COMMENTS on CRITICISM

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1 249 Journal of The Siam Soci ety COMMENTS on CRITICISM In an article which recently appeared in the Siam Society Newsletter, Dr. Michael Vickery criticises my ideas concerning the origin of the Thai mai han akiit (which I think may have derived from the Mon/Khmer virama and thus may have been used by Thai scribes prior to 1361 A.D.) and my dating of the bronze repousse Buddha images on the m~<;la "dome" of the stiipa Phra That Hariphunchai (which I think were made around 1330 A.D.). Dr. Vickery writes that I have no text in support, that I am denying objective evidence, and that my argument does not hold up palaeographically. 1 Here, I would like to make a few comments on Dr. Vickery's criticism. Page 3. "... but it is entirely another matter to say that the adaptation of virama as mai han akat is older than consonantal doubling for the same purpose in the total absence of any text in support., Page 3. I did not say or write an ything like that. "Mon has continued to use virama up to the present. The only exception was Hariphunchai Mon around the 13th century which used double final consonants in place of virama... Dr. Penth' s argument does not hold up paleographically... " Quite to the contrary, all of the Lamphiin Mon inscriptions have the virama (and double consonants). Already Halliday had noted in 1930: "Le virama est Iargement utilise" _2 The virama clearly appears on the inscribed stones but usually seems to have been omitted in text editions of the inscriptions. Likewise, in text editions of other Mon (and Khmer) inscriptions the virama often is not indicated. Page 3. "... the origin of mai han akat was not from the virama, at least not directly... it more likely derived from... an identical sign l\11 substitute for the syllable ari ( ~~)... Of course certain proof of the above hypothesis requires an earlier text." In this part of his article, Dr. Vickery makes an interesting and, potentially, fruitful approach to investigating the early history and the origin of the mai han akat: studying the diacritical mark during its early stages of use. Such an approach indeed looks promising and may bring tangible, exact results (what is more, the same

2 250 Volume 75 (1987) method could be applied to investigate other diacritical marks as well). But that approach should be much more comprehensive, more detailed and more organized, listing the shapes of the mai han akat, its combinations with other letters, also its position in relation to neighbouring letters; the whole has to be tied to secure dates and should preferably be reproduced on a chart. As long as that is not done, the examples of mai han akat quoted by Dr. Vickery hardly have a bearing upon the provenance and the date of birth of the mai han akat, but only keep their face value of unprocessed research material: varied examples of the subsequent history and use of the mai han akat, after it had come into existence. Convincing conclusions cannot yet been drawn from them. The "identical sign" that Dr. Vickery refers to and which he sees examplified in the Wat Pa Dang inscription of 1406 A.D. (inscr. no. 9) in connection with, i.a., the word sangha, looks exactly like a mai han akat and is written over the second consonant. Prima facie, it seems to be a mai han akat. However, it may not be a mai han akat although it has the outward features of one. That is to say, the scribe may simply have used the same type of stroke for both, the "genuine" mai han akat and another similar diacritical mark. Dr. Vickery does not express his ideas on that mark. I suppose it may be derived from, or have connection with, the diacritical mark mai kang lai 1~A'-:i'tVI~ in Tham and Fak Kham scripts. In its earliest stage known to me (1470 A.D. ) 3, it looks similar to an unalom ~nt11~:j..j lying on its side, the thicker part to the left, i.e. a near-circle with a wave attached. In later inscriptions, up to the present, it looks more like a flattened Tham ij. \l with an additional circle in the upper stroke. I do not know the origin of the mai kang lai, but it seems restricted to certain Indian words, for instance sangha, the n being the mai kang lai (written on top of the gh). In the example of 1470 mentioned, it is used with the word sahinga "lion", the n here again being the mai kang lai. In northern Thailand, it is understood that the mai kang lai is more or less the same as the common anusvara. 0 (nikhahit Ufl~lil, in LanNa called mai kang 1~A'\l). But there must be something more to it because it does not occupy the same position as the anusvara. Perhaps 1i e mai kang lai is a contraction of two elements or represents any nasal, as does 111 in Sanskrit (sa111gha, danaj11, etc.). Thus, the mai han akat or "identical sign" in sangha etc. in the Wat Pa Dang inscription may be a simplified mai kang lai. But to make the mai han akat develop from it, as Dr. Vickery hypotheses, would need substantial evidence.

3 251 Journal of The Siam Societ} I still think it is bold to argue that the mai han akat was invented shortly before 1361 because our oldest dated stone inscriptions with mai han akat date from As I see it, the date 1361 is only a terminus post quem. There are many undated inscriptions with mai han akat some of which might conceiveably be older than And I still think that with present knowledge, a better tool is the theory that the mai han akat derived from the virama, and that therefore the mai han akat may have been used by Thai scribes before The virama is a horizontal stroke over th~ last consonant of a closed syllable. It is usually slightly curved, either upward or downward. If the virama was not in the mind of the early Thai scribes, if it had nothing to do with the origin of the mai han akat, how is one to explain that (a) the early mai han akat not only resemble the virama in form but are also placed over the last consonant, and that (b) in later inscriptions the mai han akat gradually shifts its position to the left, until it occupies its present position /24 I am inclined to go even one step further and to suggest, as a working theory, that the virama was also involved in the origin of the diacritical mark mai kong lijn\1. The mai kong, like the mai kang lai, has not found its way into use with central Thai letters, but it is one of the diacritical marks regularly used with Tham and Fak Kham letters. The mai kong is a slightly curved downward stroke not dissimilar to a long comma or to a long accent grave, written over the first consonant of a closed syllable. In central Thai script, it is either represented by the mai han akat, for instance in the words hua ~1 and wua '11. or it is not represented at all, for instance in the word khon flu.. In the Wat Kan Thorn inscription from c A.D.5 it is written over the second consonant, but later on, in the early examples of Fak Kham script, it has moved a little or extended its position to the left and begins already over the last part of the first consonant. In tham script, it is always written on top of the first (i.e. the upper) consonant, there being no other space available. to... " "Having denied the objective evidence of mai han akat, Dr. Penth went on To deny evidence implies intention to mishandle facts. Such sweeping statements, touching upon personal or scholarly integrity, do not advance us. I deny that I denied the objective evidence of the mai han akat and hope to be open to sober argumentation.

4 252 Volume 75 (1987) "In three JSS articles I demonstrated the very strong evidence that Jaya Sangram, Saen Phu, and Nam Thuam are ficticious, and that the only reliable 14thcentury king list is that of Wat Phra Yiin... the chronicles have inserted two ficticious generations... Nam Thuam belongs to a legend found in both Chiang Mai and Sukhothai sources." I don't know why the Wat Phra Yiin inscription of Lamphiin (1370 A.D.), while listing the ancestors of King Kii Na back to King Mang Rai, leaves out the names of kings Chai Songkhramt and San Pbii. 6 One could imagine several reasons for the omission, the simplest being that the author of the inscription did not know the names, or that he overlooked them, or that the scribe forgot to copy the names from his dr~ft. That, in tum, could have happened because the author (the monk Sumana from Sukhothai?) was in a hurry, or because he was a stranger and not too familiar with the Chiang Mai royal genealogy, or because the scribe was not a Chiang Mai court official, etc. Whatever the reasons for the omission, the inscription of Wat Phra Suwanna Maha Wihan from Phayao,datedl411, contains of list of kings up to that date of 1411, and here kings Chai Songkhram and San Phii occupy their usual places. 7 That inscription certainly was made under the direction of a court official. In fact, he was the king's uncle or else was very close to him, and besides he was particularly loyal and capable, wherefore he received the unusual title of Sl Miin (40,000) instead of the usual Miin (10,000) and received Phayao as his province. It seems quite impossible that the names of kings San Phii and Chai Songkhram were invented between 1370 and 1411 and, within a period of only fourty years, became so deeply engraved in the mind of an elderly, highly placed courtier, that this important official listed them as ancestors of his own king. As for the troublemaker Pho Tbao Nam Thuam (the name means Prince Floodwater; probably he was born in a year with a memorable inundation), the chronicles say that he came up from Tak and forced his way into Lamphiin (which seems to have then been the seat of the Ping State government); but he was quickly overcome and exiled to Chiang Tung. He may or may not be identical with the Sukhothai troublemaker of the same name: there certainly was more than one flood; or else the same man may have suffered setbacks in Sukhothai as well as in the Ping State. There does not seem to be a need for a theory that he or they were legendary figures.

5 253 Jou,nal of The Siam Society "There must have been in each generation a mahathevi with several sons, at least two of whom were ranked as braiia." Definitely not. Phaya (brana) means' King" in northern parlance of that period, and usually king of Uin Na in inscriptions from LanNa. There were one ortwo possible exceptions which I took into consideration in the conference paper quoted by Dr. Vickery. 8 "More significant is the evidence of these dated inscriptions that in 1489 a Maharajathevi donated thong sako, the material of which the controversial Buddha reliefs are made." Dr. Vickery is referring to the stone inscription from Wat Khuang Chum Kao of 1489 A.D. (inscr. no. 68). 9 The inscription says that in 1489, the maha racha thewi 3-J'VI1'fl'liL'Yl1 donated a certain amount of the metal alloy thong jangko (here called tong sako) with which to cover the top of the stupa of Wat Khuang Chum Kao. This monastery has not yet been identified, but it certainly was at quite some distance from the city of Lamphun, not in Lamphun. As for the lady, the stone inscription calls her a maha racha thew! (queen of the ruling king), not a maha thew! 3-J'VIlLm (widow of the deceased king mother of the ruling king) as the title reads on the Buddha image inscription. A mahii thewi was infinitely higher in rank. The matter recorded in that stone inscription is nothing out of the ordinary, we know of many donations of the kind, and it has nothing to do with the thong jangko Buddha images on the stupa Phra That Hariphunchai. Pages 4- S. Dr. Vickery. offers the suggestion that the thong jangko Buddha images on the Phra That Hariphunchai were made at one time, and that the inscriptions on the images were added later by other persons, not by the original donors of the Buddha images. That appears quite impossible. Of the several thousand inscribed Buddha images and other inscribed religious objects that I have examined, I have never come across anything like that. A person makes an image or an object, inscribes it or not, and offers it to the Three Gems or the Sasana. No other person would claim it as his donation or inscribe it with his name, because that would be trying to steal the puiiiia or kusala from the real donor, trying to improve one's own kamma by

6 254 Volume 75 (1987) cheating, something that cannot be done. As for the Buddha images on the Phra That Hariphunchai, the inscriptions on two of them say clearly "I made the image", and the other two inscriptions leave no doubt that the scribe (or the scribes) was a contemporary of the donor and wrote down what he was told by the donor. Inscriptions and images cannot be separated, they belong to the same period. If Dr. Vickery dates.the inscriptions on the images to around 1400 A.D. and perhaps as late as 1500, he will have to take up the matter with art historians too. Hans Penth Endnotes 1. Michael Vickery: From Lamphuil to Inscription Nr. 2. Summary of a Lecture Given at the Siam Society on 14 October The Siam Society Newsletter (3.1) 1987 p R. Halliday: Les inscriptions mon du Siam. DEFEO (30.1-2) 1930 p.86. ~ ~ ~ A.I ~ 1~ ~ ~ o ~ u u.. 3. I!I'IU'I L'VfU1i "f11~1'ln'yl~'u'w'l::~111i~u L'U'I.!.fl'lL"DEI.:IL~3.1" ni.:il11'w"1 n1'un'u1eln'l~3-iw11'l 'W.f'l 'W'l::'W'Y11i'l1JEJ.:I~~ 2 'l~-w'l::l~1lal.:l'l1el 1l1'W 2.'11 LLfl:: 2.fl. w 4. Hans Penth: Mai Han Akat. JSS (73) 1985 p if'u~ L"W'U~ "~1in'l~m"U1rt3.1" flfi1j'lq,u"1i'l'l3.1 (6.3) 2528 ~il '.,.:il ~ d "' "' "' "'.I ~ A ~ 6. ~1 'Y1El.:lfl11'l'ltu "~f!n'yl 62 tlfl1~1'lm~-w'l::ej'u ~.:1~1~fi1'Vj'U" u'l::~3-ltlfl1~1'ln1l1fi'y1 3 ni.:!l11'w"1 HTUn 'U1Elni~3.1W11i -w.f'l ~il A.B.Griswold/Prasert na Nagara: The Inscription of Wat Pra Yiin. JSS (62.1) 1974 p Li13.1 3jLI1i3.1t1l'l::a1-u ~llj1l'l::flej.:!/1l'l::lai~ m "Ufl'l "fi1~1inflfl1~1inmffii~'l1'!1"1.:tfiil.:t'l1 l fi"w./9" flft1l1m (24.2) 2523 ~ii,, Hans Penth: Inscriptions and Images on the Phra Mahii That in Lamphun. Paper presented at the International Conference on Thai Studies, Bangkok 1984, Conference Volume No. 6: Art and Archaeology. - The matter is also treated in an article with the same name currently (1987) under press with Artibus Asiae. 9. d1 11EJ.:tfi11'l'ltu "~~n~ 68 flfl1~1in1~~-uej.:~~ou13.1 ~.:~~1~~1'W'U" 1l'l::'!f3-lflfl1~1in mfl~ 3 nc;.:~l'yl'w"1.. ; tftunou1ejni~3-i'u'11i -w.f'l ~il

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