A PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS OF THE PROCESS OF SPIRITUAL JIHAD AMONG U.S. MUSLIMS SEYMA N. SARITOPRAK. Master of Arts. Thesis Advisor: Julie J.

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1 A PRELIMINARY ANALYSIS OF THE PROCESS OF SPIRITUAL JIHAD AMONG U.S. MUSLIMS by SEYMA N. SARITOPRAK Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree Master of Arts Thesis Advisor: Julie J. Exline, PhD Department of Psychological Sciences CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY January, 2018

2 ii CASE WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY SCHOOL OF GRADUATE STUDIES We hereby approve the thesis/dissertation of Seyma N. Saritoprak candidate for the Master of Arts degree *. (signed) Julie J. Exline, Ph.D. (chair of the committee) Brooke N. Macnamara, Ph.D. (committee member) Sandra Russ, Ph.D. (committee member) (date) Thursday, June 29 th, 2017 *We also certify that written approval has been obtained for any proprietary material contained therein.

3 iii Table of Contents List of Tables...vi List of Figures...vii List of Appendices...viii Abstract...ix Literature Review...1 Spiritual Jihad: An Islamic Perspective... 5 Spiritual Jihad: Attributing Wrongdoings to the Nafs... 9 Spiritual Jihad: Cognitive and Behavioral Components... 9 Spiritual Jihad: Implications for Virtues, Vices, and Well-Being Virtues Vices The Present Study...18 Hypotheses...18 Spiritual Jihad, Perceived Closeness with God, and Islamic Religiousness Spiritual Jihad, Religious Coping, Struggle Engagement Spiritual Jihad, Growth, and Decline Spiritual Jihad, Psychological Well-Being, and Life Satisfaction Spiritual Jihad and Religious/Spiritual Struggles Spiritual Jihad, Virtues, and Vices Method Participants and Procedure Measures... 20

4 iv Spiritual Jihad Mindset Religious Coping and Struggle Engagement Islamic Religiousness Closeness with God Post-Traumatic Growth Spiritual Growth and Decline Satisfaction with Life Anxiety Depression Religious and Spiritual Struggles Vices Gratitude Forgiveness Patience Social Desirability Demographic Questionnaire Data Analysis Results Descriptive Statistics Exploratory Factor Analysis Internal Consistency Hypothesis Set (1): Spiritual Jihad, Perceived Closeness with God, and Islamic Religiousness... 32

5 v Hypothesis Set (2): Spiritual Jihad, Religious Coping, Struggle Engagement Hypothesis Set (3): Spiritual Jihad, Growth, and Decline Hypothesis Set (4): Spiritual Jihad, Psychological Well-Being, and Life Satisfaction Hypothesis Set (5): Spiritual Jihad and Religious/Spiritual Struggles Hypothesis Set (6): Spiritual Jihad, Virtues, and Vices Discussion Key Findings Implications for Research and Practice Limitations and Future Directions References... 95

6 vi List of Tables Table 1: Skewness, Kurtosis, and Standard Error for Community Sample Table 2: Descriptive Statistics for Demographics Table 3: Descriptive Statistics for Main Variables Table 4: Internal Consistency for Main Measures Table 5: Summary of Exploratory Factor Analysis Results for the Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure Using Maximum Likelihood Extraction Table 6: Pearson Product-Moment Correlations Between Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure and Main Variables Table 7: Pearson Product-Moment Correlations Between Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure and Forms of Positive Religious Coping Table 8: Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Spiritual Jihad Mindset Predicting Spiritual Growth after Controlling for Islamic Religiousness (MTurk) Table 9: Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Spiritual Jihad Mindset Predicting Spiritual Growth after Controlling for Islamic Religiousness (Community)...59 Table 10: Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Spiritual Jihad Mindset Predicting Post-Traumatic Growth after Controlling for Islamic Religiousness (MTurk)...60 Table 11: Summary of Hierarchical Regression Analysis for Spiritual Jihad Mindset Predicting Post-Traumatic Growth after Controlling for Islamic Religiousness (Community)...61 Table 12: Partial Pearson Product-Moment Correlations Between Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure, Depressive Symptoms, and Anxiety, Controlling for Islamic Religiousness Table 13: Pearson Product-Moment Correlations Between Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure and Religious and Spiritual Struggles Table 14: Partial Pearson Product-Moment Correlations Between Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure and Vices Table 15: Partial Pearson Product-Moment Correlations Between Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure and Virtues... 65

7 vii List of Figures Figure 1: Relationship with God, Islamic Religiousness, and Spiritual Jihad...66 Figure 2: Spiritual Jihad, Positive Religious Coping, and Engagement with Struggle...66 Figure 3: Spiritual Jihad, Growth, and Life Satisfaction...67 Figure 4: Spiritual Jihad and Virtues...67 Figure 5: Spiritual Jihad, Mental Health, R/S Struggles, Vices, and Spiritual Decline...68

8 viii List of Appendices Appendix A: Spiritual Jihad Mindset Measure Appendix B: RCOPE Subscales Appendix C: Posttraumatic Growth Inventory Appendix D: Spiritual Transformation Scale Appendix E: PMIR Islamic Dimensions Subscales Appendix F: The Daily Spiritual Experiences Scale Appendix G: Satisfaction with Life Scale Appendix H: Generalized Anxiety Disorder 7-Item Scale Appendix I: Center for Epidemiologic Studies Short Depression Scale Appendix J: Religious and Spiritual Struggles Scale Appendix K: Struggle Engagement Appendix L: Deadly Sins Scale Appendix M: The Gratitude Questionnaire-Six Item Form (GQ-6) Appendix N: Heartland Forgiveness Scale Appendix O: 3-Factor Patience Scale Appendix P: Marlowe Crowne Social Desirability Scale Appendix Q: Demographic Questionnaire Appendix R: Recruitment Contacts Appendix S: Community Recruitment Letter Appendix T: Snowball Sampling Recruitment Letter Appendix U: Gift Card Appendix V: Letter of Cooperation

9 ix A Preliminary Analysis of the Process of Spiritual Jihad among U.S. Muslims Abstract by SEYMA N. SARITOPRAK Despite the positive outcomes associated with religion and spirituality (r/s), religion and spirituality can also be sources of struggle. Several studies have found such r/s struggles to be linked with greater levels of distress, while others have found them to be associated with growth-related outcomes. The author proposes that growth from struggles is a prominent experience in Islamic spirituality, referred to as spiritual jihad. The main hypothesis of this work was that incorporating a spiritual jihad mindset would result in greater well-being-related outcomes and buffer against the experience of r/s struggles. The project included two samples of U.S. Muslims: an online sample (N= 280) and a community sample (N= 74). The project provided preliminary evidence of reliability and validity for a new measure of spiritual jihad mindset. Results revealed Islamic religiousness and perceived closeness with God predicted greater endorsement of a spiritual jihad mindset among participants from both samples. A spiritual jihad mindset was positively associated with greater levels of positive religious coping (both samples), spiritual and post-traumatic growth (both samples), and virtuous behaviors (MTurk sample), and negatively associated with depression and anxiety (MTurk sample), and certain vices (MTurk sample). Keywords: spiritual jihad, Islam, Muslims, struggles, growth

10 1 A Preliminary Analysis of the Process of Spiritual Jihad among U.S. Muslims Considerable research has been conducted on the psychology of religion and spirituality in the past decade (Miller & Thoresen, 2003; Emmons & Paloutzian, 2003). Numerous studies have investigated the beneficial effects of religion and spirituality on health and well-being (Seybold & Hill, 2001; Miller & Thoresen, 2003). For example, individuals who are involved in religious/spiritual activities are often less likely to smoke and drink alcohol (Koenig, McCullough, & Larson, 2001; Koenig, King, & Carson, 2012). Moreover, greater r/s involvement has been associated with lower blood pressure, heart disease, hypertension, and even lower levels of mortality (for reviews, see Koenig et al., 2001; Koenig et al., 2012). In addition to physical health, religious and spiritual participation have also been linked with better mental health (Seybold & Hill, 2001). Higher levels of religion and spirituality have been linked to lower levels of depression (Baetz, Griffin, Bowen, Koenig, & Marcoux, 2004; Hirsch, Nsamenang, Chang, Kaslow, 2014; Koenig, 2004) and anxiety (Koenig, 2004; McCoubrie & Davies, 2005). Similarly, in times of distress, religion and spirituality are often the means through which people cope with negative emotion (Graham, Furr, Flowers, & Burke, 2001; Pargament, 1997; Pargament, Smith, Koenig, Perez, 1998). Recent studies have also found religion and spirituality to be positively linked with a personal sense of security (Rowatt & Kirkpatrick, 2002; Granqvist & Kirkpatrick, 2013) and purpose in life (Park, 2005; Park, Edmondson, & Hale-Smith, 2013). While religious and spiritual involvement can yield various benefits, they can also be a source of struggle. Religious and spiritual (r/s) struggles transpire when a person s

11 2 beliefs, practices, or experiences regarding r/s matters cause distress or conflict (for reviews, see Exline, 2013; Exline & Rose, 2013; Pargament, 2007; Stauner, Exline, & Pargament, 2016). There are several forms of general r/s struggles (Exline, Pargament, Grubbs, & Yali, 2014). Divine struggles occur when one experiences negative thoughts or feelings about God. Demonic struggles involve concerns about being attacked by a devil or various forms of evil spirits. Interpersonal struggles refer to conflicts surrounding religious people, groups, or institutions. On the other hand, intrapersonal struggles comprise of moral, doubt, and ultimate meaning struggles. Moral struggles involve concerns about obedience to moral principles and guilt surrounding violating one s moral compass. Doubt-related struggles are a result of experiencing distress regarding matters of religious doubts and questions. Finally, ultimate meaning struggles involve concerns regarding an absence of meaning and purpose in life (Exline et al., 2014). Many individuals experience r/s struggles (e.g., Stauner et al., 2016). In a study of U.S. colleges and universities, Astin, Astin, Lindholm, Bryant, Szelényi, and Calderone (2005) found that a majority of first-year students reported occasionally feeling distant from God (65%) and questioned their religious beliefs (57%). Similarly, about half of the students endorsed occasionally feeling angry with God (48%) and disagreeing with their families about religious matters (52%). Along similar lines, in a study involving individuals of differing medical illnesses, 15% reported moderate to high levels of r/s struggle (Fitchett et al, 2004). Furthermore, recent studies have documented r/s struggles among diverse cultural and religious groups. For example, self-reports on the Religious and Spiritual Struggles (RSS) scale among Israeli-Jewish university students indicated as high as 30%

12 3 of students experiencing r/s struggles (Abu-Raiya, Pargament, Weissberger, & Exline, 2016). Similarly, Abu-Raiya, Pargament, Exline, and Agbaria (2015) found that up to 40% of Israeli-Palestinian Muslims residing in Israel reported experiencing r/s struggles. Saritoprak and Exline (2016) found that Muslims living in the United States endorsed moderate levels of r/s struggles across several domains, with moral struggles receiving the greatest endorsement. A large online survey of U.S. adults suggested that Muslims and Hindus reported greatest overall r/s struggles when compared to Catholics, Protestants, Christians, Jews, Buddhists, atheists, and agnostics (Saritoprak, Exline, & Stauner, 2016). Religious and spiritual struggles have also been reported among the general American population (Stauner et al., 2016). Using a large national representative sample of adults, Ellison and Lee (2010) examined distressing relationship with God, negative relationships within religious contexts, and chronic religious doubt related struggles and found that most people report low levels of r/s struggles. Nevertheless, the struggles were positively associated with psychological distress. Similarly, Abu-Raiya, Pargament, Krause, and Ironson (2015) found that although on average participants reported low levels of r/s struggle, all forms of struggle were positively related to depressive and anxious symptomology. R/s struggles often imply tension and conflict regarding one s core beliefs and behaviors. Thus, it is not surprising that many studies have found r/s struggles to be linked with psychological distress (e.g. Ellison & Lee, 2010; Exline, Yali, & Sanderson, 2000). For instance, Johnson and Hayes (2003) surveyed over 5,000 university students and found that approximately 25% reported distress related to r/s concerns. Similarly, a

13 4 meta-analysis on religious coping and psychological adjustment revealed a direct link between r/s struggles and indicators of distress such as anxiety, anger, and depression (Ano & Vasconcelles, 2005). More importantly, such links with psychological distress are found even after controlling for demographic variables (Ellison & Lee, 2010). R/s struggles have also been associated with greater thoughts of suicide (Exline et al., 2000), lower levels of life satisfaction (Abu-Raiya et al., 2016; Abu-Raiya et al., 2015), and less happiness even after controlling for overall religiousness, one s personality, and social relationships (Abu-Raiya et al., 2015). Although there is not enough evidence to infer a causal relationship between r/s struggles and emotional distress, research suggests a strong connection between the two constructs. In contrast to the significant body of research on the distressing aspect of r/s struggles, relatively little attention has been given to the growth aspect of r/s struggles. The research on the relationship between r/s struggles and growth is mixed (for review see Pargament, Desai, & McConnell, 2006). Although some researchers have found a connection, others have not (e.g., Phillips & Stein, 2007) and some studies have even found negative links between struggle and growth (e.g., Park, Brooks, & Sussman, 2009). The lack of concurrent findings in the literature suggest that it may be the actual coping response to the r/s struggle, rather than the struggle itself, that predicts spiritual growth or decline (Exline & Rose, 2013; Exline, Pargament, Hall, & Harriott, 2016). In general, individuals who make meaning of unfavorable circumstances show better psychological adjustment (Park, 2010) along with more resolution of struggles and associated spiritual growth (Desai & Pargament, 2015). Finding meaning may help individuals preserve an essential aspect of their religious belief system, thereby promoting growth (Desai, 2006;

14 5 Desai & Pargament, 2015). Similarly, growth from struggle has been linked with positive religious coping (Exline et al., 2016), having a secure relationship with God (for review, see Granqvist & Kirkpatrick, 2013) integrating religion into everyday life (Desai, 2006), having religious support (Desai, 2006), and perceived support from God (Pargament et al., 2006) Although studies have demonstrated that r/s struggles can be linked with growthrelated outcomes, more research needs to be conducted to examine the growth processes of r/s struggles. A limitation of the current r/s assessment measures is the underlying assumption that r/s struggles are negative in nature. Such an assumption has led to the current measurements of r/s struggles to focus predominantly on the decline-related associations with r/s struggles. Hence, there is a need to measure r/s struggles from a growth-oriented perspective. Looking at the process of growth from a religious perspective, individuals may intentionally embrace the experience of struggle for a greater purpose such as for the sake of becoming closer to God or eliminating their lower self tendencies; such struggles may be intentional in nature for the purpose of spiritual growth. People of faith who may desire to become a more devoted believer may embrace struggle as a medium through which one develops a stronger relationship with the Divine. The phenomenon of struggling for growth purposes is one that is prominent in the religion of Islam, referred to as spiritual jihad. Hence, a natural place to initiate an empirical investigation of such processes is within the context of the religion of Islam. Spiritual Jihad: An Islamic Perspective Much of the research conducted on r/s struggles has made use of predominantly Judeo-Christian samples. The aim of the current project was to focus primarily on

15 6 struggles and growth among Muslims, framed in terms of spiritual jihad. The Arabic noun jihad is derived from the Arabic verb jahada, which is translated as to make great effort (Osman, 2001). From an Islamic perspective, there are two types of jihad: the greater and the lesser jihad. The greater jihad (al-jihad al-akbar), contrary to popular thought, refers to an internal spiritual strife or struggle in the path of God against the various trials of life (Nizami, 1997). On the other hand, the lesser jihad (al-jihad alasghar) refers to an external endeavor for the sake of Islam (Unal, 2006). Examples of the lesser jihad include fighting for God s cause on the battlefield, stepping out of a conversation due to religious purposes, or speaking out for God s sake. Unfortunately, the lesser jihad (often simply referred to as jihad ) has become increasingly identified with popular views of Muslims in the recent years (Amin, 2015; Afsaruddin, 2013). The term jihad has particularly become increasingly associated with acts of terrorism, thereby promoting the notion that terrorism is a fundamental aspect of Islam (Turner, 2007). Such mistaken understandings of the term jihad not only restrict the lesser jihad to solely warfare, but also fail to acknowledge the greater meaning of jihad in Islamic spirituality. Islamic spirituality, as reflected largely in the Sufi heritage, considers the greater spiritual jihad as a fundamental component of spiritual growth and development. Spiritual jihad is a process that requires a conscious effort in struggling against the soul (al-nafs) for the sake of God (Picken, 2011). The nafs, which refers to self or the soul in the Qur an, plays a complex, multifaceted role as a part of spiritual change. There are three stages of the nafs as described by the Quran: al-nafs al-ammarah, al-nafs al-lawammah, and al-nafs al-mutma innah. In the first stage, humans struggle against the evilcommanding soul referred to as al-nafs al-ammarah. The evil-commanding soul

16 7 provokes man towards evil. This is the lowest of the three stages and the most corrupt form of the nafs in regards to following one s worldly desires and temptations of evil. The evil-commanding soul provokes people towards evil, and at this beginning stage, humans engage in following the desires of their nafs, thereby potentially leading themselves into spiritual destruction. Second, the struggle to better oneself and overcome the lowest stage of the nafs involves the path towards purification of the mind, body, and heart. At this stage the soul is referred to as the blaming soul, al-nafs al- lawwamah (Ashraf, 1987). The blaming soul involves becoming increasingly conscious of one s condition, going against the desires of the evil-commanding soul, blaming the nafs for following temptations, embracing oneself spiritually, and initiating spiritual jihad. Hence, the exercise of spiritual jihad becomes the actual struggle against the desires of the nafs. This stage encompasses wrongdoings, but more importantly, it encompasses repentance and recoveries. In the final stage, humans can control evil tendencies such as greed, revenge, and impatience through the continuous guidance and remembrance of God and achieves a tranquil soul, al-nafs al-mutma innah. The tranquil soul evolves when the human will begins to act in harmony with the Will of God, implying a complete submission before God and triumph in one s spiritual jihad (Ashraf, 1987). At this stage, the nafs becomes at peace, satisfied, desires only what is good and right, and continues to ask God for protection from any risks that may lead one astray. Though, spiritual jihad presumes struggling in a positive trajectory, it does not indicate that one will be strugglefree when he or she progresses within the varying levels of the nafs. Each stage is qualitatively different in regards to what the struggles may entail. It is also important to note that one cannot guarantee a constant state of the nafs. One may regress back to the

17 8 lower levels of the nafs. However, incorporating a spiritual jihad approach would promote the individual to go forward. The ongoing journey of spiritual jihad is a common experience among practicing Muslims. Numerous Qur anic verses promote an intentional, continuous engagement in spiritual jihad, such as these: And those who strive for Us - We will surely guide them to Our ways. And indeed, Allah is with the doers of good (29:69) and The ones who have believed, emigrated, and striven in the cause of Allah with their wealth and their lives are greater in rank in the sight of Allah. And it is those who are the attainers [of success] (9:20). Similarly, as narrated by al- Bayhaqi, after a successful defeat and arrival from the Battle of Badr, Prophet Muhammad stated, We have returned from the lesser jihad to the greater jihad. When his companions inquired about the greater jihad s meaning, the Prophet replied, It is the struggle that one must make against one s carnal self (nafs). As the Day of Judgment is one of the six articles of the Islamic faith, practicing Muslims often engage in a conscious examination of their nafs with the aim of striving to better themselves as believers in return for not only an eternal afterlife, but also for the sole sake of God. Thus, introspection regarding one s behaviors, words, and thoughts throughout life on earth promotes a sense of preparedness for the final Judgment and a path toward spiritual refinement. Nevertheless, despite the theological emphasis on spiritual jihad within Islam, no study to date has examined the construct of spiritual jihad within the field of psychology. A review of the current literature on r/s struggles and growth indicates a gap in both the conceptualization and measurement of spiritual jihad. As a preliminary attempt to address

18 9 this gap, the aim of the current article is to investigate the process by which individuals engage in spiritual jihad and the outcomes associated with such engagement. Spiritual Jihad: Attributing Wrongdoings to the Nafs Attribution theory (Weiner, 1985) emphasizes the need to assign responsibility for events. Weiner (1985) proposed that in the face of certain events, people often look for information regarding the cause of why an event occurred, and this is especially true for unexpected and negative events (Weiner, 1985). In such cases, people may often think Why did this event occur? or Why I did I do what I did? in attempting to investigate why a particular incident took place. By seeking knowledge to explain certain outcomes, whether that is success or failure, the individual can learn to adapt their behavior accordingly in order to prevent or promote a certain incident in the future (Weiner, 1985). This line of research is relevant to the concept of spiritual jihad. Within a spiritual jihad mindset framework, Muslims who are faced with certain desires or temptations may attribute such inclinations towards their nafs. For example, one may think I have a sexual desire because my nafs wants it. Along similar lines, in the face of perceived wrongdoings or moral failures, a Muslim may think I engaged in the behavior because of the desires of my nafs, thereby attributing either thoughts or actions towards such proclivities of their nafs. By attributing certain thoughts and behaviors to their nafs, Muslims incorporating a spiritual jihad approach into their life may be more likely to become aware of such inclinations in the future and engage in greater efforts in struggling against such desires. Spiritual Jihad: Cognitive and Behavioral Components

19 10 Growth from stressful situations can be a result of appraising a negative situation in a positive manner (Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000). For example, Folkman s (1997) stress model provides a theoretical framework for how individuals may approach a negative situation. Folkman (1997) suggests that it is through the mechanism of meaning making that stressful events can result in positive emotional experiences. Hence, because religious beliefs and practices can be a major part of life experiences for many people, they can be a major component of meaning-based coping; religion is often a source of support and guidance in dealing with distressing events (Pargament, 1997). Pargament et al., (2000) define religious coping strategies as playing five major functions: providing meaning to distressing life experiences, a framework of control when events are beyond one s resources, a sense of comfort in times of difficulty, connectedness with others, and helping people make life transformations. Such coping strategies may be expressed in both positive and negative manners. For example, one can make meaning of a stressful situation as a chance for spiritual growth or as a punishment from God. Hence, the way in which one makes use of religious coping can play a mediating role in psychological well-being (Pargament et al., 2000). Religious coping has been hypothesized as two higher-order patterns: positive and negative (Pargament, Smith, Koenig, & Perez, 1998). Positive religious coping methods reflect spiritual connectedness with the world and others, a secure relationship with God, and finding a greater meaning in life (Pargament et al., 1998). Negative religious coping methods, on the other hand, reflect religious struggles of finding significance in life, having a less secure connection with God, and an unfavorable view of the world (Pargament et al., 1998). Researchers have found both the negative and positive

20 11 religious coping methods to be associated with differing mental health outcomes. Negative religious coping has been related to higher depression levels and lower quality of life, whereas positive religious coping has been associated with greater well-being and lower levels of psychological distress (Pargament et al., 1998). Such associations between religious coping and well-being were found to persist even after controlling for global religiousness and demographic variables (Pargament et al., 2000). Similarly, in a study conducted among clergy, church leaders, and congregation members, positive religious coping was associated with greater positive affect and religious satisfaction (Pargament, Tarakeshwar, Ellison, & Wulff, 2001). Positive religious coping was particularly salient among individuals who viewed religion to play a central part in their identity. Among clergy, church leaders, and congregation members, clergy reported greater use of positive religious coping when compared with church leaders and congregation members (Pargament et al., 2001). These findings support the notion that religious coping is more prevalent among those who observe religion to be a greater part of their religious orienting system, that is their general system of beliefs and practices (Pargament et al., 1992). Similarly, spiritual jihad is a way of approaching life experiences. It is a process that includes both a cognitive and behavioral component in managing distress as it allows one to make meaning of negative experiences and cope in a proactive manner. In the face of adversities and struggle, Muslims may examine the situation through a spiritual jihad interpretive framework. Within such a framework, Muslims may regard negative life experiences as a test that will bring the individual closer to God, a medium through which the individual will become a more devout Muslim, an opportunity to seek Divine

21 12 forgiveness, a means of earning sawab (good deeds), or a desire of the nafs that the individual must struggle against. Such a mindset results in a positive meaning-making experience, thereby possibly promoting a sense of spiritual growth, positive emotions, and psychological well-being. In addition, a spiritual jihad approach towards struggles has an underlying assumption that religion and spirituality play a central role in one s orienting system as the process of spiritual jihad requires significant devotion towards one s faith and relationship with God. Thus, individuals who engage in such a process may be more likely to make use of active positive religious coping methods when compared with individuals who may not necessarily approach life experiences from a spiritual jihad interpretive framework. The current study is a first attempt at measuring such a framework of cognitions. Spiritual Jihad: Implications for Virtues, Vices, and Well-Being Virtues. Spiritual jihad is not only intended to promote positive religious coping, but it is also intended to promote virtues and prevent vices. From an Islamic perspective, there are several overarching themes rooted in the Qur an and Sunnah of the Prophet that promote an active strive of bettering oneself in the path God through virtuous behavior. First, for the purpose of this study, the author will focus on patience, gratitude, and forgiveness. The author will briefly review each construct with an emphasis on psychological well-being. Second, the author will discuss the emphasis on spiritual jihad being a means to purify the self of sinful behavior. Patience. The cultivation of patience, referred to as sabr in Arabic, is an essential component in the active engagement of spiritual jihad. In the Islamic tradition, sabr can essentially be described as the restraining of oneself from wrongdoings, limiting

22 13 objections and complaints in the face of calamities, and putting all trust in God. One of the earliest examples of patience in Islamic history can be traced back to the time when the Prophet was being persecuted by the pagan Meccans of the time. During such times of hardship, the Qur anic verse And whoever is patient and forgives - indeed, that is of the matters [requiring] determination (42:42-43) was revealed to the Prophet. The verse encouraged Muslims to maintain a steadfastness approach and patiently endure the wrongdoings in a forgiving and non-combative manner (Afsaruddin, 2007). Similarly, the importance of being patient is also emphasized in the sayings of the Prophet. For example, he states, When you face them (i.e., your enemy) then be patient (Al-Bukhari, book 52, hadith 86). From a psychological perspective, approaching situations in a patient manner enhances resilience in times of hardship, thereby promoting better coping ability (Connor & Zhang, 2006). The act of being patient involves a proactive approach in reacting to negative emotions such as anger and frustration. Therefore, it may encourage a more nonhostile approach to life experiences, a positive perspective, and increased resilience in the face of adversity. Studies have linked patience with lower levels of depression, greater goal pursuit during times of distress, and greater well-being and positive emotion (Schnitker, 2012; Schnitker & Westbrook, 2014). Gratitude. Gratitude, referred to as shukr in Arabic, is an essential aspect of Islamic spirituality. Gratefulness towards God and other people is reflected through one s appreciation and acknowledgement of the surrounding blessings. Gratitude is a manner through which one remembers God and brings a religious perspective on life to conscious awareness, which is a vital component of spiritual jihad. Numerous themes of gratitude

23 14 can be found in the Qur an and hadith. For example, God instructs, So remember Me; I will remember you. And be grateful to Me and do not deny Me (2:152). A similar emphasis on gratitude is evident in such sayings of the Prophet: One who does not thank for the little does not thank for the abundant, and One who does not thank people does not thank God (Muslim, hadith 2734). Literature on the psychology of gratitude has considered gratitude to be a part of one s larger framework of life, one which fosters the noticing and appreciating the positive in the world (Wood, Froh, & Geraghty, 2010). Grateful individuals have been found to show lower levels of neuroticism and greater extroversion, agreeableness, openness, and conscientiousness (McCullough, Emmons, & Tsang, 2002). Moreover, gratitude has also been linked with less anger and hostility and with more warmth, altruism, and trust (Wood, Joseph, & Maltby, 2008) in addition to greater happiness and positive affect (e.g., Emmons & McCullough, 2003; Watkins, Woodward, Stone, & Kolts, 2003). Researchers have found that individuals who are more thankful are more likely to have lower levels of anxiety, depression, and drug abuse (Kendler et al., 2003). Notably, in the aftermath of traumatic experiences, studies have shown that engaging in gratitude predicts better life functioning, including post-traumatic growth (Fredrickson, Tugade, Waugh, & Larkin, 2003; Kashdan, Uswatte, & Julian, 2006). Forgiveness. The act of forgiving is an inevitable aspect of one s spiritual jihad and holds a distinguished place in Islamic theology. As humans are vulnerable to sins, mistakes, and transgressions, forgiveness promotes an opportunity for spiritual reformation. The act of forgiving fosters both one s relationship with God and with other humans. The Qur an highlights both God s forgiveness and the act of forgiving others, as

24 15 evident in the verse: And let not those of virtue among you and wealth swear not to give [aid] to their relatives and the needy and the emigrants for the cause of Allah, and let them pardon and overlook. Would you not like that Allah should forgive you? And Allah is Forgiving and Merciful (24:22). Similarly, the Prophet states, Be merciful to others and you will receive mercy. Forgive others and Allah will forgive you (Al- Tirmidhi, hadith 1934). Within psychology, forgiveness has been studied as a positive and prosocial response to transgressions (for reviews, see Fehr, Gelfand, & Nag, 2010; Riek & Mania, 2012; Worthington, 2005). Historically, researchers have found that individuals who tend to forgive others are more altruistic, caring, generous, and empathic (Ashton, Paunonen, Helmes, & Jackson, 1998). More recent studies show that people who forgive are more likely to be in relationships described as close, committed, and satisfactory (Tsang, McCullough, & Fincham, 2006). Furthermore, forgiving individuals report greater levels of positive emotion and life satisfaction (for a review, see Worthington, Witvliet, Pietrini, & Miller, 2007). Similarly, forgiveness has been linked to lower levels of depression (Freedman & Enright, 1996), anxiety, and unhealthy anger (Lin, Mack, Enright, Krahn, & Baskin, 2004). Unforgiveness, on the other hand, has been associated with rumination (McCullough, Bono, & Root, 2007) in addition to prolonged anger and distress (McCullough, Bellah, Kilpatrick, & Johnson, 2001; van Oyen Witvliet, Ludwig & Vander Laan, 2001), and may even have negative effects on one s physical health (for a review, see Worthington & Scherer, 2004). Vices. In addition to promoting virtuous behaviors, the greater jihad also fosters an active strife against the everyday malevolent temptations of the nafs as means towards

25 16 improving the self in the way of God. The individual must struggle to control one s sinful desires for the purpose of gaining God s sake and eternal Paradise as evident in the verse But as for he who feared the position of his Lord and prevented the soul from [unlawful] inclination, then indeed, Paradise will be [his] refuge (79:40-41). Such a strife can take form against the many evils the Qur an and Sunnah put forward. For example, the Qur an presents numerous verses on the consequences of exhibiting arrogance and pride such as And do not turn your cheek [in contempt] toward people and do not walk through the earth exultantly. Indeed, Allah does not like everyone self-deluded and boastful (31:18) and Assuredly, Allah knows what they conceal and what they declare. Indeed, He does not like the arrogant (16:23). Similarly, resisting one s lustful temptations is promoted among the Qur anic verses and the life of the Prophet. For example, the Qur an states Certainly will the believers have succeeded, they who during their prayer are humbly submissive, and who guard their private parts, except from their spouses or those their right hands possess, for indeed, they will not be blamed, but whoever seeks beyond that, then those are the transgressors (23:1-7), emphasizing the importance of refraining from forbidden sexual activity as part of one s successful submission to God. Other vices are also proclaimed against in the Qur an. For example, the verse So fear Allah as much as you are able and listen and obey and spend [in the way of Allah]; it is better for yourselves. And whoever is protected from the stinginess of his soul - it is those who will be the successful (64:16) highlights the strife to deter oneself from sinful traits such as greed and stinginess. Similarly, the saying of the Prophet Do not spy upon one another and do not feel envy with the other, and nurse no malice, and nurse no aversion and hostility

26 17 against one another. And be fellow-brothers and servants of Allah (Al-Bukhari, book 32, hadith 6214) discourages Muslims from vices such as envy and hatred. As part of a personal spiritual jihad, Muslims may engage in internally combating such evil tendencies with the goal of becoming a more devout Muslim. In sum, research suggests that religion and spirituality can often be sources of positive outcomes related to both mental and physical health. Nevertheless, more recent studies report that religion and spirituality can also be a source of struggle for many individuals. Much of the research on r/s struggles has found associations with negative outcomes of emotional distress such as anger, depression, anxiety, thoughts of suicide, lower life satisfaction and less happiness. Despite the connection between r/s struggles and distress, a small amount of literature also suggests that r/s struggles may promote growth. However, the current methods of examining the links between struggle and growth are limited in that there is an underlying assumption that struggles are negative in nature. Nonetheless, individuals may intentionally embrace the experience of struggle for a greater purpose. Thus, there is a need to measure struggles through a growth-oriented lens. The phenomenon of struggling for growth purposes is one that is eminent throughout Islamic spirituality, discussed as spiritual jihad. Spiritual jihad is considered an essential component of spiritual growth (al- Ghazali, 1982; al-bursawi, 1990). It requires a constant and conscious struggle against one s nafs with the aim of developing a close relationship with God and becoming a more devout Muslim. The process of spiritual jihad involves attributing wrongdoings to the nafs, and a cognitive and behavioral aspect in approaching life experiences as it promotes Muslims to make meaning of negative life experiences and cope in a proactive manner.

27 18 Hence, spiritual jihad provides a framework for understanding, interpreting, and engaging with life experiences. Such an approach has implications for being the underlying mechanism for psychological wellbeing and virtuous behavior for Muslims who view Islamic spirituality as a salient part of life experiences. The Present Study Currently, there is a gap in the literature that looks at the role Islamic spirituality plays in psychological well-being. In addition, many measures on religion and spirituality have not been validated or modified with Muslim samples in the United States. Furthermore, many religious coping measures have specifically examined methods that are applicable primarily to Judeo-Christian Americans. Thus, no study to date has investigated the process by which spiritual jihad may result in growth and well-being among U.S. Muslims. The current study defines growth as perceived spiritual and posttraumatic growth. The aim of this study was to investigate the outcomes associated with moral struggles that are endorsed by Muslims with a spiritual jihad mindset. Such an empirical investigation is important not only because it promotes a better understanding of principles regarding Islamic spirituality and ways in which people can perceive growth from struggle, but because it also promotes a better understanding of Muslim clients from a diversity perspective in the clinical setting. Hypotheses Hypotheses Set (1): Spiritual Jihad, Perceived Closeness with God, and Islamic Religiousness.

28 19 Muslims endorsing a stronger relationship with God and higher levels of religiosity will report higher levels of approaching struggles with a spiritual jihad interpretive framework (Figure 1). Hypotheses Set (2): Spiritual Jihad, Religious Coping, Struggle Engagement Muslims who endorse higher levels of approaching a specific struggle with a spiritual jihad interpretive framework will be more likely to engage in positive religious coping in the form of Benevolent Religious Appraisal, Active Religious Surrender, Seeking Spiritual Support, Religious Focus, Religious Purification, Spiritual Connection, and Religious Forgiving. On the other hand, Muslims who report lower levels of approaching struggles with a spiritual jihad mindset will be less likely to engage in positive religious coping methods. In addition, a spiritual jihad mindset will be related to a greater engagement with the struggle among Muslims (Figure 2). Hypotheses Set (3): Spiritual Jihad, Growth, and Decline A spiritual jihad interpretive framework will have a positive correlation with growth outcomes (Figure 3). Growth in this study was framed in terms of both spiritual and posttraumatic growth. It is also hypothesized that a spiritual jihad approach towards an experienced struggle will negatively correlate with personal spiritual decline as a spiritual jihad mindset is thought to bolster one s spirituality (Figure 5). Hypotheses Set (4): Spiritual Jihad, Psychological Well-Being, and Life Satisfaction. Muslims who endorse higher levels of approaching struggles with a spiritual jihad interpretive framework will report lower levels of psychological symptoms of distress, namely depression and anxiety (Figure 5) and greater levels of life satisfaction (Figure 3). Hypotheses Set (5): Spiritual Jihad and Religious/Spiritual Struggles

29 20 Greater levels of incorporating a spiritual jihad mindset will be associated with lower levels of general religious and spiritual struggles (Figure 5). Engaging in spiritual jihad is anticipated to exist among those with greater devotion towards God, thereby buffering against the typical r/s struggles experienced by the general population. Hypotheses Set (6): Spiritual Jihad, Virtues, and Vices Muslims who endorse higher levels of approaching struggles with a spiritual jihad interpretive framework will report greater levels of virtuous behaviors, specifically patience, forgiveness, and gratitude (Figure 3). Along similar lines, these individuals will be less likely to engage in vices, as a spiritual jihad mindset will promote a strife against sinful temptations (Figure 4). Participants and Procedure Method Participants were derived from two samples. The first sample was comprised of an adult Muslim sample (N= 280) obtained from Amazon s Mechanical Turk (MTurk) website. The second sample was comprised of an adult Muslim community sample (N= 74). Table 2 displays the demographics for the participants in both samples. The researcher contacted Muslim leaders throughout the United States (Appendix R) via in order to recruit for the current study. All participants completed a battery of questionnaires assessing predictor and outcome variables related to spiritual jihad. Participants read the consent form prior to initiating the questionnaires and received a small monetary award for their participation (MTurk participants: $3; Community participants: $10). Measures

30 21 Descriptive statistics (frequencies, M, SD, Range, alpha) for all main study measures can be found in Tables 1-4. Spiritual jihad mindset. A 16-item measure was developed by the author for this study in order to examine the extent to which participants endorse a spiritual jihad interpretive framework in the face of a specific event. Items were sent to experts in the field of Islamic spirituality in order to develop content validity. Participants were instructed to rate each item on a 7-point scale (1= strongly disagree, 7= strongly agree ) pertaining to how they viewed a specific moral struggle they recently encountered. Sample items of the measure included It is a test that will make me closer to God and It is a desire of my nafs that I must work against. Reverse items were also included in the measure to address issues of response biases such as I believe this struggle is ultimately weakening my faith and Allah plays no role in my struggle. An overall average score was obtained from participants responses, and higher scores on the measure indicated a greater incorporation of a spiritual jihad mindset. Factor analysis was conducted to evaluate the structure of the measure, as described in the results section. The current study provided initial tests of reliability and validity of the new measure. Religious coping and struggle engagement. Religious coping was measured with select subscales from the Religious Coping Questionnaire (RCOPE) developed by Pargament, Koenig, and Perez (2000). The RCOPE consisted of subscales assessing coping responses to stressful experiences within a religious context. The Benevolent Religious Appraisal subscale (e.g., Thought the event might bring me closer to God ) examines the redefinition of stressors through religion as a benevolent and possibly beneficial experience. The Active Religious Surrender subscale (e.g., Did my best and

31 22 turned the situation over to God ) examines giving up control over to God as a method of coping. The Seeking Spiritual Support subscale (e.g., Looked to God for strength, support, and guidance ) examines looking for assurance and comfort through God s love and care. The Religious Focus subscale (e.g., Prayed to get my mind off problems ) looks at the engagement in religious activities as a way to shift focus from the stressor. The Religious Purification subscale (e.g., Asked forgiveness for my sins ) measures spiritual cleansing through religious efforts. The Spiritual Connection subscale (e.g., Looked for a stronger connection with God ) looks at forming a connection with the transcendent as way of responding with stressors. The Religious Forgiving subscale (e.g., Sought help from God in letting go of my anger ) examines participants using religion to shift feelings of anger, hurt, and fear. Participants average score was calculated from each subscale. Subscale scores and a total average score were examined. Reliability estimates for the RCOPE have demonstrated good internal consistency, with alpha being.80 or greater for the subscales employed in the current study (Pargament et al., 2000). In regards to their mentioned struggle, participants were also asked to rate their engagement their struggle (i.e., How much effort have you used in trying to work through the struggle you have mentioned? ) using a 5-point rating scale ranging from 1 ( None/ not at all ) to 5 ( A lot ). A total sum score was calculated. Islamic religiousness. Islamic religiousness was measured with the five Islamic Dimensions subscales of the Psychological Measure of Islamic Religiousness (PMIR; Abu-Raiya et al., 2008). The Beliefs Dimension (e.g., I believe in the Day of Judgment ) subscale looks at one s belief in the pillars of faith such as the existence of Allah and the sacred texts on a 3-point scale (0= no,1= somewhat, 2= yes ). The subscale has

32 23 demonstrated high internal consistency (α=.97). The Practices Dimension subscale (e.g., How often do you fast? ) examines engagement with Islamic religious practices. One gender-specific item (i.e., hijab) was omitted from the current study. With the omitted item, the subscale has demonstrated high internal consistency (α=.92). Participants were asked to respond on a 6-point scale, with larger numbers indicating greater engagement in religious practices. The Ethical Conduct-Do Dimension (e.g., Islam is the major reason why I honor my parents ) measures practices that are encouraged in Islam. Items were answered via a 5-point scale ranging from 1 ( strongly disagree ) to 5 ( strongly agree ). The items have demonstrated high internal consistency (α=.95). The Ethical Conduct-Do Not Dimension (e.g., Islam is the major reason why I do not drink alcohol ) subscale looks at practices that are discouraged in Islam. Items have revealed a high internal consistency (α=.96). Participants responded on a 5-point scale ranging from 1( strongly disagree ) to 5 ( strongly agree ). Finally, the Islamic Universality Dimension ( e.g., I identify with the suffering of every Muslim in the world ) subscale measures the degree to which Muslims consider other Muslims as their brother and sister by responding on a 5-point scale ranging from 1 ( strongly disagree ) to 5 ( strongly agree ). The subscale has revealed high internal consistency (α=.91) (Abu-Raiya et al., 2008). An average score was obtained from each subscale, in addition to a total average score in order to measure overall levels of Islamic religiousness. Closeness with God. Closeness with God was measured with the Daily Spiritual Experiences Scale (DSES; Underwood & Teresi, 2002). The DSES examines spiritual experiences such as a perceived connection with the transcendent. The measure is comprised of 16 items. The response items for the first 15 items were presented in the