Franklin Roosevelt, Four Freedoms, 1941 In January 1941, nearly a year before Pearl Harbor, Roosevelt used the annual State of the Union address to speak against isolationism and deliver this famous interpretation of American war aims. I address you, the members of this new Congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. I use the word unprecedented because at no previous time has American security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today. It is true that prior to 1914 the United States often has been disturbed by events in other continents. But in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence. Even when the World War broke out in 1914, it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own American future. But as time went on, as we remember, the American people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy. I suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace. During sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. And the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small. Therefore, as your President, I find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders. Armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. If that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of Europe and Asia, and Africa and Australia will be dominated by conquerors. Let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents and their resources greatly exceed the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the Western Hemisphere yes, many times over. In times like these it is immature and, incidentally, untrue for anybody to brag that an unprepared America, single handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world. No realistic American can expect from a dictator s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion or even good business. Such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. Those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety. The future of all the American Republics is today in serious danger. That is why this annual message to the Congress is unique in our history. The need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily almost exclusively to meeting this foreign peril. For all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.
The nation s hands must not be tied when the nation s life is in danger. Yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency almost as serious as war itself demands. Whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations of any kind, must give way to the national need. A free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. A free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor, and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own group. The best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government. As men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. Those who man our defenses and those who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. The mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for. [T]here is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy. The basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. They are: Equality of opportunity for youth and for others. Jobs for those who can work. Security for those who need it. The ending of special privilege for the few. The preservation of civil liberties for all. The enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living. These are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. The inner and abiding strength of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations. In the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms. The first is freedom of speech and expression everywhere in the world. The second is freedom of every person to worship God in his own way everywhere in the world. The third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants everywhere in the world. The fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor anywhere in the world. That is no vision of a distant millennium. It is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. That kind of world is the very antithesis of the so called new order of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb. To that new order we oppose the greater conception the moral order. A good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear. To that high concept there can be no end save victory.
the Prime Minister that just because Russians are simple people, it was a mistake to believe that they were blind and could not see what was before their eyes. In the discussion in regard to future treatment of Germans, Marshal Stalin strongly implied on several occasions that Mr. Churchill nursed a secret affection for Germany and desired to see a soft peace. The Tehran Conference, 1943. The Tehran Conference, held in Tehran, Iran, was the first wartime conference of the Big Three : U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt, British Prime Minister Winston Churchill, and Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin. The aim of the conference was to discuss war strategy against Germany and Japan, but plans and goals for the postwar world could not be avoided. These minutes were recorded by Roosevelt s translator, Charles Bolen. SECRET TRIPARTITE DINNER MEETING, SOVIET EMBASSY, NOVEMBER 29, 1943. 8:30 PM. The most notable feature of the dinner was the attitude of Marshal Stalin toward the Prime Minister. Marshal Stalin lost no opportunity to get in a dig at Mr. Churchill. Almost every remark that he addressed to the Prime Minister contained some sharp edge, although the Marshal s manner was entirely friendly. He apparently desired to put and keep the Prime Minister on the defensive. At one occasion he told Marshal Stalin was obviously teasing the Prime Minister for the latter s attitude at the afternoon session of the Conference. He was also making known in a friendly fashion his displeasure at the British attitude on the question of OVERLORD. In regard to the future treatment of Germany, MARSHAL STALIN developed the thesis that he had previously expressed, namely, that really effective measures to control Germany must be evolved, otherwise Germany would rise again within 15 or 20 years to plunge the world into another war. He said that two conditions must be met: (1) At least 50,000 and perhaps 100,000 of the German Commanding Staff must be physically liquidated. (2) The victorious Allies must retain possession of the important strategic points in the world so that if Germany moved a muscle she could be rapidly stopped. MARSHAL STALIN added that similar strong points now in the hands of Japan should remain in the hands of the Allies. Operation OVERLORD = The Allied invasion of Germany through France, which ultimately began in June 1944. Stalin was impatient for a direct assault on Germany; Churchill favored focusing on Italy and the Mediterranean first.
THE PRESIDENT jokingly said that he would put the figure of the German Commanding Staff which should be executed at 49,000 or more. THE PRIME MINISTER took strong exception to what he termed the cold blooded execution of soldiers who fought for their country. He said that war criminals must pay for their crimes and individuals who had committed barbarous acts, and in accordance with the Moscow Document, which he himself had written, they must stand trial at the places where the crimes were committed. He objected vigorously, however, to executions for political purposes. MARSHAL STALIN, during this part of the conversation, continuously referred to Mr. Churchill s secret liking for the Germans. With reference to the occupation of bases and strong points in the vicinity of Germany and Japan, THE PRESIDENT said those bases must be held under trusteeship. MARSHAL STALIN agreed with the President. THE PRIME MINISTER stated that as far as Britain was concerned, they do not desire to acquire any new territory or bases, but intended to hold on to what they had. He said that nothing would be taken away from England without a war. He mentioned specifically, Singapore and Hong Kong. He said a portion of the British Empire might eventually be released but that this would be done entirely by Great Britain herself, in accordance with her own moral precepts. He said that Great Britain, if asked to do so, might occupy certain bases under trusteeship, provided others would help pay the cost of such occupation. MARSHAL STALIN replied that England had fought well in the war, and he, personally, favored an increase in the British Empire, particularly the area around Gibraltar. He also suggested that Great Britain and the United States install more suitable governments in Spain and Portugal, since he was convinced that Franco was no friend of Great Britain or the United States. In reply to the Prime Minister s inquiry as to what territorial interests the Soviet Union had, MARSHAL STALIN replied there is no need to speak at the present time about any Soviet desires, but when the time comes, we will speak. Although the discussion between Marshal Stalin and the Prime Minister remained friendly, the arguments were lively and Stalin did not let up on the Prime Minister throughout the entire evening. ROOSEVELT STALIN MEETING, ROOSEVELT S QUARTERS, DECEMBER 1, 3:20 PM THE PRESIDENT said he had asked Marshal Stalin to come to see him as he wished to discuss a matter briefly and frankly. He said it referred to internal American politics. He said that we had an election in 1944 and that while personally he did not wish to run again, if the war was still in progress, he might have to. He added that there were in the United States from six to seven million Americans of Polish extraction, and as a practical man, he did not wish to lose their vote. He said personally he agreed with the views of Marshal Stalin as to the necessity of the restoration of a Polish state but would like to see the Eastern border moved further to the west and
the Western border moved even to the River Oder. He hoped, however, that the Marshal would understand that for political reasons outlined above, he could not participate in any decision here in Tehran or even next winter on this subject and that he could not publicly take part in any such arrangement at the present time. MARSHAL STALIN replied that now the President explained, he had understood. THE PRESIDENT went on to say that there were a number of persons of Lithuanian, Latvian, and Estonian origin, in that order, in the United States. He said that he fully realized the three Baltic Republics had in history and again more recently been a part of Russia and added jokingly that when the Soviet armies re occupied these areas, he did not intend to go to war with the Soviet Union on this point. He went on to say that the big issue in the United States, insofar as public opinion went, would be the question of referendum and the right of self determination. He said he thought that world opinion would want some expression of the will of the people, perhaps not immediately after their re occupation by Soviet forces, but some day, and that he personally was confident that the people would vote to join the Soviet Union. MARSHAL STALIN replied that the three Baltic Republics had no autonomy under the last Czar who had been an ally of Great Britain and the United States, but that no one had raised the question of public opinion, and he did not quite see why it was being raised now. THE PRESIDENT replied that the truth of the matter was that the public neither knew nor understood. MARSHAL STALIN answered that they should be informed and some propaganda work should be done. He added that as to the expression of the will of the people, there would be lots of opportunities for that to be done in accordance with the Soviet constitution but that he could not agree to any form of international control. THE PRESIDENT replied it would be helpful for him personally if some public declaration in regard to the future elections to which the Marshal had referred, could be made. MARSHAL STALIN repeated there would be plenty of opportunities for such an expression of the will of the people. After a brief discussion of the time of the President s departure and that of Marshal Stalin, THE PRESIDENT said there were only two matters which the three of them had not talked over. He said he had already outlined to the Marshal his ideas on the three world organizations but he felt that it was premature to consider them here without Mr. Churchill. He referred particularly to his idea of the four great nations, the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and China, policing the world in the post war period. He said it was just an idea, and the exact form would require further study.
Walter White, Memorandum to the War Department, 1943 Walter White was the executive secretary of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) from 1931 to 1955. During World War II he worked as a war correspondent for the New York Post and advised the War Department on racial issues. I wish hereby to supplement the observations and recommendations made to Generals Dwight Eisenhower and John O. H. Lee on conditions in the European Theatre of Operations. My first and strongest impression is the difference in racial attitudes in active theatres of war as contrasted with those in theatres of preparation for action. As men approach actual combat and the dangers of death, the tendency becomes more manifest to ignore or to drop off pettinesses such as racial prejudice. At the Anzio Beachhead for example, men eat, sleep, and associate together with apparent complete ignoring of race or color of their neighbors. When German shells and bombs are raining about them, they do not worry as much about the race or creed of the man next to them. A second difference between the racial situation in England for example and Italy is that in the latter theatre there are combat as well as service units of Negroes. The excellent record and the publicity given to the of the 99th Pursuit Squadron has had a most salutary effect, whereas in England dangerous rumors are beginning to be spread that Negro combat troops are not in ETOUSA because Negroes cannot fight. The situation in Italy is quite different because of the record of the 99th, the record that is now beginning to be made by the 100th, 301st, 302nd Pursuit Squadrons, and by the work of Negro quartermaster and trucking units in running supplies into the Anzio Beachhead. There is a healthier respect for Negroes as fighters because in Italy some Negroes have been given the opportunity to demonstrate their ability, which they in turn have utilized. One of the finest examples of how men, irrespective of race, will work together as American soldiers fighting in a common cause is to be seen in the relationships within the 79th Pursuit Group of which the 99th Pursuit Squadron is at present a part. I am informed that at least 40 percent of the personnel of the three white pursuit squadrons in the Group come from the South. But one would never know that by associating with the fliers and ground crews of these four squadrons at the Capodichina Airfield at Naples. In the Operations Building, I saw a colored sergeant marking out the bomb runs for both white and colored pilots for that day. In another part of the room, a white sergeant and a Negro sergeant were working together on another phase of the impending operation. Inside the building and outside, pilots, both white and colored, stood talking and smoking together with apparent complete forgetfulness of race. The men had flown together in mixed groups on operations. When they gave a dinner dance to celebrate the first anniversary of the 79th Group s participation in combat, An African-American unit. The European Theatre of Operations.
the white members of the group over rode objections to a socalled Mixed occasion by saying that they had fought and faced death together and saw no impropriety in their celebrating together. Other fighter pilots, trained and comparisoned like themselves, had stood with them on previous days in the same spots, had climbed with them into planes and into the skies, but had not returned. Eight of those who did not come back were Negroes. But over here they never said eight Negro pilots have been killed. In the first place they don t talk about their losses these young old men who crowd often more excitement in a single hour than most of us into an entire lifetime. But when they are forced into talking about men who have died they say eight of our men. Thus the terrible alchemy of war that a tragedy of such dimensions effectuates a democracy which the Billbos negate in times of peace. None have any messianic purposes. They feel they have a crack organization and don t want it broken up. The fact that they don t have any consciousness of proving anything makes what they prove that left alone, human beings will get along or not get along on individual patterns rather than group ones all the more significant. It is strongly recommended that the War Department instruct responsible subordinates to take more prompt and vigorous action against anti Negro propaganda. This should be done not only to prevent trouble, but because such propaganda increasingly disturbs the peoples of the countries where the racial pattern of states of the Deep South is being transferred by some American officers and enlisted men, and brings into question the sincerity of the United States in the war itself. If I may be permitted to criticize the War Department, it is that its attitude lags behind that of much of the personnel of the Army. A more courageous and enlightened philosophy by the War Department would encounter, of course, opposition from the bigoted. But it would also be met with approval and cooperation from a much larger percentage of the men in the Army than the War Department appears to believe now is possible. Encouragement of an enlightened and decent attitude can work wonders on this issue. Special Services in ETOUSA has asked me to write an Army Talks pamphlet, which I am glad to do. Films like The Negro Soldier should be widely shown, and others like this excellent film should continue to be made. It is recommended that future films might emphasize specific instances of Negroes and whites fighting a war for the preservation of democracy cooperatively and without friction. The time and field are ripe for progress. It should be remembered that our failures of omission and commission are being watched by other colored peoples, who constitute a majority of the peoples of the earth, as a measure of our sincerity and integrity. Those same errors are being used against us by enemy propagandists. Vision to see the situation as it is and courage to surmount difficulties and opposition in the implementation of that vision are greatly to be urged upon the War and Navy Departments, and all others charged with the prosecution of the war. I return with a conviction that dark though the picture may seem at times, there is much ground for hope.