4:1. Allama Iqbal and his Early Views

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1 I n the previous chapter response of Muslim scholars to nationalism and their adaptative attitude was discussed in detail. This is not, however, the case with all the Muslim scholars of the early 20 th century. On the contrary, there were many others who refuted nationalism as a political ideology. They are in favour of looking beyond it to form a cult that values the people in terms of their adherence to universal ethic and brotherhood. The present chapter attempts to approach such scholars and focuses mainly on Allama Iqbal and Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi s attitudes towards it. 4:1. Allama Iqbal and his Early Views It is a fact that in the wake of spread of nationalist philosophy and nationalist movements in the modern India a diverse influence and impact got witnessed simultaneously. Many Muslims became the part of nationalist movements yet many became not only indifferent to them but criticized their philosophy which to them is more or less the outcome of western materialist culture and sticking to narrow terrorialism. Among them Allama Iqbal and Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala figure prominently. Some have attributed the early life of Allama Iqbal to his adherence to nationalism 1. No doubt, he had a great love for Islam and 111

2 Muslims all over the world yet in the earlier phase of his poetry, he appears to be a nationalistic and patriotic Indian poet. He tried to instill in the minds of his readers the pride that they should feel for their glorious past. He reminded Indians that they were inheritors of a great culture which had outlived many other civilizations in history 2. In his famous verse mentions he its glory: The civilization of Greece, Egypt and Rome have gone to oblivion, but we are the fortunate ones to have survived till now 3. Prior to his departure for Europe in 1905, Iqbal s poems were mostly tinged with the sentiment of nationalism. One of the longest poems of that period is Tasweer-i-Dard (The Picture of Sorrow) which was read by Iqbal in March 1899, at a meeting of the Anjuman Himayati-Islam, Lahore. In this poem, Iqbal lamented over the internal differences and dissensions which were deeply and rapidly prevailing in his country. Most of the poems of his period eloquently speak of his love for India and its people, flora and fauna. Nationalism occupies the central place in his mind, and religion is mentioned as a decisive factor in the building of a nation. Motherland forms the centre of his affection and loyalty. His deep sense of emotional attachment to his country is well reflected in another poem entitled Naya Shiwala (The New Temple). In this poem, the poet-philosopher has dreamed of constructing a new temple in his motherland, India, where love will reign supreme and 112

3 where the image of India will be worshipped 4. Addressing the Brahmins of his country, Iqbal says: Do you think as god, the idols of stones for me, there is deity in every particle of country s dust 5. The most famous and popular of such poems, however are: Hindustani Bachon ka Qaumi Geet (The National Song of the Indian Children) and Tarana-i-Hind (The National Anthem of India) in which Iqbal s nationalistic fervours has reached the highest peak. In his Hindustani Bachon ka Geet, the poet makes the Indian children say: India is my country, Whose glory has been enchanted by Guru Nanak, Chisti (Khwaja Moinud Din Chisti of Ajmer), Gautam Buddha and Lord Krishna, Where they preached their message of unity. 113

4 The children sing a chorus:- That is my country, that is my country 6. The another verse also collaborate to this idea of nationalism: Of all the world, India is the best. We are its nightingales, it is our garden 7. All these three poems were written before In 1905, Iqbal went to Europe for higher studies and this proved a turning point in his career in more ways than one. Where he looked into the heart of Europe and found it diseased 8. 4:2. Refutation of Nationalism in Iqbal In Europe ( ), Iqbal had a full view of nationalism, its motives and results. There he saw how it had destroyed the idea of universal brotherhood, how it had created artificial barriers between man and man, and between nation and nation: and how it had seen the seed of international discord. Moreover, he had also become conscious of the dangerous consequences of the Western nationalism. He was dead sure that the spread of this idea was bound to divide the Muslim world into various camps. The fears of Iqbal were vindicated very soon when during the First World War a section of Muslims in the Arab world collaborated with the British in conspiracy against the Turks in the Balkan war. For, now their love for nation had made them abandon their past line of 114

5 thinking that they should remain loyal to the Ottoman Empire, because it was an Islamic state. On the contrary, the Ottoman Empire appeared to many of the Arabs as detestable foreign domination 9. In this context, what Iqbal spoke of the Western concept of nationalism is worth mentioning: I have been repudiating the concept of nationalism since the time when it was not known in India and the Muslims world. At the very start, it had become clear to me from the writings of the European authors that the imperialistic designs of Europe were in great need of this effective weapon the propagation of the European conception of nationalism in Muslim countries to shatter the religious unity of Islam to pieces 10. However, it must be noted that Iqbal never confused between patriotism and nationalism. He had drawn a clear line of demarcation between the two, and while he rejected nationalism of the Western type, he had nothing but respect for patriotism. Iqbal made this point clear again and again by stressing that his opposition to nationalism should not be misconstrued as opposite to patriotism. Patriotism, in the sense of one s love for one s country and even readiness to die for its honour is a part of the Muslim s faith 11. After his return from Europe in 1908, it is argued that Iqbal developed a highly emotional and anti-national trend of thinking 12. Iqbal preached pan-islamism on the lines of Jamal al-din Afghani the late 19 th century outstanding thinker of Muslim world, saw that the international affairs were fraught with frightful danger. He said that Europe was then 115

6 perched on the mouth of a volcano which could bring destruction to the entire civilized world 13. In the poem Shikwa and Jawab-e-Shikwa (The Complaint and Reply to the Complaint) Iqbal s stand against nationalism is largely a reaction against the events of the Balkan ( ) and the Tripoli (Libya) Wars in He held that the survival of the Muslim world depended on the unity of the Muslim world depended on the unity of the Islamic countries which nationalism was seeking to strike into pieces. He reminded the Muslim community that the future of Islam is not bound up with the survival of destruction of any particular Muslim nation, but on the unity of faith and the idea of universal human brotherhood 14. Iqbal s growing dissatisfaction against nationalism is well-expressed in his poem Watniyat (Nationalism): Of these new gods, the biggest is the Nation, What its garment is, is the coffin of religion. 116

7 The rivalry of nations is due to this, The subjugation through commerce is due to this. If politics is devoid of truth, it is because of this, If the home of the weak is ruined, it is because of this. It is this which divide the creatures of God into nation; It is this which strikes at the root of the nationality of Islam 15. Thus Iqbal began to develop his own philosophy of life by rediscovering the validity of the principles of Islam for his age. Nationalism was diametrically opposed to this philosophy of life and became a target of his attack. Not only was it opposed to the universal outlook of Islam but was also being used by the European imperialists as a weapon against the Islamic unity in the Muslim world 16. Iqbal now critically surveyed his own past and found there something to reverse. Thus for the Tarana-i-Hindi he wrote his Tarana-i- Milli (The Anthem of Muslim Ummah): Ours is China and Arabia, and India is ours; We are Muslims so the whole world is ours 17. And in place of the deification of the dust particles of his homeland, he now called upon Muslims to shatter the ideal of nationalism and mingle it with dust 18. He, however, was not opposed to that type of nationalism which has all the potentialities of uniting the people of a particular country for the achievement of freedom. This, according to him, was not 117

8 inconsistent with the spirit of Islam. But what could more effectively unite the people is religion and not nationalism 19. One of the reasons for Iqbal s opposition to nationalism was his philosophy of history. History is made by the individuals whose personality is determined by faith. Iqbal fully knew the contribution made by Islam towards the enrichment of human civilization. Islam has always been a civilizing force. It is not yet spent up but he always insisted that Islam should be viewed as a way of life. It is not an abstract theory. Iqbal was alive to the danger in the modern world which aims at de-islamization of the Muslims. One such great danger was nationalism At the present moment the national idea is racializing the outlook of Muslims and thus materially counteracting the humanizing work of Islam and the growth of racial consciousness may mean the growth of standards different and even opposite to the stand of Islam. Iqbal did not only attack the western nationalism but was also afraid of its growth in India. He started with the premises that India is not a nation. Firstly, since the Muslims are in a minority, Islam and Nationalism are not identical in those countries where the Muslims are in majority, Islam has accommodated nationalism 20. In other words Millat or Ummat embraces nations but cannot be merged in them. He believed that the Muslims are bound together not by racial, linguistic or geographical ties but by their communal brotherhood 21. In 1909, he was invited to Amritsar to attend a meeting of Minerva Lodge, which was a cosmopolitan organization with membership open to the Muslims and the 118

9 Hindus. Iqbal politely declined the invitation and in the course of the correspondence, which ensued, he wrote on 28 March 1909: I have myself been of the view that religious differences should disappear from this country, and even now act on his principle, in my private life. But now I think that the preservation of their separate national entities is desirable for both the Hindus and the Muslims. The vision of a common nationhood for India is a beautiful ideal, and has a poetic appeal, but looking to the present conditions and the unconscious trends of the two communities, appears incapable of fulfillment 22. Iqbal thus holds that India is not a single nation 23 but it does not mean that Iqbal was not in favour of united India. A united India, he said, would have to be built on the foundation of concrete facts, i.e., this distinct existence of more than one people in the country, the sooner Indian leaders forget the idea of a unitary Indian nation based on something like a biological fusion of the communities, the better for all concern 24. Even in 1909, he had come to the conclusion that present condition did not hold out any promise for the crystallization of the idea of one nation with a common culture. His insistence on the maintenance of the distinct communities by recognizing them as separate entities gave rise to what is described as Muslim Nationalism. This has also directly or indirectly made him the father of the idea of Pakistan. There is a feeling that Muslim League carried Iqbal s concept of Muslim nationalism to its logical end but this does not appear to be valid. Firstly, Iqbal never thought of partitioning the country, the politics especially in the Punjab 119

10 and generally in India, the mergence of Hindu militant groups, communal rights, general conditions of Muslims and lack of discipline and organization amongst them led him to remark that the problem in India is international and not national. He also suggested the idea of a separate Muslim state in the north. In his presidential address to the Muslim League in 1928, he was in favour of the forming a state within a state, and not for an altogether separate state. No question of partition was involved probably he would have been satisfied with the establishment of a true federation in which full internal autonomy is guaranteed to the constituent units 25. Iqbal is generally credited with initiating the idea of separatism. There were people before him who advocated partition, but Iqbal was the first important public figure to propound the idea from the platform of the Muslim League. In his presidential address to the League s Annual Session at Allahabad, in 1930, Iqbal discussed the problem of India at length 26 Communalism is higher aspect then is indispensable to the formulation of a harmonous whole in a country like India. The units of Indian society are not territorial as in European countries. India is a continent of human groups belonging to different races, speaking different languages and professing different religions. Their behaviour is not all determined by a common raceconsciousness. Even the Hindus do not form a homogenous group. The principle of European democracy cannot be applied to India without recognizing the fact of communal groups. The Muslim demand for the creation of a Muslim India within India is 120

11 therefore, perfectly justified. The resolution of the all parties Muslim conference at Delhi is to my mind wholly inspired by this noble ideal of a harmonious whole which, instead of stifling the respective individualities of its component holes, affords them chances of fully working out the possibilities that may be latent in them and I have not doubt that this house will emphatically endorse the Muslim demands embodied in this resolution. Personally I would go further than the demands embodied in it. I would like to see the Punjab, the North-West Frontier Province, Sind and Balochistan amalgamated into a single state. Self-government within the British Empire or without the British Empire, the formation of a consolidated North-West Indian Muslim state appears to be the final destiny of the Muslims at least of North-West India 27. In 1937, Iqbal suggested that in order that Muslims in modern India could solve their problems it would be necessary to redistribution the country and to provide one or more Muslim states with absolute majorities 28. For Iqbal, then, the Muslims and their culture are indispensable for the world. He did not like that the Muslims should be sub-divided into mutually antagonistic nations; Nationalism for him became a bane to Muslim unity. Medieval Europe, under the Catholic Popes, remained one single entity known as Christendom, but it declined with splits in the church and growth of the territorial nationalism, Europe rejected religion and assumed a secular outlook. Territorial nationalism, among the 121

12 Muslims, had already played havoc to the unity of the Muslims to such an extent that many of the independent Muslim countries had lost their liberty. The western intellectuals, including social scientists, anthropologists and historians were advancing the theory of cultural areas on the basis of geography. Thus, territorial nationalism and the theory of cultural areas were complementary aspects of the same idea, which if accepted by Muslim thinkers, would have led the Muslims on the path of further fragmentation. Iqbal strove hard to reject this idea of culture which keeps a geographical area separate from other areas; He did not believe that one common language is a prerequisite of culture, and his own writings in Urdu, English and Persian are as attempt to transcend the limits of mono-lingualism and mono-culturalism, so that his audience, wherever they may be and whatever language they may speak, know the spirit of his message. For Iqbal, Muslims were in need of a culture which could unite them and cement their energies into one indivisible whole. This could be provided only by the two basic ideas of Islamic faith Unity of God and Finality of the Prophethood. If Muslims had firm faith in these basic ideas, their institutions, codes and customs as well as the works of art could be shaped distinctively and uniformly. Iqbal had firm conviction that only by reverting to our pristine and glorious spiritual sources could Muslims can promote universal humanity non Muslim forces in the world. His own poetry was an effort to awaken the dormant consciousness of Muslims and to strengthen their belief in Islam

13 Thus, Iqbal, an outstanding Muslim scholar of India, although had some nationalist tendencies in his early stage which are depicted in his poems of that period. Yet very soon he came to know its weaknesses. His love for India and its people, its flora and fauna, its glorious past, pride to be a part of his nation, India clearly indicates that he was a nationalist. It was his visit to Europe that changed his mind where he got a full view of nationalism, its motives and results. There he discovered how it had destroyed the idea of universal brotherhood, and created artificial barriers between man and man. So he amplified that no nation or even obtaining the freedom cannot bear the fruits in nurturing this narrow political ideology. No doubt, he tried to find the solution of the Indian predicament of nationalism and suggested the idea of Muslim state for realizing its cultured goals. At the same time, he was searching for the social order for humanity that could rise above the barriers of race, colour and region and that is found in the system of Islam. 4:3. Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi s Response Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi ( ), also falls in the category of those who refute nationalist ideology in India. He is regarded as great scholar and thinker of Islam who wrote about a hundred books on the various themes of Islamic thought including political themes. He also founded a movement called Jamat-i-Islami in 1941 which is spread now in the whole sub-continent. His views about nationalism are elaborated in his Maslah Qawmiyat, Musalman aur Mujuda Siyasi Kashmakash and Tafhimat, specifically rejected nationalism because in 123

14 his view it would lead to the predominance of wrong influences. Even a cursory glance at the meaning and essence of nationalism, he wrote, was enough to reveal that Islam and nationalism were poles apart, and that the Muslim s loyalty, which is religious, cannot be given to an entity such as the nation. For these reasons, Muslims should become better Muslims, and cast off any Indian, Western or secularist influences 30. Mawdudi does not regard nationalism a sentiment or a subjective feeling which produces unity of purpose. According to him the theory and practice of nationalism is not only defective but fatal to the interests of mankind as it is based on selfishness, What is selfishness in individual life is nationalism in social life 31. Mawdudi held that there are four ingredients of nationalism. i) The sentiment of national pride. It compels a nation to exalt itself over-all other nations in every respect; ii) the sentiment of national consciousness. It obliges man to support his nation whether it stands for right or wrong; iii) the sentiment of self-preservation. It protects its actual and visionary interests, compels every nation to adopt tactics which commencing with self-defence end in invasion; and iv) the sentiment of national prestige and national aggrandizement which produces in every progressive and powerful nation the assertion that it should dominate over the nations of the earth 32. Thus the basic elements of nationalism are national consciousness and pride, national self-preservation and aggrandizement. It treats man not as a part of humanity but as a member of a particular country set against other countries. It necessarily leads to the division of mankind on 124

15 considerations of race and territory and is nurtured on the sentiments of hostility and revenge 33. This nationalism means not only that a person should love his nation and wish to be free, happy and progress. If it were so it would be a noble sentiment. It is, in fact generated and nurtured by the sentiments of hostility, hatred and revenge rather than by those of love. The spirit of its inception is that fire which is enkindled in the hearts of men by trampled national ambitions and the injured sentiments of a nation. And this fire, this stupid national love inflates the noble sentiment of patriotism so much so that it becomes ignoble and ugly. Apparently it rises to redress the injustices inflicted or supposed to have been inflicted on the nation by another nation or nations, but since it is not guided and regulated by any moral code, by any spiritual teaching, by any God-made law, it exceeds its limits and assumes the forms of imperialism, economic nationalism, racial hatred, war and international anarchy 34. Therefore, if Muslim is one who upholds the Islamic ideology in every concern of life, and if the word Muslim does not mean any thing else, it follows automatically that a Muslim, wherever and in whatever condition he happens to be, must fight against nationalism. This principle having been accepted, it becomes futile to think what part Muslims should play in the nationalistic movement of this or that country. But when Muslims of India are told that nationalism should be encouraged in India and that the salvation of India lies in the progress of this thing. They themselves feel ourselves obliged to consider the special condition prevailing in India and examine as to what is, or what would be, the 125

16 ultimate end of the progress of nationalism in this land, and determine whether the salvation of India really lies in this procedure 35. Mawdudi s rejection of nationalism is on special grounds and he makes a strong plea for the acceptance of Islam as the only alternative to it. Islam and nationalism are diametrically opposed to each other 36. Those who accept the principles of Islam are not divided by any distinction of nationality or race or class of country 37. Islam makes appeal to mankind in general and dissociates men from their love of sanguinary and material affinities 38. To Mawdudi, A man who wants to be loyal to Islam, as well as nationalism only betrays confusion of mind and looseness of thinking 39. According to Maulana Mawdudi, there are two types of nationalism in Muslims. One is nationalist Muslim and another is Muslim nationalist. But Islam does not allow any nation worship so both of them are mislead. He says: Apparently this combination of the words Muslim we find two kinds of nationalists: the Nationalist Muslims, namely those who in spite of their being Muslims believe in Indian nationalism and worship it; and the Muslim nationalists, namely those people who are little concerned with Islam and its principles and aims, but are concerned with the individuality and the political and economic interests of the nation which has come to exist by one name of Muslim, and they are so concerned only because of their accidence of birth in that nation. From the Islamic view-point both these types of nationalists are equally misled, for Islam enjoins faith in truth only; it does not permit 126

17 any kind of nation-worshipping at all. But unfortunately both these types of nationalists are ignorant of their un-islamic position. Particularly the second type of people are today vaunting loudly that they are the champions of Islam in India, although their position is hardly different from that of the Hindu nationalists. A Hindu nationalist, because he is born in the Hindu nation, endeavors to enhance the cause of those who are Hindus, and those Muslim, nationalists, because they are born in a nation which is called Muslim, want to exalt those who are connected with this nation. Neither of the two comes forward with a moral end or which a creed that is supported by universal principles. As the Hindu would be satisfied in his own case, so these people would be fully satisfied if Muslims were to rule supreme they would little mind if they had established their government on un- Islamic foundations, and if their behavior and procedure did not differ, in the least, from those of non Muslims 40. Nationalism has made life of man miserable but there are still some Muslims in India who support and recommend to adopt European conception of nationalism. Maulana Mawdudi says in this connection that: The most important philosophy of life that is today governing not only India but the entire world is the philosophy of Nationalism. This unfortunate passion of nations has made the life of man miserable on this planet. The strangest thing is that even Muslims, who by the very nature of their creed ought to have been free of this bias, have succumbed to it. 127

18 There is a notable section of Muslims in this country which vehemently recommends the adoption of European conception of nationalism for the following reasons: 1. The whole earth has been conquered by the Western philosophy of life, therefore, if we want to exist we must submit to it. 2. In ancient times our country enjoyed a great reputation among the nations of the world. In order to regain that past glory we must enhance and establish our prestige among the nations of today. And this prestige we can establish only by aping Europe 41. Maulana Mawdudi is of this thought that it is only Islam which can solve the problem of nationalism. The Shariats of God are represented only by the Muslims in this world 42. Only Islam can do away with the Devil of Nationalism and its Satanic principles. The Islamic solution is the Islamic Nationalism which is based on Kalima there is no god but one God and Muhammad (SAAS) is His Prophet. Maulana said that acceptance of this tenet brings about unity and rejection results in disunity 43. Maulana Mawdudi was aware of the popularity of the doctrine of nationalism with the Indian people irrespective of religion. He regarded it as an imitation of the western doctrine of nationalism. It is adopted not on account of its inherent righteousness and truth or its moral worth and propriety but on account of pure expediency and utility 44. The nationalists who are fighting against the British Raj are not on the right path as expounded by Islam 45. What is needed according to him is righteousness 128

19 of viewpoint which is wanting in the nationalists. What matters is not independence but the object of independence. If the object is not Islamic all fight against the British rule is haram (religiously illegal) 46. The nationalists in India claimed that British rule would be replaced by a democratic system which was not un-islamic but anti-islamic 47. According to Mawdudi, the nationalists are not in a position to examine the question of nationalism dispassionately because they do not possess true insight and are unable to be free from their mental slavery from the west. Mawdudi believed, that nationalism will not lead to the salvation but to the ruin of the country. First, because to achieve freedom by this means would be a long and tiresome business ; it will mean the destruction of cultural nationality and its getting enkindled into nationalism 48. If the attainment of political liberty depends on nationalism, India will have to wait for several generations more. Secondly, freedom through nationalism would ultimately hurl down the whole country into the inferno of moral degeneration 49. Thirdly, all those nations which have the least consciousness of their individuality would certainly resist this nation-making most stubbornly and the dream of political independence may never be realized. Mawdudi, therefore, concluded that for liberty and political and economic progress of India, national unity and nationalism are in the least essential 50. Maulana Mawdudi was opposite to Indian nationalism because of its communist and Western character. Moreover, he thought that nationalism of Congress was merely political nationalism, and a reaction to alien domination. He held that it is not sufficient to originate the 129

20 sentiment of nationalism. What is needed is cultural nationalism which will give birth to genuine nationalism. The Indian people do not constitute a cultural nationality which signifies the mental temperament and moral constitution of a nation. It is not an artificial product but evolves through centuries in a natural order. In India it will lead either to the absorption of one culture by another or to the evolution of a common culture which would deny the identity of both 51. The nature of these differences between the various communities in India is not communal but international 52, which implies that the Hindus and Muslims are two different nations. Moreover, the movement of independence of the country aims at the establishment of Hindu Raj under the Britishers. Mawdudi, therefore suggested that the solution of the Indian problem is not to be sought in the unitary principle but in the federal principle. The permanent status and the individuality of every nation should be recognized; every one of them should be allowed autonomous and sovereign control over its national subjects and the different nations should agree upon a joint action only in so far as the common interests of the country are concerned 53. The Muslims were creating political nationalism out of cultural nationality which according to Mawdudi is not opposed to Islam and stands for the maintenance of its individuality 54. The League leaders who claimed to be Muslims argued that Muslim cultural nationality could not be secure in India where the domination of the Hindu majority is inescapable. The interests of Islam and cultural nationalism therefore made the creation of Pakistan imperative. The Muslim League was 130

21 inimical to Indian nationalism which it regarded as tainted by Hindu revivalism. Mawdudi despised both Indian nationalism as well as Muslim nationalism. According to Mawdudi, the Muslim nationalists are those people who are little concerned with Islam and its principles and aims, but are concerned with the individuality and the political and economic interests of that nation which has come to exist by the name of Muslim and they are so concerned only because of the accident of their birth in that community 55. Indian nationalism and Muslim nationalism are both un-islamic. Muslim nationalism is as vicious as Indian nationalism 56. The Muslims have accepted nationalism because of their basic weaknesses. They are unaware of Islamic culture and its characteristics 57. Secondly, they are disintegrated and disorganized 58. Thirdly, poverty, ignorance and slavery have made them opportunist 59. Fourthly, Muslim society contains a large number of munafiqin 60 (not true followers of faith). Their soulless religiosity has deprived the Shari ah of all flexibility 61. Maulana Mawdudi considered Muslim nationalism as a consequence of the ignorance of Islam. To him, the considerations of minority and majority are absurd. There was a time when the Prophet Muhammad (SAAS) was in the minority in population. 62 Islamic society does not rely on the strength of population but on the strength of faith. The demand of national government, protection of fundamental rights, national independence, opposition to imperialism are all the vices of sheep and not the virtues of a lion who is entitled to govern 63. For the achievement of the goal of a world state, Islam acts not only as a mere religion but as a movement, for a nation represents the settled goal of a 131

22 people while the idea of a world state calls for infinite efforts and expansion 64. He looked upon Islam as not merely a faith but as a system which has provided mankind with set answers to all its problem 65. Thus, Maulana Mawdudi was of this thought that Islam and nationalism are poles apart. Islam is a religion which gives great importance to human brotherhood while as nationalism divided mankind in different groups and sects. 132

23 References 1. S. M. Ikram, Modern India and the Birth of Pakistan, Institute of Islamic Culture, Lahore, Pakistan, 1997, p A. R. Anjum, Iqbal and Muslim Culture, Bazm-i-Iqbal, Lahore, 1985, p Allama Iqbal, Kulliyat-i-Iqbal, (Urdu), Markaz-i-Maktaba Islami Publications, Delhi, 1999, p Dr. Abdul Aleem Hilal, Social Philosophy of Sir Muhammad Iqbal, Adam Publishes and Distributors, Delhi, 1995, p Allama Iqbal, op. cit., p Ibid., p Ibid., p G. R. Malik, The Bloody Horizon, A Study of Iqbal s response to the West, Iqbal Academy, Srinagar, 1990, p Dr. Abdul Aleem Hilal, op. cit., pp Shamloo, Speeches and Statements of Iqbal, Al-Minar Academy, Lahore, 1948, p Dr. Abdul Aleem Hilal, op. cit.,p Ibid., p Idem. 14. Shahid Muhammad Haneef, ed., Tributes to Iqbal, Sangemeel Publications, Lahore, 1977, p Allama Iqbal, op. cit.,p Moin Shakir, Khilafat to Partition, Ajanta Publications, Delhi, 1983, p Allama Iqbal, op. cit.,p Moin Shakir, loc. cit. 19. Shamloo, op.cit., p Ibid., p Moin Shakir, op.cit., pp S. M. Ikram, op.cit., p Moin Shakir, op. cit., p Idem. 25. Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Struggle for Pakistan, University of Karachi, Pakistan, 1987, p F. K. Khan Durrani, op. cit.,pp

24 27. Lawrence Ziring, Ralph Braibanti and W. Howard, ed(s), Pakistan: The Long View, Duke University Press, Durham, 1977, pp N. Jayapalan, Indian Political Thinkers, Modern Indian Political Thought, Atlantic Publishers and Distributors New Delhi, 2000, p A. R. Anjum, op. cit., pp Mushirul Hasan, Legacy of a Divided Nation, India s Muslims Since Independence, Oxford University Press, Delhi, 1997, p Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi, Nationalism and India, Markazi Maktaba Islami, Delhi, 1993, p Ibid., p Ibid., p Idem. 35. Ibid., p Ibid., p Idem. 38. Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., pp Ibid., p Muhammad Sarwar, Maulana Mawdudi ki Tahriki Islami (Urdu), Lahore, 1956, p Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi, Nationalism and India, op. cit., p Maulana Sayyid Abu Ala Mawdudi, Musalman aur Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash, Vol. I, Hyderabad, 1948, p Idem. 47. Maulana Sayyid Abu Ala Mawdudi, Musalman aur Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash, op. cit., p Moin Shakir, op. cit., pp Ibid., p Idem. 51. Ibid., p Maulana Sayyid Abu Ala Mawdudi, Musalman aur Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash, op. cit., p Moin Shakir, loc. cit. 54. Ibid., p Maulana Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi, Nationalism and India, op.cit., p

25 56. Maulana Sayyid Abu Ala Mawdudi, Musalman aur Maujuda Siyasi Kashmakash, op. cit., p Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., p Ibid., Vol. III, p Ibid., p Ibid., p Moin Shakir, op. cit., pp Ibid., p ` 135

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