Seminary Education in the Louisiana Territory: The Vincentian Contribution

Transcription

1 DePaul University From the SelectedWorks of John E Rybolt 1983 Seminary Education in the Louisiana Territory: The Vincentian Contribution John E Rybolt, DePaul University Available at:

2 Seminary Education in the Louisiana Territory: The Vincentian Contribution John E. Rybolt, C.M. I. Louis William Valentine Dubourg, Bishop-elect of Louisiana, traveled to Rome in order to obtain missionaries for his diocese. In the summer of 1815 he lodged, as many others did, with the Vincentian community at its central house of Monte Citorio. Not finding other missionaries, he persuaded the Roman Vincentians to send some of their members with him, probably because the needs in Louisiana agreed with the traditional Vincentian works of seminary education and parish missions. As a result Dubourg and the Vincentian superiors signed on September 27, 1815 a contract which specified that the missionaries will go out with him... especially to found a seminary as early as possible, by means of certain funds which have been promised them, together with the savings of the missionaries. Under the leadership of Father Felix De Andreis, C.M., the first group of Vincentian and diocesan missionaries left Bordeaux in June, 1816, arriving in Baltimore after a difficult crossing of some six weeks. These missionaries traversed the Alleghenies, left Pittsburgh by riverboat, and arrived at Louisville November 19, reaching Bardstown shortly thereafter. Near Bardstown at Saint Thomas, the location of Bishop Flaget's seminary, the new missionaries spent the winter learning English and coming to experience the American frontier. At the same time a small band of English Catholics from Maryland, who had settled in Kentucky and then in Missouri, were seeking priests for their location. They agreed with Bishop Dubourg that the first seminary for Louisiana would be situated in what is now Perryville, Missouri. Once the buildings were underway the Vincentians moved from Saint Thomas and arrived in Perryville, October 2, 1818, beginning a long and continuous history of Vincentian activity in the Midwest. As the Seminary of Saint Mary's of the Barrens grew, it served first as a Vincentian scholasticate, with a novitiate for the community, then a diocesan seminary, and in 1822, accepted lay collegians. Louis. As early as 1839, Rosati planned to open a seminary for diocesan students in Saint... here young Clergymen would find a holy and most useful apprenticeship of zeal in teaching the Catechism to the very numerous Catholic youth of the city; and, whilst adding to the dignity and beauty of divine worship in our Cathedral or other future Churches, they would form themselves to a due accuracy in the holy chaunts and in the sacred ceremonies of the Church. Rosati had the further reason for moving from Perryville, since it is shown that this admixture [of lay and clerical students] brings about the loss of vocation for a good number of young ecclesiastics. After Rosati left for Haiti, his successor, Peter Richard Kenrick, moved the diocesan students to Saint Louis in As we shall see, disagreements between Kenrick and the 1

3 Vincentians led him in 1848 to move his students again. The Saint Louis Theological Seminary in suburban Carondelet remained under the direction of the secular clergy until 1858 when the Vincentians again resumed charge. This arrangement lasted but a single year, since the bishops of the Saint Louis Province determined in the Provincial Council of 1858 to ask the Vincentians to turn their already flourishing Saint Vincent's College in Cape Girardeau, Missouri into a seminary for their province. With only limited success, the seminary remained there until 1893, at which time the present Kenrick Seminary opened in Saint Louis. The second major site for Vincentian activity was lower Louisiana. Dubourg s original plan had been that the Vincentians would open their seminary close to New Orleans. He returned to this idea in the synod of 1821, and later in 1825, but the Vincentians could not begin another seminary because of inadequate manpower. After Dubourg s resignation and the division of the diocese, another Vincentian, Leon DeNeckere, asked for his confreres to begin their second seminary. They agreed to do so by 1839, and in that year the Ecclesiastical Seminary of Saint Vincent de Paul opened in Ascension Parish, now Plattenville on the Bayou La Fourche, some sixty miles northwest of New Orleans. The small seminary continued there until the last day of February, 1855 when it burned to the ground. The Superior wrote that afternoon: What sad news I just received; the seminary is in ashes. I left yesterday evening with Brother Sala to teach catechism to the blacks in the Farriere plantation. I learned the next morning...that the fire broke out in the kitchen... and that almost nothing could be saved. Thanks be to God no one was injured. Because of the inconvenient distance of Plattenville from the See city, the Vincentians and the bishop agreed in 1858 to reopen the seminary in New Orleans. The seminary barely survived the Civil War, but could not survive Reconstruction, closing finally in Although not in the Louisiana Territory, four other Vincentian seminaries of the precivil war days should be mentioned here: Saint Charles, Philadelphia; Saint Joseph Seminary, New York; Saint Mary's of the West, Cincinnati; and the Bardstown seminary. John Timon, as Provincial Superior (or Visitor), undertook the direction of these small institutions as part of the traditional Vincentian apostolate. The community withdrew from each of them after only a few years, due either to disagreements with the Ordinaries (in the case of New York and Cincinnati), or to lack of manpower. II. In reviewing the Vincentian contribution to seminary education on the Midwestern frontier, we will examine three features of seminary life which still interest us today: quality of formation, control of programs, and financial support. In the Vincentian system, uniformity guaranteed the quality of formation Saint Vincent himself, for example, insisted that his confreres shall read [the rules] over or hear them read at least every three months, thereby ensuring uniformity. After Vincent's time the 2

4 decisions of the General Assemblies (or chapters) of the community, took on ever greater importance. Those concerning seminaries were codified under the two great nineteenthcentury superiors general, Jean-Baptiste Etienne ( ) and Antoine Fiat ( ) Father Etienne described the importance of the primitive spirit in his review of the sad history of the community during and after the French Revolution: This is the secret of all the great things accomplished before our eyes, and this will be the same movement of spirits which will accomplish even greater things if it is maintained in its fervor and if it communicates this to future generations. Examples of this Vincentian uniformity abound. From the very beginning De Andreis described the novitiate opened in Saint Louis in 1818: Within it is a smaller apartment, two cupboards, small altar, a pretty good little library, three beds, separated one from the other by blue curtains similar to those used for the novices in Rome... We observed, even to the least point, all the regulations that are in Rome and elsewhere... everything, including the reading at table, is according to the same form as in Italy. The standard schedule of the community differed somewhat in the seminaries, since the seminarians did not observe all of the spiritual exercises of the Vincentians. The 1850 rules specified: rising, 5:00; morning prayer, 5:30; Mass, 6:00. Then study until breakfast at 7:45. Study, class and spiritual exercises occupied the rest of the day until night prayers at 8:30. Wednesday, Saturday, and Sunday afternoons were free for longer periods of recreation and relaxation. Beyond the ordinary examples of style and schedule, extraordinary examples also occur here and there in Vincentian sources. One remarkable instance involved uniformity in hair, beard, and clothing to guarantee both a humble and simple style as well as uniformity. The Assembly of 1673 decreed that an engraving of the model missionary and the model lay brother would be drawn up both according to the norms followed in this house of Saint Lazare. Moreover the Assembly decreed for the same purpose that: no one should be shaved except by those who were set aside to do this by the superior, in order that this decree might be kept forever, the visitors and the local superior should oversee the matter. In the same vein, Father Etienne decided in 1869: in clothing, both as regards to the style and the quality of the material, the usage of the motherhouse should be followed. To insure this uniformity we have determined to establish in our house a depository for Winter and Summer cloths and stuffs, and from this each house will be able to get supplies. Despite the wonders of Parisian fashion, it is difficult to imagine how the missionaries in China, Algiers, Mexico, and Perryville, Missouri would preserve this holy uniformity of the primitive spirit in hair, beard and clothing. In fact, it appears that the American Vincentians never observed these decrees; they illustrate of the spirit of uniformity nonetheless. The same Rules of 1850 required professors to use only approved textbooks. It must be said here, however, that no list of specifically approved textbooks apparently existed; general church approval sufficed. Professors were to give to the opinions of Saint Thomas 3

5 Aquinas that holy reverence due them; mention of the holy Doctor shall always be deferential. The classroom procedure deserves a little longer treatment. When the signal is given for class to begin, the professors will go immediately to their respective classrooms, and having recited the customary antiphon Veni Sancte Spiritus with its versicle and prayer, they will first hear the students recite what they have learned; secondly, they will give an opportunity for the presentation of difficulties, and for discussion; thirdly, they will devote the remainder of the class time to a lecture on the next day's matter. The professors were also urged, in dealing with students, to conduct themselves is a serious, kindly, and sincere spirit.... Whenever there is need they will encourage the students. Let them be patient with those students whom God has not blessed with a facile mind. Above all, let them avoid displaying any special marks of familiarity or affection toward any student especially in the presence of others. Although the rules lay down the traditional disciplines for courses, such as moral and dogmatic theology, philosophy, scripture, canon law, homiletics, and history, in these frontier seminaries the number of professors and students remained low and their duties heavy. John O'Hanlon, diocesan teacher at Carondelet, remarked that he taught English, logic, metaphysics, ethics, sacred ceremonies and ritual along with sacred scripture. Indeed, in most institutions the older students were deputed to teach the introductory courses to the younger ones. Today's program quality is also guaranteed by reliance on a certain type of uniformity, the standardized procedures established by accrediting associations and the Program of Priestly Formation. The second major factor is program control. Theoretically, a bishop has all the power in his diocese; but religious communities have a certain measure of independence, being responsible to their own superiors, at least in internal matters. The Vincentian community, in the early period, both owned the property and buildings, and conducted the seminaries according to its own standards. Thus, in simple terms the issue of control was: Does a bishop send seminarians to the Vincentian house to receive their training, or does he hire Vincentians or others to staff his house? These theoretical options appear most clearly in the conflict between the Vincentians and Archbishop Peter Richard Kenrick of Saint Louis. As mentioned previously, Kenrick completed Rosati's plan of moving the diocesan students away from Saint Mary's Seminary to a Vincentian house in Saint Louis, in part to remedy some of the disadvantages of Perryville's rural location, its complete isolation from the rest of the outside world, its difficulty of approach at all seasons, and last but not least, the prevalence of malaria which shattered and destroyed the health of many promising young missionaries. After six years there, Kenrick felt compelled in 1848 to move his students to a seminary under his control. This change was due, we believe, to two new causes, one personal, and the other theoretical. The personal issues dealt with differences between Kenrick and the Superior of the seminary, Father Blaise Raho. The theoretical issue is of more interest here. Kenrick explained his position quite clearly: I am of the opinion that the seminary ought to be a distinct establishment, and that it ought to belong to the bishop. Since 4

6 this arrangement proved impossible in the middle of the 1840s, Kenrick was proposing it to John Timon, the Visitor, as a future possibility. Timon agreed with the bishop that this arrangement would be at least possible. The other arrangement, which the irascible Raho proposed, existed at that time in Saint Louis: should the Bishop give the property to the Vincentians, it would be only on condition that this be a long-standing agreement; the Vincentians should run the seminary. Yet it must be stated that our clarity regarding this position may not necessarily match theirs. In addition, Kenrick himself, was extremely changeable, and reading the letters he wrote on the seminary reinforces this opinion. Contemporary Vincentians believed the same: The bishop changes his sentiments, quite quickly; I strongly doubt that he will persist in this idea. Nothing is sure on this point and it is difficult to discover what the result will be since this bishop changes his ideas very often. Timon, in fact, remarked, the bishop wrote me many long letters about a month apart, always changing his plans. Kenrick's changeable disposition, the unsatisfactory relationships which he had with the superiors of the seminary, and his opinions about the control of the seminary and the power of religious communities in general led him finally, after threatening for months, to remove his students from the Vincentian house. When Kenrick turned to members of the diocesan clergy to staff his seminary, he tapped James Duggan, a fellow Irishman merely 23 years old, to be superior of the seminary. Duggan had finished his studies in Saint Louis only eighteen months previously, when twelve students joined him in Carondelet and received from their young superior all of their training for the rest of the first year. Out of the five rectors who served the seminary in its nearly eleven year history the first four became bishops: James Duggan, Anthony O'Regan, Patrick Feehan, (all of Chicago), and John Hennessey (of Dubuque). The faculty of this seminary consisted primarily of diocesan clergy, most of whom had only a brief tenure. The seminary gradually failed due to rising prices and a diminishing pool of qualified manpower for the faculty. Kenrick described it as,...hitherto most inadequately provided for, and often dragging out a precarious existence in the face of the most appalling difficulties. To stave off the imminent failure of the Carondelet seminary, Kenrick invited the Vincentians to resume control, but in this case, he maintained the building and hired the Vincentians to run it. In the next year, 1859, the provincial seminary at Cape Girardeau began, with the bishops of the province committing their students to the Vincentians under the old model of Vincentian control. This model, indeed, held sway in the Saint Louis seminaries until sometime in the present century when the Archdiocese gradually resumed fuller control of the seminary program. The third major factor is financial support. From the days of the original contract, Bishop Dubourg agreed to offer the Vincentians some financial help. Because this rarely sufficed, the community generally found itself in serious financial straits. Several ways lay open to the community to support itself and provide for the diocesan seminarians. Yet money remained scarce. Trading in goods and payment of tuition through donation of land featured commonly in those early days. Consequently, the seminaries at Perryville, Cape Girardeau and the Bayou La Fourche sought to be self-sufficient institutions, 5

7 similar to the great Cistercian monasteries of the early middle ages--supported by their own farm work and supplying most necessities. In the very earliest days, this was a sure guarantee of poverty. John Mary Odin, later bishop of Galveston and then of New Orleans, describes early meals. On our table we find pork fat and beef, milk, and water. Sometimes we go out in the woods to gather wild grapes for our dessert; America produces neither cherries nor the delicate fruits of Europe. Vegetables are so rare here that we are obligated to eat meat on Saturdays and all during lent, with the exception of Wednesdays and Fridays. Their first Easter meal, in fact, consisted solely of a plate of beans, with cold water. Essential for a self-sufficient institution was a supply of workers; for this reason the community sought to guarantee vocations to the lay brotherhood. However, Rosati himself complained that the lay brothers were not numerous enough nor sufficiently dedicated. For no one wants to be a subject, to do the lowest jobs in the house and sometimes even, this spirit of republican pride infects those who by their profession and their vocation ought to love dependence, submission, and humility. As a result the community as early as 1819 made use of slaves. This surprising and regrettable situation existed at least at the seminaries of Perryville, Cape Girardeau, and Bayou La Fourche until the 1850s. In the latter place, the slaves were expected to harvest the sugar cane growing on the property in order to support the seminary. All of the institutions received a small amount of tuition money either from students (or their parents) directly, or from their bishops. This always proved to be insufficient. In view of the great debts incurred by the Perryville house to support the diocesan students, the Vincentian superior general decreed in 1835 that Saint Mary's Seminary should close, unless the bishops would pay a significantly larger tuition. The frontier seminaries, nevertheless, found themselves competing with other seminaries, such as Cincinnati, which could to provide a less expensive education. As a result the bishops involved, as well as the Vincentian superiors, made regular requests for help to the European mission aid societies: Propagation of the Faith, the Leopoldine Society, and the Ludwig Mission Society. The generosity of European Catholics enabled seminary education on the frontier to continue. A final means of financial support, though not a very good one, was fund raising in the diocese. Archbishop Kenrick's methods in this matter are especially revealing. He wrote in 1850: The expenses attending this establishment are considerable, and although I have frequently appealed to the Catholics of my charge to aid me in this great work, I have been but very feebly assisted by them; nor do I flatter myself with better success as least for some time. He reported to the Propagation of the Faith that not even one student contributed anything to support his seminary. For this reason he had recourse to several ventures. The Catholic Newsletter (St. Louis) for Saturday, April 22, 1846 reported that a meeting of interested persons would be held at the cathedral the following afternoon. This meeting resulted in collectors being deputed to solicit contributions in aid of this truly 6

8 important and valuable institution. Records of its success are lacking, apart from Kenrick's general remarks about poor results. In 1849, Kenrick recommended a new plan, an annual contribution of one dollar for each individual. He thereafter pleaded yearly for an Easter collection for the same purpose. His most ambitious fund raising drive, however, began with the weekly publication of donations to the seminary, doubtless in the hope that one's name in print would stimulate generosity. Shepherd of the Valley, another of his journalistic ventures, carried these notices from January 1, 1850 to May 17, The collection totaled about $87.00 per month; during the rest of 1851 he averaged between $10.00 and $50.00 each week. Due to poor returns, Kenrick announced a final phase in the March 5, 1853 issue: the formation of the Roman Catholic Association of Saint Louis. The object of this Association will be the support of the Orphans, the education and the Christian training of the Catholic youth of this city, the support of the Theological Seminary, and Catholic purposes generally. Yet despite some fanfare at its formation, the project met with limited success; the editor had to request in the following October a greater attendance at meetings. Diocesan ledgers for the period prove this; namely, an excess of expenses over receipts for the seminary of nearly $38,000 for the period 1848 to 1859, an average of nearly $3,500 per year. Kenrick's repeated complaint, not only referring to the seminary was, our wants may be comprised in two words--priests and money. Despite the very difficult conditions, students continued on in the seminary and many were ordained to the priesthood. The faculties of the seminaries carried forward their initial work of evangelization, both directly, often during the summers, and indirectly through their graduates. The success of these seminaries, even though beset with so many difficulties and small in number in the earliest days, lies in the bishops, missionaries, pastors and even theological experts who came from these institutions. In our age as well, beset with our own financial difficulties, as we question the meaning and value of ecclesiastical education and the qualities of programs, the struggles of our predecessors and their successes give us hope for the future. 7

9 PRINCIPAL SOURCES: Baudier, Roger, The Catholic Church in Louisiana, New Orleans, Collectio Completa Decretorum Conventuum Generalium Congregationis Missionis, Paris, Easterly, Frederick J., The Life of Rt. Rev. Joseph Rosati, C.M., First Bishop of Saint Louis, Washington, D.C., Etienne, Jean-Baptiste, Notice sur le Rétablissement de la Congrégation de la Mission après la Révolution de 1789, ([Paris], 1870; 76 pp.) Excerpts from Circulars of the Superiors-General on the Principal Duties of Missionaries, Dublin, Poole, Stafford, The Founding of Missouri's First College, Saint Mary's of the Barrens, , Missouri Historical Review, 65 (1970), l-22. Poole, Stafford, and Douglas Slawson, Church and Slave in Perry County, Missouri Lewiston, NY/Queenston, Ontario, 1986, Studies in American Religion, volume 22. Regulae Officiorum Congregationis Missionis, a Conventu generali vigesimo revisae et approbatae, Paris, 1850, 3 vols. [Rosati, Joseph, and Francis Burlando,] Life of the Very Rev. Felix De Andreis, C.M., Saint Louis, 1900, rev. ed. Rybolt, John E., Kenrick's First Seminary, Missouri Historical Review, 71 (1977), Rybolt, John E., The Carondelet Seminary, Missouri Historical Review, 74 (1980), Rybolt, John E., St. Vincent's College [Cape Girardeau] and Theological Education, Vincentian Heritage 7:2 (1986) ARCHIVAL SOURCES: Archives of the Archdiocese of New Orleans. Archives of the Archdiocese of Saint Louis. DeAndreis-Rosati Memorial Archives, Saint Mary's Seminary, Perryville, Missouri. University of Notre Dame Archives. 8