutable divine commands.thisismarkedlydifferentfromhowthe ulamamightcritiqueparticularaspectsof theirscholarlytraditionintheinterestofastrongersenseofcontinuitywiththattradition orinordertomakeitmorereceptivetowhattheyseeasthecommunity schangingneeds. ItisalsoverydifferentfromhowMuslimmodernistsoftenbreakwiththescholarlytraditioninordertoadaptMuslimnormsandinstitutionstothedominantpoliticalandcultural institutionsoftheircontemporaryworld.

15 15 novationinmattersofreligion.suchaviewofislamjettisonsmuchof whatwouldnormallycountasitshistoryandcivilization. Thehistory of Islam, Qutbtellshisreaders, isthehistoryofthetrueapplication ofislam inpeople sconceptionsandtheirpractices,intheirlivesand theirsocialsystems.islamisthefixedaxis,aroundwhichpeople slives revolveinafixedframe.whentheygooutofthisframe,orwhenthey categorically abandon this axis, what then do they have to do with Islam? (Qutb 1967a, vol. 2, part 4, 169; quotation marks around Islam inoriginal).itisforthefixedaxis,theplainislam andinopposition to much of its history that the Islamist professes to stand (cf. Grunebaum1962,251 52). Qutb,however,isfarfromconsistentinhisattitudetowardthescholarlytraditionorinhowheseekstoarticulatehisownauthorityinrelationtoit.Hisfaithinthetransparency,andthetransformativeimmediacy,ofGod swordswouldappeartomakeallexegesissuperfluous,yet hehimselfhadproceededtowriteamajorcommentary,in the Shade of the Qur an,thatwouldexceedfourthousandpagesinprint.thejustification he offers for it in the opening lines of the commentary is audacious,notapologetic: LifeintheshadeoftheQur anisablessing.itisablessingunknown to anyone who hasn t tasted it... All praise be to God! He has grantedmetheopportunitytoliveintheshadeofthequr anfora periodoftime,duringwhichihavetastedhisblessingsasinever hadearlierinmylife...ihavelistenedtogodtheexaltedconversingwithmethroughthisqur an withme,asmall,littleslave... Ihavelived,intheshadeoftheQur an,lookingfromanelevationat thejahiliyya[paganignorance]raginginthelandandthepettyconcerns of its people.[from this vantage], I have seen the pride the peopleofthisjahiliyyatakeintheirchildishknowledge,theirchildishideas,theirchildishpreoccupations.[ihavelookeduponthem] likeanelderlooksuponthefrivolitiesofchildren,upontheirefforts, andupontheirlisps.(qutb1967a,1:3) Theseresoundingwordsserve,interalia,toexplainwhyanewcommentaryshouldhavebeenneededatall:themind-numbingimpactofthe jahiliyyahasmadepeopleincapableofrespondingtoeventhemostdirectofdivinesummons,andonlysomeonewhohaslived intheshade ofthequr an canunderstandtheirplightandremedyit.fromtheperspectivequtbadoptshere,anyappealtothescholarlytradition,anyefforttoresthisauthorityonit,wouldappearaltogetheroutofplace.yet Qutb sclaimstoauthoritydonotderiveexclusivelyfromhisconversing withgodthroughthequr an.tosomedegree,theyalsodependonhis beingseenashavingmasteryovertheveryexegeticaltraditionofwhich heisotherwisefrequentlydismissive.qutbcitesasmallnumberofearlier commentators and other authorities when it suits his purpose to do

16 16 so, 11 justashesidestepstheexegeticaltraditionwhendoingsooffersa rhetoricallymoreeffectivewayofarrivingataconclusion.moretraditional exegetes, past and present, also pick and choose, of course. But theyhavetypicallydonesowithinanoverallframeworkthatisdefined byacontinuousengagementwiththeexegeticaltraditionasawhole(cf. Saleh2004).Bycontrast,QutbandotherIslamistexegeteswriteoutside, andofteninconsciousoppositionto,anysuchframework.theconversationisnotwiththeearlierexegetesbutdirectlywithgod,thoughthis might,onoccasion,beaidedbyillustrationsfromtheearlierexegetical tradition. If there are unacknowledged ambiguities in Qutb s relationship with the Islamic tradition, as we have observed, a frequently acerbic stance does nonetheless remain characteristic of how he views it most of the time.qutbisanythingbutuniqueinthisrespect.yetifislamistsshare, almostbydefinition,acriticalstancetowardfacetsofthistradition,there ismuchthatalsoseparatesthemfromoneanotherinpreciselyhowthis critique and its implications are articulated in different instances. Although the mere presence of disagreement among Islamist intellectuals andactivistsishardlyremarkable,thescopeandimplicationsofsomeof thedisagreements,inasmuchastheyrelatetothescholarlytradition,are nonethelessworthexamininghere.fortheysuggestthat,whileislamists share the conviction that particular institutions, practices, and norms needtoberefashionedinlightofimmutabledivinecommands,thisconvictionoftenrestsonquitedifferentviewsofislamichistoryandcivilization,ofcontemporarymuslimsocieties,and,notleast,ofreligiousauthorityanditsloci.nowhere,perhaps,isthismoreevidentthaninsome ofthewritingsofyusufal-qaradawi.likequtb,qaradawiisamongthe mostinfluentialislamistideologuesinthesunniworld.heisalsooneof Qutb sseverestcriticsfromwithintheislamistcamp(seeespeciallyqaradawi1994,101 31). That Muslim societieslackedaproperislamicfoundationmadeit futile,qutbhadargued,todebatespecificquestionsofislamiclawand 11 Theseinclude,interalia,MuhammadibnIshaq(d.767),theauthoroftheSirat rasul Allah,oneoftheearliestbiographiesoftheProphetMuhammad;al-Tabari(d.923),the authorofjami al bayan li ta wil ay al Qur an,oneofthemostinfluentialcommentariesof thequr aneverproduced;al-baghawi(d.1117),whosecommentaryistitledma alim altanzil;al-qurtubi(d.1273),theauthorofawork,al Jami li ahkam al Qur an,whichisespeciallyattentivetothelegalcontentofthequr an;andibnkathir(d.1373),theauthorof a Qur an commentary, Tafsir al Qur an al azim, which has been popular among many MuslimsofaSalafiorientation.Onoccasion,QutbalsocitesinfluentialfellowIslamists. See,forexample,Qutb,Fi zilal al Qur an,vol.2,part4,132(mawdudi);vol.2,part5,25 (Nadwi);vol.2,part6,143and150 53( Abdal-Qadir Awda,anEgyptianIslamistand legalscholarexecutedunderthenasserregimein1954).occasionally,qutbcitesrida s Tafsir al manaraswell,though,moreoftenthannot,toregisterhisdisagreementswith Ridaandwiththelatter smentor,muhammad Abduh.Foradetailedcomparisonbetween thecommentariesofridaandqutb,seecarré2003.

17 17 howitdealtwithparticularsocialoreconomicissues.the ulamawere patheticallydeludediftheythoughtthattheinterestsofislamcouldbe furtheredthroughdisquisitionsontheshari ainsuchconditionsofpervasiveungodliness(qutb1967b,183 90).Whatpeopleneededbefore anythingelsewasareturntothebasicsofthefaith.thetaskofrighteous preacherswastoinstructtheminthesemattersandtohelpthemrecognizewhatthesovereigntyofgoddemandedofthem(qutb1991,35;cf. Qaradawi1994,102 4).Allothermatters,includingthenicetiesofjuristicdiscussion,werebestpostponeduntilaproperlyIslamicsocietybased onthisfoundationhadbeenrealized. Qaradawi vehemently disagrees with Qutb, arguing that educated Muslimsarenotpagansbutbelieversand,assuch,donotneedtobetutoredinthefundamentalsoftheirfaith.Whattheyoftendonotunderstandverywell andhereqaradawiconcurswithotherislamists isthe natureofislamasanizam (socialandpoliticalsystem).theproblemof Muslims,inotherwords,isnotgodlessnessbutsimplyignorance(which is what the term jahiliyya literally means) of the teachings of Islam in theircomprehensive,all-encompassingdimensions.asqaradawiseesit, many captivesofwesternthought havedoubtsnotabouttheessentials oftheirfaithbutratheraboutislamasacomprehensivesystem;anditis theirunaddressedmisunderstandings,theirignorance,onthelatterscore that sometimes opens the door to doubts about matters of belief itself (Qaradawi1994,113 14).Tocontinuetoexpoundonthesocial,political,andotherteachingsofIslamwhilethesocietyisyetimperfectisnot toendorseorstrengthenthejahiliorder,asqutbhadalleged,butonlyto helpordinarypeopleintheirefforttoleadvirtuouslivesevenininiquitouscircumstances. ThisviewrepresentsanappealtowhatQaradawihasrepeatedlyreferredtoasthemoderatepathoral madrasa al wasatiyya(the centrist school ;cf.qaradawi2006, ) onethatlocatesitselfonaputativemiddlegroundbetweenacompleterejectionoftheworld,including Muslimsocieties,anditstotalembrace.Qaradawiisequallyconcerned withrescuingislamichistoryandcivilizationfromoutrightdismissalat thehandsofislamistslikequtb. 12 Theideathatjahilinormshadbegun tocreepbackintothemuslimcommunityshortlyafterthedeathofthe ProphetandthattheyhaveremainedunchallengedformuchofIslam s historyignoresallthose,qaradawisays,whohavecontinuedtorepresentthepathofrighteousnessthroughoutthehistoryofislam.contrary totheconvictionofthesunnisthat thecommunitywillneveragreeon error astheprophetissaidtohavepromised thenotionofaperva- 12 AmongleadingfiguresQaradawisinglesoutforcriticisminthisregardare,besides Qutb,Mawdudi,andtheEgyptianIslamistscholarMuhammadal-Ghazali(d.1996).See Qaradawi2005b,46 64.Itisworthnotingthat,despitetheseandotherdisagreements, Qaradawihaswrittenrespectfullyofallthree,devotinganentirebooktohislongassociationwithMuhammadal-Ghazali(seeQaradawi1995).

18 18 sivejahiliyyasuggests,moreover,thatthecommunitydid,indeed,agree onerror. 13 Mostgrievously,perhaps,Islamistcritiquestendtosuggest thattheshari ahasalmostneverbeenimplementedinmuslimsocieties aftertheveryfirstyearsofislam.ironically,saysqaradawi,suchindiscriminaterejectionofislamichistoryinadvertentlyreinforcessecularist argumentsthattheshari aisunsuitedtopracticalapplication(qaradawi 2005b,46).Qaradawi scritiqueofqutbandotherislamistsis,finally,an argumentforthecontinuingcentralityofthe ulamatothetaskofproviding authoritative guidance to the community. His understanding of whoconstitutesthe ulamaisfarmoreexpansivethanthatofmostdeobandi ulamaofsouthasia.but,likethem,heisinnodoubtthatserious religiousscholars,asdistinguishedfromamateurishautodidacts,arecrucialtothetaskofprovidingauthoritativereligiousandmoralguidanceto thecommunity. AlthoughwehavesoughttoillustratecertainfacetsoftheIslamistcritique of the scholarly tradition and of the world as some key Islamist thinkershavearticulatedit,wedonotwishtosuggest,ofcourse,that Islamists are necessarily intellectuals. Whatever Qutb, Khomeini, Mawdudi,andQaradawimightthinkofotherscholarsandintellectuals, orofthemselvesinrelationtothem,theformerobviouslyarereligious intellectuals.thesameishardlytrueofmanyotherislamists.yeteven thosewithlittleornointellectualpretensionsareoftenrecognizableas Islamistsnotonlyfortheircommitmenttothepublicimplementationof Islamicnormsgroundedinthefoundationaltextsbutalso andasacorollaryoftheformer fortheiroftenself-consciouscritiqueofanddisengagementfromthenormsandmorestheyseearoundthem.incontemporarylebanon,forinstance,shi iislamistshaveoftenseentheirtext-based religiouscommitmentsasmarkingacleardeparturefromearlierandexisting religious practices. As anthropologist Lara Deeb (2006, 20) observes, Theyvieweditasnewanddifferent differentfromwhatthey oftenreferredtoenigmaticallyas before or howwewere anddifferent fromwhattheycalledal taqalid(traditions)...inlieuofpracticesand beliefscastastraditional,theyespoused...[an] authenticated Islam, expressedinpublicpiety. 14 ManyIslamistslivinginrefugeecampsin Gazahavehadasimilarview.Tothem, Palestinians...hadeitherbe- comelostinforeignideologies...ortheyhadbecome Muslimsbycon- 13 Theconvictionthatthecommunityatlargeisdivinelyprotectedfromerrorisanimportantbasisoftheauthorityof consensus asamajorsourceofjuridicalnormsinsunni Islam. For modern debates on consensus and some of the literature on this subject, see Zaman The traditions hereprimarilyrefertocustomarynormsanddevotionalpractices, ratherthantothecenturies-olddiscursivetraditionfromwhichthe ulama,bothshi iand Sunni,derivetheirauthority.Islamistcritiquesareoftendirectedasmuch,however,attraditionsinthesenseof inauthentic, culturallyrootedreligiouspracticesastheyareatthe scholarlytraditionofthe ulama,which,tothem,isequallyinauthenticinhavingobscured thesimpleandfundamentalteachingsofthefoundationaltexts.

19 19 Islamists and Salafis vention whowentalongwiththefastorprayednowandthenbecause thiswas customandtradition ( ada wa taqlid).thislackofconscious, zealousadherencetoislamhadresultedinsocialweaknessleadingtodefeatatthehandsofisrael (Lybarger2007,211).Thereismuchthatsuch analysessharewiththewritingsandpronouncementsoftheleadingislamistintellectuals. Justasitisnotalwayseasytodifferentiate ulamafromislamistsorislamists from modernists, it is sometimes difficult to clearly distinguish betweenislamistsandthesalafis.thelatterderivethisself-designation fromclaimsofstrictadherencetothenormativepracticeofal salaf alsalih(thepiousforbears),usuallyunderstoodasthemuslimsofthefirst generations of Islam. The guiding Salafi assumption is that these first Muslims, in being contemporaries of the Prophet Muhammad and the immediatesuccessorsofthosecontemporaries,exemplifymostperfectly whatitmeanstobeavirtuousmuslimandthatlatergenerationscando nobetterthanemulatetheexampleofthesefirstgenerations.someversionofthisviewwouldfindbroadresonanceamongislamists,butalso ordinary believers, though the Shi a of various doctrinal orientations have always had a far more restrictive view of precisely who is worth emulating. Again like the Islamists, the Salafis insist on deriving their normsdirectlyfromtheislamicfoundationaltexts,thequr an,andthe exampleoftheprophetmuhammad,unmediatedbythemedievalschools oflaw.thismeansdoingawaywiththesortofhistoricallyarticulated scholarlytraditionfromwhichthe ulamahavetendedtodrawmuchof theirauthority.thesalafisdohavetheirown ulama Qaradawiisanotableinstance,asaremembersoftheSaudireligiousestablishment but eventheirauthorityisbasedfarmoreondirectlyinterpretingthefoundational texts than it is on any systematic engagement with the Islamic scholarlytradition. AllthissoundsagooddealnotjustliketheIslamistsbutalsolikethe modernists.thisshouldnotbesurprising,forthesalafiorientationisan importantpartofthegenealogyofbothmodernismandislamism.the Salafi reformer Muhammad Abduh, though a traditionally educated scholarwhoservedtowardtheendofhislifeasthegrandmuftiofegypt, wasakeyinfluenceinthedevelopmentofislamicmodernism.butwhile someof Abduh sdisciplesdevelopedhisideasinthedirectionofsecular nationalism,others notablythesalafijournalistandqur ancommentator,rashidrida eventuallytookthem,despitehismodernistproclivities,inadecidedlyconservativedirection(hourani1983;alsocf.dallal 2000). Hasan al-banna, the founder of the Muslim Brotherhood, was close to many Egyptian Salafis: Muhibb al-din al-khatib (d. 1969), a leadingsalafiofthetimeandtheownerofthesalafipublishinghousein