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Samuel Jordan Center for Persian Studies and Culture Digital Archive of Brief notes & Iran Review Vol.01 www.dabirjournal.org ISSN: 2470-4040 No.02.2016 1

xšnaoθrahe ahurahe mazdå Detail from above the entrance of Tehran s fire temple, 1286š/1917 18. Photo by Shervin Farridnejad

The Digital Archive of Brief notes & Iran Review (DABIR) ISSN: 2470-4040 www.dabirjournal.org Samuel Jordan Center for Persian Studies and Culture University of California, Irvine 1st Floor Humanities Gateway Irvine, CA 92697-3370 Editor-in-Chief Touraj Daryaee (University of California, Irvine) Editors Parsa Daneshmand (Oxford University) Arash Zeini (Independent scholar) Shervin Farridnejad (Freie Universität Berlin) Book Review Editor Shervin Farridnejad (Freie Universität Berlin) Editorial Assistants Ani Honarchian (UCLA) Sara Mashayekh (UCI) Advisory Board Samra Azarnouche (École pratique des hautes études); Dominic P. Brookshaw (Oxford University); Matthew Canepa (University of Minnesota); Ashk Dahlén (Uppsala University) Peyvand Firouzeh (Cambridge University); Leonardo Gregoratti (Durham University); Frantz Grenet (Collège de France); Wouter F.M. Henkelman (École Pratique des Hautes Études); Rasoul Jafarian (Tehran University); Nasir al-ka abi (University of Kufa); Andromache Karanika (UC Irvine); Agnes Korn (Goethe Universität Frankfurt am Main); Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones (University of Edinburgh); Jason Mokhtarain (University of Indiana); Ali Mousavi (UC Irvine); Mahmoud Omidsalar (CSU Los Angeles); Antonio Panaino (University of Bologna); Alka Patel (UC Irvine); Richard Payne (University of Chicago); Khodadad Rezakhani (Freie Universität Berlin); Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis (British Museum); M. Rahim Shayegan (UCLA); Rolf Strootman (Utrecht University); Giusto Traina (University of Paris-Sorbonne); Mohsen Zakeri (University of Göttingen) Logo design by Charles Li Layout and typesetting by Kourosh Beighpour

Contents Notes 1. Keenan Baca-Winters: Victorious: The Arrogance of Šāhanšāh Xusrō Parvīz 2. Touraj Daryaee: Whipping the Sea and the Earth: Xerxes at the Hellespont and Yima at the Vara 3. Touraj Daryaee; Nina Mazhjoo: Dancing in Middle & Classical Persian 4. Götz König: The Niyāyišn and the bagas (Brief comments on the so-called Xorde Avesta, 2) 5. Dastur Firoze M. Kotwal: Jamshīdī Nō-Rūz : Facts v/s Myth 6. Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones: An orgy of Oriental dissipation? Some thoughts on the Camel lekythos 7. Marc Morato: The Turkish Iranian emigration as perceived by the Maathir al- Umara (1544-1629) 8. Mohsen Zakeri: Survey of Šāhnāme sources 1. The so-called *Paykār and *Sagēsarān 01 04 10 16 25 31 39 44 Reviews 1. Vahé S. Boyajian: Asatrian, Garnik S. & Viktoria Arakelova. 2014. The religion of the Peacock Angel: the Yezidis and their spirit world. (Gnostica: Texts & Interpretations). Durham, UK: Routledge. 157 pp., 63.00, ISBN 978-1-84465-761-2. 2. Touraj Daryaee: Shahbazi, A. Shapur, Tārīḫ-e sāsānīān. Tarjome-ye baḫš-e sāsānīān az ketāb-e tārīḫ-e Ṭabarī va moqāyese-ye ān bā tārīḫ-e Balʿamī [Sasanian History. Translation of the Sasanian Section from the History of Ṭabari and its Commparission with the History of Balʿami], Tehran, Iran University Press, 1389š/2010. Pp. 811. ISBN 978-964-01-1393-6. 3. Shervin Farridnejad: Timuş, Mihaela. 2015. Cosmogonie et eschatologie: articulations conceptuelles du système religieux zoroastrien. (Cahiers de Studia Iranica 54). Paris: Peeters Press. 288 pp., 30.00, ISBN 978-2-910640-40-8. 4. Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones: Briant, Pierre. 2015. Darius in the shadow of Alexander. (Trans.) Jane Marie Todd. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. 608 pages, $39.95, ISBN 9780674493094. 5. Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones: Bridges, Emma. 2014. Imagining Xerxes: ancient perspectives on a Persian king. (Bloomsbury Studies in Classical Reception). New York: Bloomsbury Academic. 256 pp., 65.00, ISBN 9781472514271. 50 53 55 57 59 Obituary 1. Ehsan Shavarebi: Malek Iradj Mochiri (1927 2015) 61

Digital Archive of Brief notes & Iran Review Vol.01 No.02.2016 ISSN: 2470-4040 Samuel Jordan Center for Persian Studies & Culture University of California, Irvine

2016, Vol. 1, No. 2 ISSN: 2470-4040 Samuel Jordan Center for Persian Studies and Culture, University of California, Irvine Victorious: The Arrogance of Šāhanšāh Xusrō Parvīz Keenan Baca-Winters University of California, Irvine 1 Xusrō II (r. 590 CE-628 CE) was the last mighty šāhān šāh of Ērānšahr. The hallmark of his reign is his near conquest of the Roman Empire, the ancient foes of the Iranians. Most of the Roman-Sasanian War of the seventh century (602 CE-628 CE) was a boon for Ērānšahr. In quick succession, the Romans lost Amida (609 CE), Edessa (610 CE), Theodosiopolis (610 CE), Jerusalem and the cross of Jesus Christ s crucifixion (614 CE), Egypt and the grain it provided the rest of the empire (618 CE) (Nikephoros 1990, 48), and Anatolia (617 CE), which put the Iranians within striking distance of Constantinople, the Roman capital. By 626 CE Xusrō II s power seemed to be limitless (James Howard-Johnston 2004, 93). His army, along with his Avar allies, besieged Constantinople. The Roman Empire was atrophying from the loss of tax revenue, while the Iranian treasury began to swell with captured Roman booty (Al-Ṭabarī 1999, 394). It must have seemed to Xusrō II that he was on the cusp of figurative immortality. The defeat of the Romans was imminent, and Xusrō II was about to rule not only Ērānšahr, but also the Roman Empire, which was comprised of parts of Italy, North Africa, Egypt, Asia Minor, and the Levant. The Roman-Sasanian War of the seventh century was an important event and has received a lot of attention in the ancient sources. These authors also focused on Xusrō II s supposed arrogance and greed and how the two went hand in hand. This note explores why these sources were fixated on how Xusrō II was arrogant and greedy, and why these sources were not necessarily wrong to depict him as

2016, Vol. 1, No. 2 2 such. While Xusrō II himself was a complex man who was influenced by things other than the war of the seventh century (my forthcoming dissertation explores other aspects of his personality), his achievements did have an effect on how he viewed the world. The best example we have of Xusrō II s egotism is a letter in the History of Pseudo-Sebēos. After Heraclius (r. 610 CE-641 CE) obtained the emperorship, he wrote to Xusrō II asking him to cease hostilities. Xusrō II s response is dramatic and full of insults. He wrote that he is special to the gods and that Heraclius was just a stupid servant whose empire at that point was all but Xusrō II s. He asked if Heraclius prayed to Jesus Christ to save the Roman realm and pointed out that Jesus could not save himself from crucifixion by the Jews. Xusrō II then forgave Heraclius and all his trespasses (Sebeos 1999, 79). Then according to Nikephoros, another ancient author, Xusrō II constructed a palace and had a mural of himself depicted as a god, seated among the sun, moon, and stars, along with a contraption that simulated lightening and thunder (Nikephoros 1990, 56). Theophylact Simocatta also demonstrated Xusrō II s hubris and pleonexia by writing that Xusrō II s father, Hormīzd IV (r. 579 CE-590 CE), warned the Iranians that Xusrō II s arrogance knew no bounds (Theophylact Simocatta, 1986, 109). The Middle Persian source Māh ī frawardīn rōz ī hordād also described Xusrō II s love of treasure (Māh ī frawardīn rōz ī hordād 27). Lastly, Al-Thaʿālibī corroborated that Xusrō II was avaricious and included a dossier on how much treasure Xusrō II owned (Al-Thaʿālibī 1900, 687-689, 698-711). The interesting thing about al-thaʿālibī is that according to him, Xusrō II got all of his treasure from the Roman Empire, and he thanked God for allowing that to happen (Al-Thaʿālibī 1900, 701). The is important as al-thaʿālibī linked Xusrō II s possessions with his success against the Romans. As Xusrō II s armies seized more and more Roman territory, the Sasanian treasury swelled with goods and precious metals. Coupled with the knowledge that the majority of the war of the seventh century went well for Xusrō II, it is not difficult to see that Xusrō II s pride would swell as the Iranians annexed more Roman territory, and more Roman treasure came into Ctesiphon. Movsēs Kałankatuac i corroborates this assertion by stating that Xusrō II became arrogant because of his gains in the war of the seventh century CE (Movsēs Dasxuranci 1961, 11). Thus, we have two authors who had linked Xusrō II s behavior with his success against the Romans. This is the crux of why Xusrō II was arrogant. While all the sources discussed here need deeper analysis to understand why they portrayed Xusrō II the way they did, it sometimes behooves historians to accept certain things for face value. One, Xusrō II posed one of the greatest threats the Roman Empire had ever faced. For a young šāhān šāh, this was remarkable considering the Romans and Iranians had had hostile relations for centuries prior to the war of the seventh century. Xusrō II s invasion marked the first time one realm threatened the existence of the other. Two, success undoubtedly went to Xusrō II s head and he probably began to think that since the war had gone well for him for so long, things would continue to go well for him. Thus it is not difficult to see him penning an insulting letter to Heraclius or massing exotic goods in his palaces and gloating about it. Because Xusrō II accomplished so much in his life as šāhān šāh, he more than likely became haughty with his successes, which is why the sources suggested that he was immodest and covetous. Xusrō Parvīz was a conqueror, and he acted like one.

Samuel Jordan Center for Persian Studies and Culture Bibliography Abū Ja far Muḥammad b. Jarīr al-ṭabarī. The History of al-ṭabarī: An Annotated Translation: Volume V, The Sāsānids, the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and Yemen. Translated by C. E. Bosworth. New York: State University of New York Press, 1999. Al-Thaʿâlibî. Histoire des rois des perses par Aboù Manṣoûr ʿabd Al-Malik ibn Moḥammad ibn Ismàʿìl al-thaʿâlibî. Edited and translated by M. Herman Zotenberg. Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1900. Howard-Johnston, James. Pride and Fall: Khusro II and His Regime, 626-628. In La Persia e Bisnazio (Atti dei Convengi Lincei 201), edited by G. Gnoli, 93-113. Rome: Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei, 2004). Reprinted in East Rome, Sasanian Persia and the End of Antiquity: Historiographical and Historical Studies. Aldershot: Ashgate Variorum, 2006. Māh ī frawardīn rōz ī hordād in Corpus of Pahlavi Texts. Edited by Jamaspji Dastur Minocherji Jamasp- Asana. Bombay, 1902. Movsēs Dasxuranci. The History of the Caucasian Albanians. Translated by C. J. F. Dowsett. London: Oxford University Press, 1961. Nikephoros. Nikephoros, Patriarch of Constantinople: Short History. Edited and translated by Cyril Mango. Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1990. 3 Sebeos. The Armenian History Attributed to Sebeos: Part 1. Translation and Notes. Edited and translated by R. W. Thomson with commentary by James Howard-Johnston with Tim Greenwood. Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1999. Theophylact Simocatta. The History of Theophylact Simocatta: An English Translation with Introduction and Notes. Edited and translated by Michael and Mary Whitby. Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1986. Keenan Baca-Winters is about to receive his Ph.D. from the University of California, Irvine. His dissertation is a study of Xusrō II and how he is depicted in different sources.

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