The Further Particulars describe the methods used. in recruiting people to the South African Communist. These people were instructed in Communist

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1 The Further Particulars describe the methods used!>t in recruiting people to the South African Communist Party. These people were instructed in Communist theory, there were discussion with them, classical communist works were recommended to them for study and they were often handed such hooks. Thereafter people would be questioned in regard to the understanding of the theory. On being satisfied that such people understood the basic theory, they would be accepted in Johannesburg and Durban as members. There is a specific allegation that Accused No. 1 and Accused No. 3 questioned Brooks and explained aspects of the communist doctrine to him. ) ' I deny that I ever recruited or attempted to recruit any person to the South African Communist Party at any time whatsoever. When I came to Durban in 1965 to do psychology honours at the university there, I fell in with a number of people with whom I became friendly. These people had a liberal antigovernment attitude. In the course of these friendships there would be parties and mutual visits. I had also, together with Barkham, Brooks and Malan, become interested in folk music. This I think drew a number of people to visit the house of Brooks and myself regularly. At such spontaneous gatherings there would be discussions on music, art, the theatre, cinema, religion and many other topics. There would be divergences of opinion and interests and it was never intended that these discussions should be for the purpose of converting any person or persons to the outlook of the South African Communist Party. I/..

2 -2- I want to deal with John Brooks insofar as recruiting is concerned. In this regard I would refer to my notes on Count 2 under the heading "Recruiting" at p. 3 and the pages following. There I have dealt with his personality. There was really no need for me to preach to John Brooks as he appeared to have definite political ideas which he used to defend in company. He felt that things were wrong in South Africa and seemed to support the views of the Progressive Party. Despite this, he seemed dissatisfied and said that he wanted to do something to help the ndn-europeans. He gave the impression that in this regard he was getting more and more frustrated. I remember one gathering at the home of Pat Lendrum. Somebody started a discussion on the political situation in South Africa. In the course of this discussion Brookes related how he and Pat lendrum had a short while previously gone round Durban on Hew Year's eve painting anti-government slogans. According to Brooks, when thousands of people were standing in the Gardens he had climbed to the top of the City Hall and unfolded a large banner with the word "Freedom" splashed across it. He described how the Special Branch had just missed catching him, arresting instead two people who had tried to take the banner down. I immediately criticized this action. I pointed out to him that it was wrong for him glibly to discuss his action publically. I also stressed the futility of this kind of action. I warned him against the dangers of talking openly. At the end of the evening we agreed to meet again and about two weeks later I met him at his house, where we had a general discussion. This was the beginning of/.

3 -3- of a friendship which later resulted in the sharing of a house together with Etienne Malan. This was towards the end of March, As time went on Brooks appeared to be becoming more serious and was reading extensively. At that time we.-were under the impression that he was an insurance agent. I might here mention that I never got the idea that Pat Lendrum's views were communistic. As far as I was concerned she was a-political. As far as I know she never engaged in any political activity except the painting of slogans as described by Brooks. I would classify her as a liberal. In August, 1965 Brooks and I left G-locester Road, for Toledo Avenue. When Harold Strachan's first article on prison conditions appeared in the Rand Daily Mail, he apparently feared that he would be banned immediately and so the other articles would not be published. He decided to go on holiday for a few days until the articles had been completed. On the night of the first article there was some visitors at our Glocester Road house, including Brooks. Pat lendrum arrived with Harold Strachan on holiday until the last of the articles had been published. Brooks was invited to go along and appeared to be very keen to do so. I pulled him aside and told him that he was mad to get mixed up in this. I told him he would become known to the Special Branch and I had a very difficult job in persuading him not to go. After my arrest Brooks went to stay with Pat Lendrum and apparently told her that/...

4 that he was second in command politically. He said he was very worried and wanted to know whether she knew anything. A little later Pat Lendrum was arrested. The allegation that I instructed anybody in Communist theory is not correct. There were many discussions which arose spontaneously. During these I expressed my own views but never gave any instruction. In any case there were always different points of view and on some aspects my views were not consistent with the communist theory. I may have given people books to read but generally it was because they asked me. I did not lend or give books for the purpose of converting the readers to communism. The books which I gave to Brooks were not the classical works on communism. I never forced Brooks to read them. He in fact was the person who asked for such books. He pretended to be very interested. He expressed great keenness to know as much as possible about communism. I never lent any books n>r recommended any books to Pat Lendrum. I lent odd books to Elizabeth Simpson but these were not communist books. I did recommend novels but not communist literature to Gillian Lomberg. I exchanged books with Rossly Shanley but these were not Communist books. No communist books was given or recommended to Malan. None of the books mentioned in evidence by Gail Felay were classical communist works.

5 -5- I deny tell her the implications of the books as I understood them and my own views which might well have been in accord with those expressed in the writings. As far as Branski is concerned I lent him a variety of books and probably had discussions with him. I certainly did not give him any of the classical communist books or any other communist literature. Barkham and I exchanged books and often discussed matters of common interest. Both Branski aryl Barkham, however, made it clear that whatever literature they borrowed or discussed with me there was never any effort on my part to recruit them for the South African Communist Party. They did not become members nor was the topic ever raised with them. Books were given to people not so that they should study them but because of an interest in such books. I often expressed favourable opinions about the contents. I specifically deny that I ever questioned any person in order to test his or her knowledge and understanding of the theory of communism. In the course of a spontaneous discussion I might well have asked someone for his views on a particular idea but this certainly was not for testing purposes in order to see whether such person was fit for enrolment in the South African Communist Party. It is inevitable in all these kind of discussions that people should question each other. Paragraph C of Count 2 at page 3 deals with the use of code names in letters for reports which were exchanged. I/.

6 -6- I admit all these allegations save that I was not aware of the fact that Oolin Bundy was to he known as Ed and Fischer as Paulus. D. I did make use of contacts in communicating with people. I was the contact between Accused No. 2 and Rudin hut had no idea whatsoever that Rudin in turn was in contact with Fischer. The use of Barkham to convey messages to Accused No. 2 was for entirely innocent purposes. I deny that I was employed by Accused No. 2 to convey messages and reports to Fischer. I had no knowledge of the fact that Fischer and Rudin were in direct and constant contact with each other. I did submit reports to Rudin and very often had obtained the information from Accused No. 2. I did not propose covering the allegations, in paragraph indictment pages 4 and 5 thereof. I have already denied that selection of addresses and the use of code names was for Party purposes. There was a general feeling that all persons connected with liberal movements were suspect therefore as far as possible some form of security was employed. I admit the following allegations in paragraph F(i), (ii), (iii), (iv), (v), (vi) (vii). Paragraph G- at page 5 of the indictment refers to the writing and reception of letters at the addresses mentioned in F. It is not denied that letters were addressed to and received at these addresses. In so far as the allegations in G(ii) are concerned I deny that I ever wrote to t he j...

7 -7- the overseas branch of the Party submitting reports asking for financial assistance or advice. These letters unbeknown to me were written by Fischer under the nom de plume of Paulus to certain Kim in London. I had not the slightest idea that Fischer was writing such letters or making such reports. Accused No. 3 wrote the one letter to G-eraldine but this will be referred to in Accused No. 3*s own statement. Ej. As far as I remember I was only party to the use of Social Evolution by Gordon Ohilde for code purposes. I. I did hand over by way of loan books to various people but not at any time in their capacity as members or possible members. They were not recommended for study in the sense of the word as used at a University or school. They were advised that these books which were lent to them would help them to understand the various theories. Paragraph X at page 13 of the Further Particulars alleges that I recommended books 1 and 4 to Gail Fleay in Durban in Book 1 is Marx on Economics by Robert Freedman, Book 4 is Philosophy of Socialists by M. Pawnforth. No such evidence was in fact given by this witness and to the best of my knowledge I did not recommend these/..

8 -8- these books to her. On checking the evidence I find that Gail Fleay did in fact mention book ITo. 4. What however is important is that Gail Pleay expressly stated under cross-examination that at no time did I in any way whatsoever try to recruit her for any group or for the South African Communist Party. Sub-paragraph J at page 7 of the indictment relates to the requests made for financial aid for various matters. I admit the allegations in paragraphs (i) to (v). I have no knowledge of (vi). admit (vii) and (viii). In so far as (ix) is concerned I repeat that only on one occasion did Rudin provide financial aid and that was in connection with the possible distribution of a leaflet on the 26th June, I repeat my denial that this money was given to me for Party purposes. At no stage did I make any requests for financial aid to the overseas branch.of the South African Communist Party. I had been told by Rudin that money might be obtainable from the anti-apartheid movement in London. Rudin has said in his evidence that this might have been a matter of inference on my part but I deny this. I say that he in fact told me that the source of the money was the antiapartheid movement. In the letter to Geraldine which was written on the instruction of Rudin there was a request for financial aid for various people. I now propose dealing in some detail with the requests for financial aid. (i)/...

9 -9- (i) Request to Brooks to arrange for transfer of R20, to South Africa. I have prepared a separate memorandum on this topic and this should he included in my statement at this point. (ii) That I informed Rudin of the deposit of R3, in the Trust Bank in Durban tending the deposit of R20, in London. I admit that I gave this information to Rudin but deny that I ever told him that it was available for Party use. It was Rudin who told me of the scheme to get money into South Africa and he had admitted this at page 171 of the record. He had apparently been told of the scheme by Fischer. Money would be paid out in South Africa if an equivalent amount was deposited in a London account in the name of Sairer1 Smith. I did not give Rudin the details of how this was to be done and who was to pay the money out in South Africa. Rudin doubted whether such a large sum could be obtained. I told him that R3, had already been deposited in a certain Durban account but did not give the name of the account. (iii) This alleges that I requested aid for the employment of full time organisers in Zululand for the African National Congress. I/...

10 -10- I admit this allegation save and except that I deny that the organisers were to act on hehalf of the National Congress. In my original statement pages 15 to 24 inclusive I dealt at length with my association with these projects. These pages are to be inserted at this point of my new statement and to be regarded as part of it. (iv) to (vii) The allegations herein are admitted. (viii) This relates to a request for aid for George Poonen a political refugee who was unable to proceed beyond Bechuanaland. I admit that I approached Rudin for financial aid for this man. It was Rudin who told me of the difficulties namely that there could be no transits Zambia without the concurrence of Tanzania. In or about December, 1964 seven persons appeared in Court charged with Communist Party activity on a joint indictment. The case was remanded to January or February. When the case reopened the indictment was quashed and no evidence was led. As a result of this charges were withdrawn against all the accused except Keswal Moonsamy. It seemed that this would be a test case. When the trial began four of the persons previously mentioned in the report to Johannesburg refused to give/.

11 -11- give evidence and was sentenced to terms of imprisonment. They lodged appeals and Moonsamy's case was postponed pending the hearing of the appeal. Shortly after this the 180 day detention law came into force and Moonsamy and the others fled the country to Bechuanaland. Earlier M.P. one of the original seven and George Poonen who was called as a witness in a case against Leonard Mdingi and who likewise refused to give evidence were sentenced and awaiting appeal had also fled to Bechuanaland. Later it was brought to my notice by a member of Poonen*s family that he was in need of assistance as he was stuck in Bechuanaland. It was because of this that I asked Rudin to get help from the antiapartheid movement in London which he promised to do. It was he who explained to me the difficulties of getting Poonen out of Bechuanaland. (ix) I have no knowledge at all of the allegation that Pischer through the agency of Rudin provided me with financial aid for Party purposes. The only money that I ever received from Rudin was a small sum in connection with the proposed leaflet for the 26th June, K./...

12 -12- K. Sub-paragraph K covers visits made by one person to another. I admit that there were many visits but repeat my denial that these had anything to do with Party work. X. According to this I instructed Rudin to evade the Police and assisted H m in regard to travel, accommodation and expenses. During November, 1965 almost immediately after the arrest of Fischer Rudin arrived in Durban. We discussed the arrest of Fischer and one or two pther people. Rudin said that he thought it would be advisable for him to stay away from Johannesburg for a while. We did not go into details but he did make it clear that he was afraid that he might be arrested. In no way whatsoever did he tell me that he had been associated with Fischer or that his possible arrest might be due to his association with Fischer. Rudin had been a trusted friend of mine and I did the obviously decent thing by asisting him in regard to getting accommodation and also helped him with travel and money arrangements. M. I deny that I co-operated with the African National Congress but do admit that I co-operated with the Congress Movement. The purpose was not to organise the masses in opposition to the government but to take such steps as were perfectly lawful at the time, namely, to support the Democratic Party in the Transkei, to assist in the Zulustan elections/.

13 -13- elections and in the urban council elections. Although it might be true that the purpose was to organise the masses in opposition to the government it was perfectly lawful opposition and did not in any way whatsoever embrace violence, sabotage or similar methods. N. I did not make contact with the two men referred to in sub-paragraph IT, namely Jackson Nkosiyane and Nicodemus Nogcantsi. I admit that I supported the principle of participation in elections. have already dealt with the memorandum on the TransM Democratic Party and repeat what I have said earlier in this later statement. I admit that I made an arrangement for making contact with Chief Buthelezi but had nothing to do with making contact with Jackson and Nicodemus. I had nothing to do with advising Jackson and Nicodemus to cooperate with persons opposing the present government in Zululand nor did I undertake to supply the name of a party conduct in Eastern Pondoland, nasisiy?: to aim James Dunne. On no occasion whatsoever have I ever claimed that the South African Communist Party was well represented in the bodies of the Transkeien Democratic Party. I made no requests of any person in order to ascertain the strength of the Pan-African Congress in the Transkei. 0. I did send a message to Chief Buthelezi through Hugh Dent that he should make contact with Accused No. 2/.

14 -14- Accused Ho. 2. Before proceeding to paragraph P I would like to deal with some of the Further Particulars relating to the previous sub-paragraphs. appear at page 15 and the pages following. These I admit the allegations in sub-paragraphs (i) to (iv) in paragraph AA at page 15. Sub-paragraph (v) I have already stated that I was unaware of the fact that Rudin had received the R20.00 which he gave me. J I now want to deal with paragraph CC at page 16. As far as I was concerned the sum of R20, was to be transferred to the Republic of South Africa for the purpose of organising the elections in the urban councils Zululand and the Transkei. Certain additional amounts were required for other purposes such as the refund of monies spent on the maintenance of Fletcher. I had nothing to do with the requests to Kim for money to assist the South African Communist Party by paying its debts or purchasing a duplicating machine for Party use or for any of the other requirements of the South African Communist Party in Johannesburg. Paragraph EE at page 17. It is not quite accurate that we provided Rudin with assistance to enable him to evade the Police and so prevent the detection of Party activities. As already stated over and over again I had not the slightest notion/...

15 Page 15. On a number of occasions, prior to this time, I had mentioned to R that I would like to be introduced to some Africans, to get to know more about them and possibly assist them by some means or another. One Saturday morning, I think, I popped into his office and he called me in, introducing me to 2 Africans. R suggested that we use different names ( for the same reasons as I have outlined earlier and will do so again more fully - i.e. thourgh legal - fear of banning etc.. particularly with Africans ). The one was called Victor, the other Johnson, R,-GG. and myself, j Derick. It was only later, that I learnt of their real names : Johnson - Griffiths Mxenge (G.M.) ^ Victor - Albert Dhlomo ( A.D.) ' R. explained that they had come to him for advice on the question of legal work, and this formed the basis of our discussion. All agreed that sabotage was wrong and against the interest of the people. The problem was where to go now. They mentioned briefly that some chaps were intending contesting the Urban Bantu Council elections and that they, G.M. and A.D. were amongst those supporting them. R. advised the building up of Trade Unions, Residence Associations and Peasants associations to take up the issues of the people legally. They also mentioned briefly that the proposed Zulu- stan was pending and that the elections should definitely be supported. 16/...

16 They were considering starting a new political party to contest seats in the elections. At the end of the discussion, they agreed to try and obtain further details. The problem of finance arose. I suggested that I might he able to obtain some money for them. I was thinking of Jeff and the A.A. Movement in London. I did not tell them where from but said that I might be able to give an indication of the money possibility within 2 weeks. R. told all to consult him again for further discussion, +- two weeks later. During those 2 weeks, I went up to Johannesburg, C. I think, by plane. I explained to Jeff that I had met 2 African students and that broadly, they were supporting people who were going to contest the Urban Bantu Council and tentatively the question of Zululand and the new Political Party proposition. ly, all of them also explain^ Apparentthere were many more. that I then explained the main reason for coming up - money. I wanted him to see whether money could be made available possibly from London, for them. Jeff expressed immediate excitement and asked for further details. I informed him that I was awaiting further reports and that for the time being there was nothing more to say - except to raise the problem of finance.

17 Page 17- He explained that finance was difficult at that stage but apparently some was expected soon. We agreed that this should take priority. Whilst in JHB, another issue arose, Earlier to this, Jeff had informed me that the split in JHB (referred to at 1st Meeting between Jeff and R.) was sharpening. I had suggested that if I could obtain Memoranda from" various people coming out strongly against Sabotage and adventurism and stressing the importance of mass, legal, work, it might greatly assist in bringing pressure to bear on those whose ideas he was trying to shatter. It had to help him. He agreed, but stressed that if I could do this, there should not come from R, since his attitude was well known and there might still be old residual antagonism in JHB. to him. I suggested on this occasion now, that possibly one from Africans would be even morebeneficial, particularly from GM and AD. He agreed and at the same time suggested that possibly M.Dls attitude should be canvassed as well. On my returnto DBN, I first saw R and asked his advice. He suggested that I approach G-.M. and A.D. As arranged, 2 we&s later, I went to R*s office where G-.M. and A.D. were to likewise come for consultation. Again, the same points arose - in a little more detail. I explained to them the position, re finance and asked for an Anti-Sabotage Memorandum. * 18/«.

18 Page 18. They explained that there were chaps - mostly students- who all agreed in principle and that they were beginning to set up coimttees to prepare for the forthcoming elections. They were not sure yet of a name for the proposed Party - suggested Democratic Party, along the lines of the Transkei. They explained that they were contemplating asking Chief GATSHA BUTHELEZI to become leader of the new party. He was known to be a popular leader of his people, had sober habits and showed strength and courage in all his cancelling and dealings. He had always referred all Government demands to the people for acceptance or reje ctance, never assuming a dictatorial role. There had been a meeting of Zulu Chiefs to discuss the Zulu Bantustan idea and here, Buthelezi had said that the people must decide by referendum - which created a sensation at the time. He was also highly respected, being the cousin to the Paramount Chief, in fact being his advisor, taking on much of his work. Naturally, he represented a popular choice and ideal man. The problem arose of how to approach him. R. suggested that there was no hurry - Get some organization going before this was done. They explained that they did not know the chief and would require an introduction. R. advised that since, he knew him personally, he could introduce the Chief to G.M. and A.D. The problem arose - lew to see him. I then stated w that T knew of a wav >and would investigate it. Towards the end, I stated that I would continue to press for immediate financial assistance - and arranged to see G.M., alone at the Univ. ofnatal, City Buildings, at a later point. 19/...

19 Page 19 During the discussion, R was not present all the time but kept popping in and out. After this second discussion, the 4 of% us never came together again but, singly and sometimes in pairs, his advice was still sought. After this discussion, I explained to R. that Hugh Dent, a game ranger friend of both, at Umfalazi, was a great friend of Buthelezi. I was prepared to go and see Hugh and ask him to contact Buthelezi to come to see R. R stated that it might be a plan but jadvised me to wait. In the meantime, he would try to contact Buthelezi by correspondence. Later on, I met G.M. as arranged, and we had a discussion on the finance question. He was interested to know who I was in contact with in JHB for money. He explained that they were envisaging a spread of organization of work for the elections to include JHB as well. They therefore wanted some direct contact with Africans in JHB. This way, the contact would be able to travel in and out of townships getting 1st hand knowledge of what was happening both in Natal and JHB. I did not tell him with whom I wa^r in contact, but agreed with him and offered to see what I could do. He also repeated that they were getting groups going in the various areas as preliminary preparation. I informed him that I would be going to JHB and agreed to try and help on all these matters. 20/...

20 Page 20. I am not sure, but I think itwas here that I picked up the Anti-Sabotage Memorandum. It might have been at a later point. R. had said that we could come back to him later for some more advice if necessary, so that I arranged with G-.M. to see him at R's office some time later. I then went to JHB and explained the position to Jeff. He again explained that money had not yet arrived, but that it was expected soon. African contact, he expressed doubt. About the He had no j contact with Africans in JHB and in addition, had heard that chaps known to others, were in hading or in jail. Apparently, one African was informing the Police of ^everything he knew and they were acting on his advice. Nontheless, he said that he would see what could be done. Re finance, he asked that as full a report as possible be prepared in the form of a memorandum on the proposed ideas, present activities and some sort of budget setting down the financial requirements. He indicated that this might be necessary to persuade the A.A. Movement in London of the necessity and urgency of the money. I said I would see what I could do. c J>7 If the Anti-Sabotage memorandum had been given to me at this time, I handed it to Jeff. Whenever it was, he was enthusiastic and very pleased. 21/...

21 Page 21. Some time later, in DBN, as arranged, I went to R's office where I met A.D. who explained that G.M. could not turn up. R. was not present during this discussion, only popping in, once or twice. I explained the position to bin, and asked for the Memorandum on activities. He immediately expressed concern, stating that they were unhappy about the idea of written reports. He explained further the direct contact would also remove the necessity for written reports. I explained the difficulties and agreed that written reports should be dispensed with. We discussed the problem further and in the end, he reluctantly agreed to obtain the memorandum, particularly as finance was pressing. We agreed to meet at University again and he stated that G.M. would probably come instead. There were a number of occasions in between, when thru one thing or another we did not meet - So that the exact order of events, I am still a bit unsure of. When, at last, I met G.M. again, at Univ. Buildings he told me that they were still unhappy about the written memorandum. We had another discussion and again, he agreed to go and fix it up, insisting that this was to be the last written report. I agreed with him and since I was toleave for JHB the next day, I took him to a certain place and left him there, agreeing to meet him about 2-3 hours later. 22/---

22 Page 22. I dropped him just before the entrance into Lamontville and was to meet him in South Coast Road, near the Lamontville Entrance. I returned at the required time and he gave me the memorandum stating that due to time, it had been written out. I told him not to worry and that I would type it out, destroying the original. On reacing home, I did this on the only typewriter available - namely, one at my house - ( the one which I later gave to Gail to keep and which apparently, thepolice have). I took the Memorandum to JHB and insisted that it be retyped on another typewriter so as to remove any trace to mine. J. Assured me that it would be done. It was only later, when AF. was arrested, that Jeff suggested that maybe it wasn*t retyped. It was for this reason, that I decided to ask Gail to keep my typewriter, for me. were The contents of the Memorandum, to my recollection 1. A brief presentation of all that had been said before ; 2. A request for money for the following : (a) General Rlitical work; (b) Zululand Elections; (c) Paid organizers &So

23 Page 23. (e) Money to/assist some people wffo W r e allegedly or whe* might in /he future/ waive to leave the country. 7 / ^ U j / / I think, "but I am not sure, rough figures were given for each point. I know that on a number of occasions ( I'm not sure how many) rough figures were given. For (c) it may have been R40-R60. a month for each organizer. The request was for 2 of them. is that Africans and^we, have fojand from/experience that/from the ymost innocent wor are bxnned, e e essential ajs'gument i/s that this might/be forced/n people without being/illegal. It would be merely more ^practical in some cases 3. There was a discussion, on the question of direct contact and the request for no more written reports. There may have been something else. Jeff seemed impressed by the memorandum and felt sure that now, money would present little difficulty. He suggested, for our own purposes, in DBN, that I try to find out more abai; the writers. They were students and there were thus so many possibilities for legal work. Earlier on in the year, for example, he had suggested a National Student Newspaper to winch students would be invited to contribute articles of high standard and wherein many problems of the

24 Page 24. intellectual and possibly the masses, both political and otherwise, could be thrashed out. This idea, he now raised again. I remarked that whilst being of importance, it was a bit premature - I nevertheless agreed to consider the matter and possibly investigate it. Again, finance had not yet arrived so that I was forced to return empty handed. He promised to see to all other points and asked me for further particulars about Chief Gatsha Buthelezi. After returning to DBN, I went to see R and asked for help in this respect and he added a few more details to my knwledge of Buthelezi*s history, which I later gave to Jeff. For some time I did not see G.M. but whilst writing my exams, I saw him at City Buildings and" explained what was up. I told him that when I had any news about money, I would get in touch with him. We agreed that there was little else I could do to help him at that stage. The other question about the newspaper was helfl up after advice from R. I did not see G.M. again, though at the time of my arrest I was contemplating it. The possibility of money arriving had now become more likely. There are a number of further points in my relationship with G.M. and A.D. 4 25/---

25 Collection Number: AD1897 ERNST, D and ARENSTEIN, RI and FINKELSTEIN, J, Trial records, 1966 PUBLISHER: Publisher:- Historical Papers, University of the Witwatersrand Location:- Johannesburg 2013 LEGAL NOTICES: Copyright Notice: All materials on the Historical Papers website are protected by South African copyright law and may not be reproduced, distributed, transmitted, displayed, or otherwise published in any format, without the prior written permission of the copyright owner. Disclaimer and Terms of Use: Provided that you maintain all copyright and other notices contained therein, you may download material (one machine readable copy and one print copy per page) for your personal and/or educational non-commercial use only. People using these digitised archives from Historical Papers, The Library, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, are reminded that such records may contain material which is uncorroborated, inaccurate, distorted or untrue. While these digital records are true facsimiles of paper documents and the information contained herein is obtained from sources believed to be accurate and reliable, Historical Papers, University of the Witwatersrand has not independently verified their content. Consequently, the University is not responsible for any errors or omissions and excludes any and all liability for any errors in or omissions from the information on the website or any related information on third party websites accessible from this website. This document is part of the South African Institute of Race Relations collection.

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