Journal of Rural Studies

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1 Journal of Rural Studies 28 (2012) 528e537 Contents lists available at SciVerse ScienceDirect Journal of Rural Studies journal homepage: The growth of halal meat markets in Europe: An exploration of the supply side theory of religion John Lever *, Mara Miele 1 School of City and Regional Planning, Glamorgan Building, King Edward VII Avenue, Cardiff, Wales CF10 3WA, UK abstract Keywords: Animal welfare Halal meat markets Religious slaughter Supply side theory of religion Third party certification Over the last 15 years dedicated markets for halal meat have emerged in a number of European countries. While ethnic stores still constitute the major retail outlet for halal meat in most countries, halal labelled meat and meat products are increasingly available in supermarkets and fast food restaurants. Market expansion has also facilitated the rise of new certification bodies, each with their own marketing strategies and interpretations of what constitutes authentic halal, who question the reliability of certification policies that allow the practice of stunning before slaughter. This paper offers a comparative analysis of these market trends and developments across four European countries. Based on research carried out during the EU funded Dialrel project, it draws attention to the ways in which EU legislation and WTO trade guidelines hinder attempts to standardize halal certification by giving equal weight to pre-stun and non-stun halal slaughter practices emanating from different regional schools of thought within Sunni Islam. Whilst recognising the impact of global politics on the identity claims of Muslim groups across Europe, the paper draws on Einstein s work on the supply side theory of religion to demonstrate how the diverse halal practices evident in the marketing strategies of commercial and religious actors are now driving the rapid growth and development of halal meat markets across Europe. Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. 1. Introduction Across Europe halal meat markets are experiencing a period of unprecedented growth and development, though the intensity varies from country to country. In the UK and France there has been year-on-year growth for well over a decade, while in Germany the market is just starting to develop. The growth of these markets is in some way linked to the increasing number of Muslim immigrants across Europe and to the growing consumption of meat characteristic of vertical mobility amongst second and third generation Muslims (Bergeaud-Blackler, 2004; Bonne and Verbeke, 2007). Halal meat and halal animal products are increasingly available in non-ethnic stores, particularly supermarket chains and fast food restaurants, and much as Jewish diners in the US are attracting large numbers of non-jewish consumers, so the consumption of halal meat products by non-muslims is also increasing across Europe (Campbell et al., 2011). * Corresponding author. Tel.: þ44 (0) addresses: LeverJB@Cardiff.ac.uk (J. Lever), MieleM@Cardiff.ac.uk (M. Miele). 1 Tel.: þ44 (0) ; fax: þ44 (0) As the market has grown the authenticity of the halal meat sold in supermarkets and fast food restaurants has also been questioned by some Muslims, who have reacted against the practice of stunning and the use of mechanical blades (in the case of poultry) allowed in the halal standards adopted by these economic actors. As Muslims have attempted to reinforce their identity in the face of war and global politics, the consumption of authentic halal products e particularly amongst Muslims living in non-muslim countries e has risen significantly as the legitimacy of Islam has been widely questioned (Labour Force Survey, 2009; Marranci, 2009). However, while it may be the case that some Muslim groups are asserting their identity through halal in the face of these societal concerns, we propose that supply side initiatives are now also significant drivers of change in this context (Einstein, 2008). Across the EU, an increasing number of religious and commercial organisations are promoting the segmentation of the halal meat market through qualification practices (Callon et al., 2002; Tregear et al., 2007) that have created an image of non-stunned meat as being of authentic halal quality. As Bonne and Verbeke note, halal is a credence quality attribute, i.e., a product characteristic that cannot be evaluated or ascertained by the individual consumer, even upon or after consuming the good (2007, 36). In the case of meat, the qualification of halal addresses the /$ e see front matter Ó 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

2 J. Lever, M. Miele / Journal of Rural Studies 28 (2012) 528e practice of slaughter, and it is therefore comparable to other credence attributes that refer to the method of production rather than to the intrinsic characteristics of the product. As with organic, fair-trade and free-range products, halal certification also addresses the ethical dimension of production, which suggests that Muslim identity can be asserted via purchasing practices. The halal status of meat can be ascertained in different ways; it is often tacitly assumed for fresh products sold in ethnic butcher s shops, but increasingly it is communicated through dedicated labels in non- Muslim retail outlets. It is this situation that has sparked strong competition between certifying bodies promoting different notions of authentic halal. These developments have been hugely controversial in a number of European countries, creating tension between Muslim and non- Muslim citizens (especially NGOs advocating better animal welfare) 2 and also amongst Muslims. Dispute between Muslims emerge from debates about the origins of Islam, which Muslims believe are derived from two sources e the Qur an and Sunnah. While the Qur an provides a detailed and, for some, infallible source of information about the origins of Islam, the Sunnah provides an account based on the application of the principles established in the Qur an through the lived experience of the prophet Mohammed, as recorded in the Hadiths. 3 Two prescriptive sets of guidelines for halal slaughter follow from these sources, and it is the underlying discourses as they are now interpreted on which current debate and controversy about the authenticity of halal meat stands. The first position is based on an understanding that all people of the Book share common slaughter practices and that Muslims can therefore consume meat from animals reared and slaughtered by Jews and Christians as well as by Muslims. Closely aligned with mainstream science and animal welfare/rights concerns, this position is based on EU legislation for the protection of animals at time of killing (EU, 1993), which requires all animals to be made unconscious by stunning prior to slaughter. However, this legislation is interpreted in different ways by different halal certification bodies. According to the Halal Food Authority (HFA) in the UK, poultry (chickens, turkeys and ducks) can only be immobilised prior to slaughter using electric water baths, while ovine animals (lamb, sheep and goat) can only be stunned using electric tongs. The majority of bovine animals (cattle, bull, cow and ox) in the UK are stunned with a captive-bolt pistol, but this is not permitted by the HFA because of the risk that it may kill the animal (see HFA, 2012). 4 The second position, which emerges from a derogation of the above legislation, allows EU member states to grant slaughterhouses that supply Muslim and Jewish communities an exception from the requirement to stun animals prior to slaughter in line with the religious freedoms granted by Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights (see Ferrari and Bottoni, 2010). 5 While all Islamic specialists agree that halal meat must emerge from the act of slaughter, adherents of this position, common amongst Sunni Muslims, argue that the status of halal meat is linked more directly to 2 See the recent debate in the Netherlands (Associated Press, 2011; Berg, 2011; Tyler, 2012). 3 A hadith is a saying of the prophet Muhammad or a report about something he did. 4 It is interesting to note that the HFA refer to the practice of stunning as a means of immobilising animals rather than making them unconscious, when the current practices of stunning achieve both immobilization and unconsciousness if performed correctly. However, for halal certifying bodies that endorse stunning, it is important to communicate to their potential costumers/consumers that stunning procedures do not interfere with the processes through which products become halal, hence the focus on immobilization rather than stunning. 5 The derogation does not specify whether the Jewish and Muslim communities should be local or even domestic, and there is thus great variation in its implementation, with some countries having more restrictive rules (Simonin, 2011). Islam and to traditional halal practices. On this account, Muslims are only permitted to consume the meat of an animal if the method of stunning used is reversible (i.e. animals are unconscious but still alive at the time of slaughter), the animal has been blessed by a Muslim prior to slaughter (the tasmiyyahh ) and the blood is allowed to drain completely post-slaughter. If this is not the case, the meat produced is rendered Haram (forbidden) rather than Halal (permitted) (Bergeaud-Blackler, 2004, 2007). 6 The main area of concern is with the perceived risk that instead of being made unconscious by stunning animals will suffer or be killed. As this quote from the Halal Monitoring Committee s (HMC) website in the UK states: Stunning the animal before slaughter leaves a huge doubt into the halalness of the animal as many could be killed by the stunning especially in the case of poultry. Furthermore, it prevents the drainage of entire blood resulting in it being retained in the animal and retained blood causes germs and bacteria, it deprives animals from the benefits of tasmiyah due to it being unconscious, it is inhumane to animals and causes unnecessary pain and suffering, it is in reality done not for animal rights purposes, but in order for the industry to kill more animals quicker so as to increase profits. (Abu Ibrahim) ( consulted on May 6th 2012) It is this controversy about the effectiveness of stunning that drives competition to define what is and is not authentic halal amongst certifying bodies. Both the pre-stun and non-stun positions are now permitted within the EU. However, the acceptance of Muslim slaughter without stunning has not been linear and EU member states have integrated the practice into their own regulatory policies in an uneven fashion, often in line with their own colonial histories and attitudes towards animal welfare (Bergeaud-Blackler, 2007). In the UK and France, former colonisers of vast Muslim territories, there has been little hesitation in upholding the exemption from the requirement to stun animals prior to slaughter and dual markets for halal meat have expanded rapidly. In Germany, on the other hand, where the state did not allow slaughter without pre-stunning for Muslims until 2002, the expansion of the market has been considerably slower. The picture is complex. In France and the United Kingdom there are now recognisable halal markets for meat from both pre-stunned and non-stunned animals, whilst in Germany consumers appear less aware of the underlying debates and the distinction is less evident. The impact of derogation of EU legislation for the protection of animals at the time of killing on market development is complicated at the global level by the influence of WTO guidelines, which require individual countries to give the same priority to imported products as to domestic products in order to protect commercial interests. It is our argument that this situation creates further tensions in halal meat markets across Europe by facilitating a situation in which diverse halal practices emerging from different regional schools of thought within Sunni Islam come into conflict to hinder the development of a global halal standard. While the growing number of Muslims consuming certified halal meat might be linked to a number of demographic and societal factors, we draw on Einstein s (2008) theorization about the supply side theory of religion to suggest that the expansion of European halal meat markets is also being driven by production side initiatives based on a diverse range of halal practices and marketing strategies supported by commercial and religious actors in an expanding 6 The most common use of the terms halal and haram relate to meat products, food ingredients and pharmaceuticals, but they are also applied in many other areas of life. In meat production, they refer to handling, processing, logistics, food services and animal welfare (see Section 6.3).

3 530 J. Lever, M. Miele / Journal of Rural Studies 28 (2012) 528e537 religious marketplace. The paper concludes that these developments are likely to continue in line with the continuing expansion of the global Muslim population and the EU s attempt to protect animal welfare at time of killing without threatening the economic competitiveness of Europe s animal farming industry. The empirical material presented in the paper is drawn from the EU funded project DIALREL ( 7 The main aim of the project was to improve dialogue between religious communities in Europe and different stakeholders, including the scientific community, around the issue of animal welfare for farmed animals at the time of slaughter. A specific part of the project addressed the transparency of different distribution channels for halal (and kosher) meat whilst examining the level of information provided to both halal (and kosher) consumers and non-religious consumers (Lever et al., 2010). Given the lack of available data on the actual number of animals slaughtered according to halal and shechita (Jewish) methods, and the intermingling of these supply chains with the non-religious market, this was a difficult task. There is no obligation to label as halal or kosher the parts of an animal carcass that are not used for halal and kosher products; when only part of a carcass is required for a specific market the remaining cuts go into the conventional market unlabelled (Bergeaud-Blackler, 2004; RSPCA, 2009). However, despite the difficulties this situation created the research team uncovered some interesting insights into the diverse economic and religious practices that are driving the expansion of dual halal meat markets across the EU. Our methodology was qualitative and involved interviews with prominent certification bodies and retailers in countries that exemplify the diverse institutional environments and market development across Europe. Further documentary analysis was undertaken where necessary, particularly to understand trends at the global level (Lever et al., 2010). 8 The paper contributes to the debate about the role of food standards and the increasing importance of third party certification (TPC) (Busch, 2000, 2011; Eden et al., 2008; Guthman, 2007; Miele et al., 2005; Goodman, 2004) by looking at the growth and development of the halal meat market across Europe. It examines the origins of the controversy about stunning animals at the time of killing and the implications of these debates for the expansion of halal meat certification practices. The paper starts off by presenting some key cases from European countries that illustrate the growing diversification of the halal market and the different institutional arrangements deployed to address the controversy between animal welfare and human rights legislation. These developments have given rise, we argue, to hybrid forms of governance of religious slaughter through which competing policy objectives are addressed as single political problems (Lockie and Higgins, 2007; Stenson and Watt, 1999). The derogation of the requirement to stun animals prior to slaughter in line with religious motives has thus been put in place, we contend, to achieve more than one goal through institutionalised mixed forms of shared responsibility. Initially the paper examines market development in the UK and France, the EU countries with the largest Muslim populations. In between these two case studies there is a discussion of the global halal meat market and the supply side theory of religion, which structure our argument that supply side initiatives are now significant drivers of change in this context, promoting meat from 7 Reports from the project are available at the website. 8 The full project title was: Religious slaughter, improving knowledge and expertise through dialogue and debate on issues of welfare, legislation and socioeconomic aspects, contract no European Union, FP6 Priority 5 Food Quality and Safety. The funding body was not involved in the study design, data collection, analysis and interpretation of the data, nor in the writing of the report and in the decision to submit this paper for publication. non-stunned animals as being more authentic halal. The paper next examines two very different types of market development in Germany and Norway, before providing a more in-depth analysis of the attempt of develop a global halal standard and the underlying tension between the merits of the Malaysian standard and the economic and religious concerns of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC). 9 It is the divergent halal practices that emerge from this relationship, we argue, and their acceptance within EU policy and WTO commercial discourses, that now play a significant role in the increasing complexity of halal meat markets across the EU. We now turn to our first case study, the United Kingdom. 2. The United Kingdom The Muslim population in the UK is very diverse, thought the vast majority have roots in South Asia, particularly Pakistan, Bangladesh and India. The population has increased rapidly over the last decade; between 2004 and 2008 it was reported to have grown by more than 500,000 to around 2.4 million, a growth rate ten times faster than the rest of society (Kerbaj, 2009). The market for halal meat is also growing at a significant rate, with the Halal Food Authority (HFA), the major halal certifying body in the UK, estimating a 30% growth in 2006 alone. However, there is still a great deal of resistance to buying fresh halal meat at supermarkets and it has been estimated that around 70e80% of all halal meat in the UK is fake (Mintel, 2002). Although things are starting to change as supermarket sales increase, many Muslims still prefer to buy fresh meat from independent retailers, who are seen to offer trust in the face of growing concerns about the authenticity of the commercial forms of halal meat that have emerged alongside market growth (Fischer, 2010; Pointing and Teinaz, 2004) Market growth and development As the UK s oldest and largest certification body, the HFA has been at the centre of much of the recent debate and controversy created by market expansion. Set up in 1994 to regulate halal meat through the licensing of slaughterhouses, the HFA emerged just as halal was becoming an important aspect of Muslim identity in the UK (Fischer, 2005). Prior to this, many Muslims considered meat sold in mainstream retail outlets to be produced by people of the Book and therefore suitable for consumption. The HFA has experienced continuing growth in line with the expansion of the UK market and the president estimates that they now certify around 75% of the UK s halal meat (Interview with HFA President, 2010). This figure includes most of the UK s poultry, which is slaughtered in large, highly mechanised, modern slaughterhouses where the use of mechanical blades and electrical stun baths for reversible stunning are commonplace (Higgin et al., 2011). This method of slaughter is considered acceptable for the halal standard proposed by the HFA, and it is compatible with the current EU regulation on the protection of animals at time of killing (EU, 1993). 10 However, as noted above, there is no obligation to label any surplus poultry slaughtered in this way as halal when it is sold into the mainstream market. Over recent years the HFA s position has been criticized by Muslim organisations opposed to these practices. One such organisation is the Halal Monitoring Committee (HMC), the UK s major 9 The OIC is an international NGO that attempts to provide a collective voice for the interests of 57 Muslim states worldwide. 10 This regulation has now been replaced by the 2009 EU COUNCIL REGULATION (EC) No 1099/2009 of 24 September 2009 on the protection of animals at the time of killing, which will be applied from 2013.

4 J. Lever, M. Miele / Journal of Rural Studies 28 (2012) 528e certifier of non-stunned halal meat, which was set up by a group of Ulama (Muslim Legal Scholars) in 2003 with a clearly defined mission to assure Muslims that they are eating genuine Halal. Whilst recognising the HMC s position, the HFA president has consistently argued that with ever-greater numbers of animals being slaughtered for halal meat we have to use some kind of mechanisation, some kind of stunning to immobilise the animal (Interview with HFA President, 2009). This argument is highly problematic for the HMC, who argue that the entire UK meat industry is tainted by their involvement in the production of meat which is claimed to be halal but which is not. They argue that the word halal is abused by both Muslims and non-muslims alike and that, although difficult, it is possible to keep up with the increase in demand for halal meat whilst respecting what they define as traditional halal rules. They attempt to overcome these problems through a monitoring and assessment scheme that draws on the authority of Muslim scholars and a marketing strategy that presents non-stunned meat as being of authentic halal quality. This position has been hugely controversial for animal welfare NGOs and adherents of the pre-stunning discourse aligned with mainstream science. The Farm Animal Welfare Council has been at the forefront of this debate, arguing for the pre-stunning exemption to be lifted (FAWC, 2003, 2009). However, the HMC contests animal science s claim that making animals unconscious through stunning alleviates unnecessary suffering, and they consider stunning and mechanical slaughter unacceptable on a number of levels, as we observed above. They argue that are not against science per se, only science that might contradict the rules of Islam (Interview with HMC Executive and Religious Scholar 2010). 11 Despite these controversies, the pre-stun and non-stun positions are both evident in the retail strategies of some of the UK s major fast food restaurants and supermarket chains. In 2009, the HFA launched a halal trial at small number of Kentucky Fried Chicken (KFC) restaurants in areas of London with a high Muslim population, which has since been extended to many more outlets across the UK (Interview with HFA President 2010). The supermarket chains ASDA and Tesco first started selling halal meat from pre-stunned animals in 2000; from 2007 to 2010 respectively they have also sold meat from non-stunned animals in a number of instore halal butchers and specialist world food outlets. An ASDA executive argued that ASDA went down this path because they wanted to please all their customers, and that the market is growing because of consumer trust in the local butchers they employ. However, market growth is clearly a defining factor, with ASDA s non-stun market now having an increasing year-on-year turnover (Interview with ASDA Executive 2010) The global halal meat market and the supply side theory of religion The stun and non-stun positions evident in the strategies of UK supermarket and restaurant chains are mirrored in debates about halal standardization at the global level, where tensions between Malaysia and the Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) collide in a way that hinders the development of a global halal standard and enhances market complexity. The OIC s Standing Committee for Economic and Commercial Cooperation (COMCEC) has been working to develop halal standards for over three decades. For most of this period they were 11 The HMC has recently become embroiled in a tax scandal in the UK, which has upset many in the Muslim community. 12 The National Halal Food Group ( supply s ASDA s nonstunned halal meat products. against stunning per se, but in 2010 scholars from the OIC s Islamic Fiqh Academy in Jeddah made a landmark announcement that stunning could be used in the slaughter of poultry (Nazar, 2010). Similar developments are evident in Malaysia. When the state standard MS1500 was launched in 2004 it came with a qualification that stunning is not recommended, but in 2009 the standard was revisited with a commitment to accommodate pre-slaughter stunning under certain conditions. All this suggests a coming together of the positions of these two major players in the global standards project, but if we look a little deeper we see that e much as EU legislation is a factor in the growth of halal meat markets in Europe e so the influence of WTO trade guidelines at the global level undermines consensus in the market by prioritising commercial interests in a way that gives equal weight to different halal practices emerging from different regional schools of thought within Sunni Islam. It is at this juncture that the significance of halal practices and the relevance of Einstein s insights about supply side initiatives become important considerations in our argument. In opposition to proponents of the secularisation thesis, who argue that the decline in traditional forms of religious participation signals a waning of religious belief, Einstein argues that changing religious practices now emerge from production (supply) as well as societal (demand) side pressures, and that different religious packages now offer different benefits for individual consumers in this sense. Discussing Warner s (1993) account of developments in the US during the 1980s, where the emergence of spiritual entrepreneurs in a religious marketplace changed the ways in which individuals engaged with religion, Einstein argues that in a free market religious suppliers can serve the needs of consumers by marketing faith, much like food, in any number of ways. Of particular significance is Einstein s argument about the inevitable interdependence of religion and marketing in modern consumer culture. As Einstein states: Religions create meaning through myths, rituals, and practices; marketing creates meaning through advertising and shopping. Religion is the acceptance of a belief system; marketing is the acceptance of beliefs about a product (Einstein, 2008, 78). However, Einstein also points out that the relationship between religion and commerce has always been uneasy. While the process of commercialisation has helped to make many religious practices e feasts and holidays, for example e mandatory forms of participation in consumer culture, churches often preach support for those unable to consume in the prescribed manner. Thus, as Einstein (2008, 75/6) states, while the underlying beliefs are in conflict, the institutions of religion and commercial culture do in fact support each other in staying viable. We can see the significance of these arguments in the following case studies, where we observe halal markets developing to a lesser or greater extent in line with the practices of commercial and religious actors in an expanding religious marketplace. 4. France France has the largest Muslim population in Europe. In 2000 official sources suggested that there were four Million French Muslims, but more recently a figure of seven Million has been put forward (L islam dans la République, 2006). Most French Muslim s have links with the Maghreb in North Africa, though there are also large numbers from West Africa and Turkey (Stéphane, 2004). The French market for halal meat has been growing steadily since the 1970s, but much like the UK market it has grown rapidly over the last decade as halal has become central to the religious and cultural identity of many young Muslims. Unlike the UK, however, where the vast majority of halal slaughter is performed with pre-stunning, in France most halal slaughter is performed

5 532 J. Lever, M. Miele / Journal of Rural Studies 28 (2012) 528e537 with no stunning. Notwithstanding these differences, the problems that have emerged as the halal market has expanded are very similar; market growth is currently estimated to stand at around 15% annually, with the market valued at between V3 and 5 billion (SOLIS, 2010). Research participants suggested that calls for better certification have also intensified during this period, and much like the UK this trend is reflected in the marketing strategies of French supermarket and fast food chains. Quick and KFC have recently opened halal only restaurants, while the French supermarket chain Casino has introduced a halal line called Wassila. Casino decided to do this, they claim, in response to confusion in the market. However, their approach is itself symptomatic of the underlying complexity of the market, with Casino initially using seven certification schemes for Wassila, including the HMC from the UK, a development that led the consumer blog Al Kanz to claim their approach lacked transparency, did not guarantee halal and was disrespectful to Muslims. As Al Kanz (2009) stated, To invest in a market without studying the codes and constraints is to risk the loss of all credibility. This situation sums up the French market; it is huge and hard to define and there is a widespread feeling that it is in a mess. Consumers are increasingly warned about unlabelled halal meat and there have been rumours that as much as 90% of commercial halal meat is fake (Le Figaro, 2010). Certification is sometimes presented as the solution to these problems, but it has been estimated that there may be as many as 50 separate halal labels and certification schemes operating across France Market development The impact of these developments can be seen in the experiences of Group Doux, one of France s major agrifood companies. Set up as a family business in the 1930s, Group Doux grew dramatically during the 1970s to become one of Europe s major exporters of poultry. However, despite strong business relationships with a number of countries in the Middle East since the 1950s, and halal certification through an organisation recognised by the French state since the 1990s, doubt has recently been cast on their role in the provision of halal chicken for KFC. The Communication Officer at Groupe Doux argued that this situation has emerged as a direct result of concerns over stunning and two contradictory tendencies: a hardening of attitudes towards halal meat by Muslim consumers and a growing sensitivity about animal welfare by consumers in general. Discussing the problems that emerged as a result of these developments, the interviewee argued that the meat industry was unprepared for the complexity of the problems that emerged as the halal market expanded: And here we open a Pandora s box, we realize that there is not one process, that this is history still in the making (Interview with Groupe Doux Communication Officer 2010). At this point, we can again observe the tensions that have emerged as a result of the EU derogation legislation. Much like the UK, the mainstream position has been challenged by the growth of Muslim concerns about the authenticity of halal meat, and by an increasingly complex certification continuum characterised by a diverse range of halal practices and an increasingly blurred boundary between religious and commercial culture. At one end of the certification continuum stand the well-established halal services at the large urban mosques in Paris and Lyon, which often have longstanding business relationships with the meat industry. At the other end are a new kind of cultural and religious organisation, the most famous being AVS (an acronym for A Votre Service (to serve you)). Comparable to the HMC in the UK, this organisation has a growing reputation for the promotion of stricter halal rules, professionalism and transparency. However, the cost of their certification service often makes it an unviable proposition for the start up halal businesses that are emerging across France. It is in this context that self-certification has emerged as a major issue (Lever et al., 2010) Self-certification A good example of a self-certified business is Halaldom, an online home delivery service for halal lamb in the Paris region. Set up in 2008 by two entrepreneurs, Halaldom initially sold meat as a trial at the Eid celebration. Instead of taking a full carcass in the time-honoured manner of the traditional halal butcher, the partners asked abattoirs for a marketed package that they could deliver to homes (Interview with Halaldom partner, December 2009). Nine out of ten abattoirs didn t take their AgneauBox e a polystyrene box that holds a 25 kg lamb e seriously at first and it took more than a year before they were accepted as a serious market actor. As a young business with an unusual profile, certification was meant to be an asset to Halaldom and they initially explored certification with AVS. However, Halaldom s application presented AVS with a number of problems, most notably the company s role as intermediary in the provision of halal, which meant the point of delivery could not be controlled by AVS. These complexities meant that the cost of AVS certification was too much for Halaldom s start up budget and they began to explore the possibility of selfcertification instead, eventually finding an abattoir with an exclusive halal line and its own certification scheme. However, the abattoir is not well known and they only stamp a carcass once, which means their claims about authenticity are not always visible. Nevertheless, Halaldom does not claim that their product is certified halal only that it is guaranteed to be halal. 13 Their success is based on a strong communication strategy with Muslim consumers and the provision of an original product that is compatible with religion and tradition. Although they can never fully assure consumers about the quality of their product, it could be argued that community commitment plays an important role in Halaldom s attempt to build consumer trust. In line with the Eid tradition, they donate a percentage of every order to the community, a practice consumers can follow by donating to a Muslim charity. While Halaldom s approach epitomises a new way of selling halal meat in France, and of doing business well, this innovative new company also targets and attracts Muslim consumers through a marketing strategy based on the use of traditional Muslim symbols and language. At this juncture we can observe the relevance of Einstein s argument about the inevitable interdependence of religion and marketing in modern consumer culture, and of our own argument about the influence of different halal practices. Indeed, while Halaldom s product is extremely well marketed, their approach also reflects a lack of consensus in the market. While the owners believe there are core halal standards based on core Muslim principles, they also argue that greater transparency in the market would help to reassure Muslim consumers (Interview with Halaldom partner, December 2009). Despite claims to the contrary, there is little consensus within the Muslim community about halal practices. While some producers believe that centralization will put the market in order, others believe standardization will curtail the opportunities it now offers. In what follows we observe two very different types of market development, which further illustrate the interplay of diverse halal practices and supply side pressures (Lever et al., 2010). 13 As in the UK, meat from animals slaughtered according to halal methods is sold into the mainstream market unlabelled (Bergeaud-Blackler, 2004).

6 J. Lever, M. Miele / Journal of Rural Studies 28 (2012) 528e Market development in Germany and Norway 5.1. Germany Germany has a population of more than 82 Million, of which approximately 4% are Muslim of Turkish origin. Although things are starting to change, the German halal meat market is still in its infancy compared to the UK and French markets. Debate about the authenticity of commercial forms of halal meat has only recently intensified as consumer concerns about animal welfare have forced the Aldi and Lidl supermarket chains to think through the implications of selling halal meat (Schröder, 2009). Consequently, as an executive from Germany s major certification body e the European Halal Certification Institute (EHZ) e pointed out, because German consumers are not overly concerned about the expansion of the halal market at the present time, debate about the merits of prestunned and non-stunned meat has not emerged to the same extent as it has done elsewhere (Interview with EHZ executive and supermarket owner 2009). Much like the HMC in the UK, EHZ certifies on the opinion of Muslim scholars. Unlike the HMC, they work closely with the meat industry and they permit stunning and mechanical slaughter to varying degrees in different areas of production. Pre-stunning is generally becoming more acceptable amongst German Muslims; fifteen years ago EHZ scholars did not even permit stunning for poultry; today 95 per cent allow it. Fifty per cent also permit stunning for lambs, though the stunning of cattle is still forbidden on the grounds that the captive-bolt method is irreversible (Interview with EHZ executive/supermarket owner 2009). Halal poultry is the biggest growth area in Germany, as the regulation is less stringent than it is for halal red meat. This gives producers a big advantage in the marketplace and it is an area where controversy may to emerge as the market grows and expands. An executive from an EHZ certified poultry processor was clearly aware of this when he claimed that it would be counterproductive to market his company s products to non-muslims at the present time (Interview with Executive at Anonymous German Poultry Company 2009). While the German market remains underdeveloped compared to the UK and French markets, it is starting to get more attention from international producers and certification agencies. The German Federation of Turkish Wholesalers and Retailers recently claimed that German companies would be well advised to embrace the halal market (Schröder, 2009), while the Malaysian National New Agency Bernama has also drawn attention to the potential the German market offers Malaysian producers (Mehta, 2009). How long it takes for the market to grow as it has done elsewhere depends, it appears, on the take up of these opportunities by halal entrepreneurs and on the ongoing attempt to foster halal standardization (Lever et al., 2010). As we observe in our case study of Norway below, standardization facilitates a more collaborative set of relations that negates the influence of different halal practices and the role of supply side initiatives Norway The majority of Norway s 72,000 Muslims live in the capital city Oslo; most are of Pakistani origin, though immigration from Somalia has recently increased (Statistics Norway, 2009). Animal welfare standards in Norway are widely regarded as the highest in the world (Skarstad et al., 2007); unlike the EU, where the derogation of EU legislation for the protection of animals at the time of killing allows minority groups to practice stunning without slaughter in line with their own cultural traditions, under Norwegian law it is a requirement that all animals are stunned prior to slaughter. While the Jewish population still import kosher meat to bypass this stringent regulation, collaboration between the Muslim community and the Norwegian food authorities has facilitated an ongoing process of halal standardization that has been beneficial for everyone concerned (Lever et al., 2010). Unlike the EU countries discussed above, the grocery sector in Norway is horizontally rather than vertically integrated, with manufacturers and farmer s cooperatives rather than retailers dominating. The major producer of halal meat in Norway is the farmer s cooperative Nortura. As well as selling carcasses and cuts of halal meat in the marketplace, Nortura also supply processed halal products through their own-label halal brand Alfathi, which they purchased outright from a Somali entrepreneur in Prior to this, the owner of Alfathi worked with the Norwegian Islamic Council to find a slaughtering method that different Muslim groups could agree on, and which the Norwegian Food Safety Authority would validate. As the latter was not interested in dialogue, this was a difficult task and it took over two years to convince Norway s Imam s that Alfathi halal was trustworthy. Eventually a small number of Imams travelled to Nortura s abattoir to observe production procedures and soon afterwards a method of slaughter acceptable to all parties was agreed. With the Imams operating as certifiers of halal meat in their own communities trust began to grow and a small range of processed halal products began to appear in Norwegian supermarkets. Dialogue has continued over recent years, primarily over the introduction of halal chicken into the Norwegian market, though there are worries that the encroachment of the European market and the emergence of a more mixed Muslim population e adhering to different schools of thought e will undermine the country s high animal welfare standards and challenge the halal consensus (Lever et al., 2010). 6. Halal standardization at the global level As global food exchange has intensified, food practices and religious preference have become increasingly intertwined (Bergeaud-Blackler, 2007; Bonne and Verbeke, 2007; Fischer, 2008). Einstein s (2008) work on the supply side theory of religion provides a useful framework to examine these developments, drawing attention to the increasing interdependence between religious and commercial culture. Whilst stressing the value of the insights that emerge from this perspective, Einstein is also quick to point out that unlike most consumer goods where demand can be manipulated, the supply of religious goods can only be increased because a market already exists. It is here that the supply side changes influencing market growth and development can be aligned with the call for a global halal standard. Fischer (2005, 2009) addresses this issue in a discussion of market developments in the UK, arguing that the lack of an overarching halal authority has left the UK market open to fraud and corruption in the areas where religion and consumer culture meet. He suggests the UK is in a similar position to Malaysia before the introduction of their state halal standard and that a common standard would help to counter bad practices and move the market forward. The point about standardization is well made, and well debated, as we have seen, in France as well as the UK, but Fischer to some extent overlooks the ways in which contradictory influences at the global level are driving market expansion and hindering halal standardization. The most notable tension is between the Malaysian Department of Islamic Development (JAKIM), the state agency overseeing halal certification, and the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC). It is to the issues that emerge from this relationship that we now turn.

7 534 J. Lever, M. Miele / Journal of Rural Studies 28 (2012) 528e Malaysia s role and influence at the global level Since the launch of their state standard MS1500 in 2004, Malaysia has emerged as a leading player in the global halal market and the major actor in the global standards debate. As Fischer (2009, 76) notes, these developments cannot be separated from the country s steady economic growth over recent decades and from centralized state incentives that have strengthened halal production, trade and consumption. Much as in Europe, there is increasing interdependence between religious and commercial interests in Malaysia. Unlike Europe, however, this interdependence is the result of ideologically driven nationalist policies that have deployed halal to counter accusations of excessive secularism since independence from Britain in 1957 (Fischer, 2005). It is these political developments that have driven the rise of MS1500, primarily as an internal policy mechanism, and latterly as an important global benchmark. The significance of MS1500 at the global level is evident in its citation by Codex Alimentarius Commission [CAC] as the best example in the world in terms of justification of Halal food (Noordin et al., 2009, 1). The Commission was established in 1962 by the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations and the World Health Organization to set global standards in a number of areas, and the guidelines that emerged have become the most important international reference point for developments associated with food standards (Veggeland and Borgen, 2005, 676). However, the Codex guidelines have gone through some important transformations since their inception. Prior to 1995, they were based on a voluntary gentleman s agreement, and so long as members did not interfere with the wider process of standardization they could refuse to adopt codex standards if they were not aligned with their own national interests; political tension was thus generally alleviated because CAC members controlled the standards they adopted. Post 1995, however, after the Uruguay round of the GATT trade negotiations, things changed considerably, with codex standards coming under the control of the WTO, a development that increased political tension by allowing members of the commission to pursue standards in line with their own national interests (Veggeland and Borgen, 2005). This situation is clearly evident in the halal market, where different halal practices are often aligned with diverse national and regional interests Different schools of thought within Sunni Islam The vast majority of worlds Muslim s are Sunni (Map 1), but there are four separate schools of thought/jurisprudence (or Madh hab) within the Sunni, the Hanafi, Hanbali, Maliki and Shafie, each with different degrees of national and regional influence (see Table 1 below). Although the theology of each is accepted by each of Table 1 Sunni schools of jurisprudence and their national and regional influence. Hanafi Hanbali Maliki Shafie Central Asia Saudi Arabia North Africa Egypt Afghanistan West Africa Somalia Pakistan Indonesia India Thailand Russia Singapore Bangladesh Philippines Northern Egypt Yemen Iraq Amongst Kurds Turkey In Kerala (India) The Balkans Brunei Western countries Malaysia the others, differences of opinion are evident on many things, including halal practices (Wan Hassan, 2007). These differences were recognised by the CAC in their general guidelines for the use of the term halal issued in Although the guidelines stay clear of contentious halal issues, they recognise that there may be minor differences in opinion in the interpretation of lawful and unlawful animals and in the slaughter act, according to the different Islamic Schools of Thought. As such, the guidelines are subjected to the interpretation of the appropriate authorities of the importing countries, which means that the certificates granted by the religious authorities of the exporting country should be accepted in principle by the importing country, except when the latter provides justification for other specific requirements (CAC, 1997). This justification is in line with WTO conformity assessments, which state that WTO members must give the same priority to imported products as to domestic products in order to protect commercial interests (Lonconto and Busch, 2010). However, as many poor OIC countries do not have the infrastructure they need to engage with the global halal market, this allows the non-muslim countries that currently dominate global production to export to these countries unhindered by claims for unanimity. This situation is a major source of concern within the OIC and there are worries that the emergence of a common halal standard from outside the OIC will further prevent economic growth and development within it (Muhammad, 2009) Malaysia s trading interests vs. OIC growth and development As the major halal player at the global level, the Malaysian Government finds itself in a difficult situation, pulled between their attempt to provide support for their OIC partners lacking appropriate halal infrastructure and the need to protect their national interests. On the one hand, Standards Malaysia provide training for OIC countries lacking the procedures and knowledge they need to make the most of the opportunities the global halal market now offers (Standards Malaysia, 2009). On the other hand, in tandem with Standards Malaysia, JAKIM have been pushing a strategy to make Malaysia a global halal hub, latterly through a series of global partnerships (Muhammad et al., 2009; Noordin et al., 2009). One such partnership is between the Penang State Halal Agency and the Halal Industries Group Plc., a private equity company set up to promote and develop halal in emerging markets (BBC, 2010). JAKIM plays a crucial place in this process, putting the MS1500 standard into practice through its role as the sole Malaysian certification agency (Standards Malaysia, 2010). Malaysia has had some success in overcoming their competing priorities, with Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan adopting MS1500 in 2008 and 2009 respectively, but their dual strategy still creates tensions about specific halal practices in some instances. While the Malaysian MS1500 standard, for example, which is based on the Shafie School of thought, allows stunning for all bovine animals, this practice is not allowed in Pakistan, Russia or Poland, for example, which all adhere to the Hanafi School of thought. Such differences were evident across our EU case studies, with scholars aligned with different certification schemes adhering to different halal practices within and across national boundaries. As we have observed above, while scholars from the EHZ in Germany are becoming more tolerant of mechanical slaughter and pre-stunning in many areas of production, HMC scholars from the UK increasingly refuse stunning in all areas of production. Not surprisingly, it has been argued that to be fully acceptable to all OIC members any global standard must accommodate the concerns of all four Sunni schools of thought (Oorjitham, 2009). Over recent years, the standards issue has been taken up at the World Halal Forum through the ICCI IHI Halal Integrity Alliance (IHI),