In the Beginning: Mayan Ceramics and Comparative Religion

Proceedings of the National Conference On Undergraduate Research (NCUR) 2017 University of Memphis, TN Memphis, Tennessee April 6-8, 2017 In the Beginning: Mayan Ceramics and Comparative Religion Laurel Diciuccio Art History Anderson University Three Hundred and Sixteen Boulevard Anderson, South Carolina, 29621 USA Faculty Advisor: Dr. Candace Weddle Livingston Abstract This research examines the Mayan tradition of ceramics, a fundamental part of their culture and daily life, as it relates to Mayan religion and their sacred text, the Popol Vuh. Connections are drawn and explored between the ceramic process, the Mayan creation narrative, Mayan religious and ceremonial practices, and the materials and tools used in each. Most previous research focuses on each of these topics in isolation, but this research seeks to unite them into one unified portrait of the Mayan way of life, much like the way ceramics marries art and utility. Keywords: Popol Vuh, Creation Myth, Ceramics 1. Introduction Ceramics are a key part of Mayan culture and history, and there are many parallels between their craft and their religion. Many of the decorative or ceremonial wares are painted with images from the K iche Mayan sacred text, the Popol Vuh. There is also a significant literary connection between the creation story and the ceramic process in the way that the gods attempted to create man. To give only two examples, Of earth, of mud, they made [man s] flesh. But they saw that it was not good. It melted away, it was soft Quickly it soaked in the water and could not stand. 1 A ceramic vessel will also dissolve in water if not fired. Thus, the process of firing ceramics has a correlation to the stories in the Popol Vuh. In Part II, Chapter 13, when the hero twins, Xbalanque and Hunahpu, are summoned to Xibalba to be burned in an oven, they do not die but instead become stronger and go on to defeat the high lords in the same way a vessel must be fired. The initial aim of my research was to determine if the physical production of ceramic wares had any ceremonial components in relation to these literary connections. I discovered that insufficient research has been published in this area to definitively answer this question. However, there has been extensive research into the images covering Classic Mayan vessels and their use in religious ceremonies. The Maya timeline is divided by modern scholars into four main time periods: Archaic, Pre-Classic, Classic, and Post-Classic. Maya ceramics have been divided into different complexes that span these periods. Historians categorize Maya pottery as monochrome, bi-chrome, and polychrome. The polychrome vessels are more widely attributed to the Classic period. 2 In addition, the terrain varied drastically throughout the land the Maya inhabited, affecting the craft production and culture of different areas. Evidence from most archeological sites indicate that local materials were used in craft production. 3 Due to the use of these local clay bodies and pigments, historians can identify the materials used in these artifacts as being of Highland or Lowland origin. The ceramic production of the Highlands shows the use of more diverse resources, but most documented and researched Classic Maya polychrome vessels have been found in the Lowlands. Lowland ceramic production used local clays for the body of the vessels, however, most of the vibrant colors used on the painted surfaces of polychrome vessels were not materials that could be locally sourced in the region. It has been determined that the majority of these paint pigments were brought in from the Highlands.

The Maya civilization was located primarily on the Yucatan Peninsula. The Maya people spanned an area that consists of modern day Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, as well as Honduras. There were both cultural and linguistic differences between the people groups within the Maya; Patrick T. Culbert equates the differences in the Mayan languages to those evident in the Romance languages, such as Spanish and French. 4 Of the various groups, the K iche Maya were the most notable. They were considered the most powerful nation in central Guatemala. 5 The K iche people left behind a more complete account of their traditions and history than any other group in the Maya area. 6 They left behind architecture and artifacts as well as manuscripts like the Popol Vuh the K iche Mayan story of creation. 2. The Popol Vuh There are different lenses through which to view artifacts of a civilization. Many things play a part in making up the culture of a people. Michael Coe says, if we confine ourselves to aesthetic appreciation alone, we shall be as far off the mark as if we viewed Duccio s Maesta in purely formal terms without taking into account the Christian religion. 7 The religion of the Maya Civilization is still in large part a mystery; however, historians have some insight thanks to a surviving mythology from the K iche people that was translated into Spanish in the 17 th century. The Manuscript of Chichicastenego was transcribed from the original K iche document into Spanish by a Catholic priest. Father Ximinez lived and worked in Guatemala a little over a century after its original conquest and colonization by the Spaniards. He held the K iche language in very high regard. During his life in Guatemala, he wrote many manuscripts relating to the grammar and language of the indigenous people. Ximinez held true to the original K iche syntax when translating the Popol Vuh into Spanish, often using a literal word for word translation. Due to the nature of this translation, it at times does not make sense, as the original meaning is lost. For this reason, later scholars have accused Father Ximinez of lacking a true understanding of the essence of the document. He has also been accused of translating the text with the prejudices of the Christian church at the time. 8 Ximinez leaves no indication of the original author in his translation, but recent research by Guatemalan historian J. Antonio Villacorta points to a K iche native known as Diego Reynoso, who was taught to read and write by a Bishop of the Catholic church. 9 This theory is disputable, however, as some historians claim that it couldn t possibly have been written by Reynoso based on the style of writing of other manuscripts he authored. The author of the Popol Vuh will likely remain a mystery whoever authored the original presumably did not desire to take credit for the transcription of oral traditions passed down over time. The phrase Popol Vuh can be translated as The Book of the People or The Council Book. This manuscript is not considered the word of God but rather a sacred text describing the ancient world and the way the K iche people viewed the cosmos before the coming of Christianity. The Popol Vuh recounts the creation of the world, the legend of the Hero Twins, the creation of man, and the early history of the K iche people until the Spanish Conquest. Many of the texts of the Maya civilization were destroyed during the conquest only four Yucatán manuscripts and one K iche manuscript survived. 10 The Popol Vuh is divided into four books. The first book recounts the creation of the world and the creation of the animals that populate the earth. Book I also details the first two attempts of the gods to create man. The first time they use the mud of the earth but were unsuccessful, for man would dissolve in water. They then created man out of wood. This creation attempt was more successful they were living beings but had no heart and did not remember their makers. The gods destroyed this population of men with a great flood, and those that survived would come to be known as monkeys. 11 The gods are again left alone. The second and third books of the Popol Vuh tell the legend of the Hero Twins. Hunahpu and Xbalanque were celestial beings the offspring of another set of twins, Hun-Hunahpu and Vucub-Hunahpu. Xibalba is the Maya underworld; in the original text it is written Chi-Xibalba. In ancient times the term xibalbay meant devil or the dead, it also had the same meaning in Yucatan. Delia Goetz explains that the K iche believed that Xibalba was the underground region inhabited by the enemies of man. 12 Hun-Hunahpu and Vucub-Hunahpu were called down to Xibalba by the Lords of Death to face a series of trials and were defeated by them. Vucub-Hunahpu was buried under the ball court, and Hun-Hunahpu was decapitated and his head hung from a gourd tree as a warning. The decapitated head of this twin impregnated a daughter of one of the Lords of Death by spitting in her hand. She fled Xibalba and found refuge with the grandmother of the twins. When her twins, Hunahpu and Xbalanque, came to a certain age they were also called down to Xibalba by the Lords of Death, but they were not defeated. The Lords of Death put them through a series of trials meant to defeat them, but in each trial they outwitted death. As a last resort, the Lords of Darkness decided to burn the twins in a great inferno. The twins were clever yet again and when they heard that the Lords planned to burn them, they instructed the court advisors what to tell the Lords of Darkness. When the twins were dead, their bones were ground to dust and cast into the river. After five days, the twins were resurrected 1019

in the form of catfish. They resumed human form on the following day. After this miraculous resurrection, the twins disguised themselves as dancers and infiltrated the court of the Lords of Darkness as performers. They performed the dance of sacrifice in which Xbalanque dismembered Hunahpu and then brought him back to life. The Lords of Death had the Twins do this to their dog and their servant. They even had them burn down their houses and restore them. In the Goetz translation is says all the Lords of Xibalba were fascinated. In the original text this was written que gabar cu ri ronohel rahaual Xibalba, literally meaning all the Lords of Xibalba were drunk. 13 The Lords of Darkness were so entertained that they insisted they themselves be sacrificed and brought back to life. The Hero Twins gladly performed the sacrifice but did not bring them back to life. 14 In this way, death was defeated. The fourth book of the Popol Vuh accounts the true creation of man. This time the gods used maize. The men were perfect and their knowledge was great. The gods were troubled by what they had created, worried that their creation would become as great as the gods themselves. For this reason, the gods created mortality and procreation the gods gave the men wives and the men were happy and forgot that they once knew everything. The fourth book concludes the Popol Vuh with the accounts of the migration and genealogy of the K iche people. 15 3. Ceramic Production and Craft Specialization The Maya used ceramic wares in daily life and in ritual ceremonies. Some scholars suggest that there was a threetiered model of ceramic production. The first tier consisted of home production and utilitarian wares. The second tier was the production of simple polychrome vessels that may have been created by independent craftspersons or in controlled workshops in the city centers. The highest tier of production contained the immaculate polychrome vessels that are presumed to have been produced in what some historians refer to as palace-school workshops. As the name suggests, this class of wares was produced and used in only the most prestigious portions of society. 16 Ceramics from this tier of production feature beautifully painted images of daily palace life, rituals, and images from sacred texts. Historians are confident that craft specialization existed among the Classic Maya because skilled workers were needed in many areas. There is ongoing research to determine how specialized the Maya economy was. A large portion of this published research has focused on specialized workers attached to Maya royalty and workshops in citycenters. 17 Each community within a ceramic complex had a unique finish or paste-group pointing to a specific producer. 18 The term paste is used to refer to the mixture of a clay body including any tempers and pigments. Archeologists used the term to differentiate between groups and wares from different regions and areas. Ceramic wares are stylistically consistent throughout the Maya region as a whole, but each specific area of production uses compositionally distinct material resources for paste-clays and temper materials. It is information such as this that helps historians identify community workshops and craftspersons. 19 Because of the trade movement of these goods, however, it is extremely difficult for archeologists to determine the specific locations of these workshops. 20 4. Utilitarian and Ceremonial Wares Much research has been done on the sociopolitical significance of ceramics among the elite members of Maya society. Although commoners made up the bulk of the population, little research has been done into how ceramic wares were used in the everyday lives of these Mayas. 21 Archaeologists categorize ceramics into elite and common categories based on quality of manufacture, surface treatment, and vessel forms. 22 The forms associated with elite production are mortuary vessels, drums, incense burners, effigies, and trade exotics. 23 Polychrome vessels were found in both common and elite contexts. The abundance of high quality wares suggests a ritual system that was highly developed, requiring households to keep these fine vessels on hand. Terry G. Powis proposes that there were three types of ceramic wares used in the average Maya household: vessels for food, water, and ritual use. 24 By the Late-Classic period, even the most remote households owned polychrome pottery. This suggests that above all else they served a ritual function as opposed to primarily a political and/or socio-economic one. 25 According to Patrick T. Culbert, by this period the vessels intended for domestic use such as storing food and carrying water were produced by specialized manufacturers. 26 Archeologists now utilize criteria such as design and skillful execution of the painted surfaces to determine if ceramic vessels are from common or high status contexts. Pottery found in elite contexts often have more complex designs and finely executed images. However, this correlation does not hold up when considering the craftsmanship behind the forming and firing of the vessels, with skillfully crafted wares found in all socioeconomic and political contexts. 27 Historians assume that utilitarian ceramic production was a part-time seasonal activity used by subsistence farmers 1020

to supplement their income. Specialization occurred on a community level rather than an individual one, much as is the case with modern Maya potters. Within this community of potters, it is suggested that specialization involved the shapes and forms of the vessels. 28 Dorie Reents-Budet describes this as an extended household unit of ceramic production with task specialization, suggesting that the potter and the painter of the vessels are different individuals. 29 A greater degree of specialization existed in the manufacture of fine-ware vessels than in that of utilitarian wares. 30 Some historians even suggest that these workshops were run under a master craftsperson. Reents-Budet points out the less-than-perfect form of the vessels in comparison to the ornate, complex, and ideological charged scenes on vessel exteriors. 31 Marilyn Beaudry found the interior painting of each elite polychrome vessel to be less complex and more standardized than the exterior painting. She suggests that the interiors were painted by less skilled individuals, while the complex exteriors were painted by more experienced artisans. 32 This supports the theory of a master craftsman. The vessels were formed and prepared by the workshop artisans before reaching the hands of the master, who would then paint the exterior images. Carolyn Tate suggests an alternative workshop setup. Due to the dual-gendered nature of the sacred in the Maya worldview, she suggests that females created the vessels and the men painted them. 33 This high level of task specialization was necessary because the individual or individuals responsible for the elite polychrome wares had to have a working knowledge of courtly life and cultural ideology. The knowledge of hieroglyphs and the Mayan writing systems suggests high levels of literacy and education. Craftspeople with this level of cultural insight most likely lived and worked in the city-centers in concert with the societal elite. 34 Richard Fox describes the location of these workshops as regal-ritual centers the center of prestige and ritual function where the Maya elite resided. 35 These artists may have been regarded as part of the elite themselves. Painters of the palace-school vessels would sometimes sign their painted pottery. One well-known example of an identified elite or royal artist is whose signature is recognized Ah Maxam. He was responsible for the painting of specific wares recovered at Naranjo. Works with his signature were found in tombs of Maya royalty from this region. Callaghan suggests that the presence of his signature added value to a vessel due to his position in society. 36 The bulk of fine-paste, elite, vessels were found in burials, temples, and palaces across the Maya region. 37 A correlation exists between where vessels were found and what they were made from; in many instances gray ware served a utilitarian purpose, while red lacquer ware served a ceremonial one. 38 Gray ware was often found in dwelling places, and red- and orange-slipped wares were found in more ritually charged contexts. It can be inferred from this that the red- and orange-slipped wares were more valuable due to their ceremonial and decorative uses. These findings would suggest that the vessels held value because of their painted surfaces. Michael Callaghan suggests, however, that this was not the only reason these wares held value in Maya culture: Orange slipped vessels, especially the polychrome type-forms, were not valuable because they possessed some type of a-priori prestige value due to their painted surfaces These vessels gained their value through being associated with the sacred food substances which they held at important sacred and secular ritual events. They were material objects that mediated social relations and may have even possessed an inalienable quality related to the people who crafted them, the people who owned them, and the people who used them in ritual ceremonies. 39 This correlation between clay make-up and function can be observed until the Late Classic and Terminal Classic periods of Mayan civilization. The ceramic artists of this time period began to create un-tempered pastes as firing variants. The appearance of a fine gray variant became evident among fine-paste pottery in this period, and only appears during this time. One of the first, and most notable, examples of this fine gray ware are that of the Chablekal and Tres Nacciones groups in the Northern Lowlands. 40 The make-up of the clay bodies and the firing techniques were not the only thing to change during the Terminal Classic to Post Classic periods. The size of vessels such as bowls and serving plates also decreased during this time. Historians are unsure if this was an aesthetic choice or if it suggests dietary changes. During this time, there was a decline in painted polychrome surfaces and a rise in incised, penetrated, and carved surfaces. Rice suggests that this shows a loss of skilled artists during the period, but this shift in artistic tradition could also be a sign of changing tastes. Rice also describes the production of utilitarian forms during this time. The production of common wares stayed much the same: Elite wares may change rapidly, but basic utilitarian cooking and serving sub-complexes tend to be less susceptible to the whims of fashion [utilitarian vessels] tend to maintain their integrity through all manner of political, religious, and social upheaval. 41 1021

5. Ritual Uses of Ceramics Graves became elaborate in the Early Classic period, containing more furniture, artifacts, and offerings. 42 Cylinders were among the most common ceramic vessels found in burial contexts; in fact, cylinders are more often found in ritual contexts such as burials. 43 These vessels were most likely connected to ceremonies involving the burial of an individual. Cylinders were ceramic wares that appeared to take more skill to produce. Often the cylinders found in tombs were elaborate but not carefully finished. The people of the Maya civilization practiced the tradition of burying the dead in sub-floor family crypts. 44 Children and adults are often found buried with ceramic vessels placed over their head and hips. Infants and very small children are buried in urns. Urn burials among common Mayas often involved repurposed ceramic wares, like vessels used for water storage. 45 Sub-floor burial was a practice that permeated every level of society. 46 In royal settings, it is rare for rooms to be constructed with the original intent of burial. Rather burial locations were often located in walled off rooms. In palaces, all genders and ages have been found, but it was rare for anyone but adult males to be buried in temples. 47 In temples, whole vessels are often found in caches and at altars, typically associated with burials or sacrifice. 48 Offerings like this were important to the Maya they did not offer these items as a form of ancestor worship, but as a way to venerate the deceased. The Maya believed that their ancestors were still present around them after death, unlike the division of life and death in Western religious contexts. 49 The ancient Maya held ceremonies for every aspect of life. Farmers marked the annual cycle of their crops with rituals and offerings. The Mayas held ceremonies to ensure sustenance and well-being. 50 Offerings were burnt in rituals. These offerings were typically food, artifacts, incense, and blood. During these ceremonies substances such as tobacco, alcohol, and specific local fauna were often ingested to induce a trance like state. In ritual blood-letting, blood was dripped onto paper-like strips contained in a ceramic vessel. These strips were then burned to reveal the vision serpent. 51 For the individual, the combination of blood loss and psychotropic substances induced vivid visions within the smoke. Many ceramic images show rulers involved in ritual blood-letting. 52 Blood was commonly drawn from arms and ears, however in certain rituals performed by rulers, blood was drawn from other parts of the body. Female rulers have been pictured in Maya art piercing their tongue and pulling a thorn-laden rope through the incision. 53 There are images of kings performing genital blood-letting as a way to parallel the strength and pain of a queen giving birth to a prince. 54 In ceramic art, representations of rituals such as these portray rulers, priests, and shamans. They are shown smoking, dancing, having visions or communicating with the gods and ancestors. 6. Connections to the Popol Vuh and Other Aspects of the Maya Worldview I cannot at this time confirm that the physical ceramic process is ceremonial in any way. However, it is likely that the Maya linked creativity to the gods and that materials of the earth held great value. The term k uh refers to a sacred quality contained in everything in the universe. This concept likely started as far back as hunter-gatherers, when people relied on their environment for survival. 55 Hunahpu translates as hunter with a blowgun with hun meaning universal and ahpu meaning hunter. 56 The term is used throughout the Popol Vuh in the names of celestial beings. It is the name of one of the Hero Twins of the Popol Vuh and a portion of the name of their father and uncle, Hun-Hunaphu and Vucub-Hunaphu. Delia Goetz also suggests that the name could have come from a K iche translation of the Maya phrase Hunab Ku meaning the only god. 57 In the Post-Classic, the term k uh was personified as what historians have labeled God C, named ah k uh un. The term is also used to refer to an earth god called kab k uh. 58 It is obvious from this etymology that the earth was valuable to the Maya, and it could be speculated that the materials used in ceramic production held an intrinsic value as well. There are direct references in the Popol Vuh to ceramic vessels and ceramic processes. In the Pre-Amble to the sacred text, the author refers to Ah Raxá Lac and Ah Raxá Tzel. In the Goetz and Morley translation of the Popol Vuh, these names are translated as Lord of the Green Plate and Lord of the Blue Bowl. According to Father Ximinez, these names refer to the earth and the sky. 59 In the translation by Dennis Tedlock, these names are translated as Maker of the Blue-Green Plate and Maker of the Blue-Green Bowl. 60 Ceramic terms are used in the very description of the creation of the heavens and the earth, suggesting great importance of ceramic wares and the ceramic process. When the gods first try to create man they use the mud of the earth. Just as ceramic wares will dissolve in water unless fired these first beings melted in water. 61 Ceramic items have been found dating back to 24,000 B.C.E. 62 It is 1022

presumed that early humans had to discover the ceramic firing process and as such, the gods learned to create man by trial and error. In this way, the process of firing ceramics has a correlation to the stories in the Popol Vuh. The hero twins were summoned to Xibalba to face a series of trials, but when the Lords of Death realized they could not deceive them they sentenced them to be burned in an oven. The Twins anticipated this and asked the seers to instruct the Lords of Death to grind up their bones after they have gone through the fire and cast them into the river. The Hero Twins were miraculously resurrected and went on to defeat the Lords of Death. As a ceramic vessel is stronger once it is fired, the Twins came back stronger after they went through the fire in Xibalba. In numerous ancient cultures ceramic wares were used ceremonial and in every-day life. When these vessels would wear down or break they were ground up into grog to be used as a temper for the clay used in new pottery. Grog is ground up fired clay and it is mixed in to fresh clay to help reduce shrinkage when firing. The reason why coarse stoneware clays do not shrink as much as fine clay bodies like porcelain is because the larger particles of grog have lower plasticity. 63 In the Popol Vuh, the Hero Twins were ground up before they were put into water and then resurrected. This relates directly to the use of grog in wet clay for the creation of new vessels. 7. Conclusions and Direction for Future Study Through this research I have asked a question that will only be answered through years of research and collaboration with other scholars and crafts-people. I have concluded that the ceramic process holds many parallels to the creation of man. In this way it is likely that the ancient Maya people revered crafts-people for holding the power of creativity akin to that of the gods. I will continue to pursue this research in hopes of proving that the creation of ceramics was, in fact, a ceremonial process to the early Mayas. Not only will I continue to research through traditional methods, but also pursue opportunities to work hands-on with modern Maya potters to study the physical ceramic process of their ancestors. 8. Acknowledgements The author wishes to express their appreciation to Anderson University and the opportunities they have provided during the course of this research and the continued support of future endeavors. Thank you to Dr. Jo-Carol Mitchell- Rogers, and Dr. David Larson of the South Carolina School of the Arts for working with Anderson University and making it possible to present this research at the international level. A special thanks to Dr. Candace Weddle Livingston for being an invaluable mentor and advisor. 9. References 1 Goetz, Delia, Adria n Recinos, and Sylvanus G. Morley. Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya. Norman, Okla. etc.: U of Oklahoma Press, 1991. Print. 2 Longyear, John M. Copan Ceramics: A Study of Southeastern Maya Pottery. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1952. Print. 3 Ricketson, Oliver Garrison, and Edith Bayles Ricketson. Uaxactun, Guatemala. Group E--1926-1931. Washington: Carnegie institution of Washington, 1937. Print. 4 Culbert, T. Patrick. The Lost Civilization: The Story of the Classic Maya. New York: Harper & Row, 1974. Print. 5 Goetz, Delia. Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya. 6 Lothrop, S. K. Zacualpa: a Study of Ancient Quiche Artifacts. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1936. Print. 7 Coe, Michael D., and Justin Kerr. Lords of the Underworld: Masterpieces of Classic Maya Ceramics. Princeton, NJ: Art Museum, Princeton U, 1978. Print. 8 Goetz, Delia. Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya. 9 Ibid. 10 Mark, Joshua J. "Popol Vuh." Ancient History Encyclopedia. 21 Mar. 2014. Web. 03 May 2017. 1023

11 Goetz, Delia. Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya. 12 Ibid. 13 Ibid. Goetz brings up an interesting difference in translation here. Knowing that the Lords of Death casts a different light on the story. 14 Sabloff, Jeremy A., and John S. Henderson. Lowland Maya Civilization in the Eighth Century A.D.: A Symposium at Dumbarton Oaks, 7th and 8th October 1989. Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1993. Print. 15 Mark, Joshua J. "Popol Vuh." Ancient History Encyclopedia. 21 Mar. 2014. Web. 03 May 2017. 16 Callaghan, Michael G. Technologies of Power: Ritual Economy and Ceramic Production in the Terminal Preclassic Period Holmul Region, Guatemala. Diss. Vanderbilt U, 2008. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Vanderbilt University Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Web. 18 Mar. 2017. 17 McKillop, Heather. The Ancient Maya: New Perspectives. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, Inc., 2004. Print. 18 Sabloff, Jeremy A. Lowland Maya Civilization in the Eighth Century A.D. 19 Ibid. 20 McKillop, Heather. The Ancient Maya: New Perspectives. 21 Lohse, Jon C., and Fred Valdez. eds. "Chapter 3: The Role of Pottery and Food Consumption among Late Pre- Classic Maya Commoners at Lamanai, Belize by Terry G. Powis." Ancient Maya Commoners. Austin, TX: U of Texas, 2004. 49-72. Print. 22 Lohse, Jon C., and Fred Valdez. eds. "Chapter 3: The Role of Pottery and Food Consumption among Late Pre- Classic Maya Commoners at Lamanai, Belize by Terry G. Powis." Ancient Maya Commoners. 23 Adams, Richard E.W. Ceramics of Altar De Sacrificios. 1st ed. Vol. 63. Cambridge: Peabody Museum, 1971. Print. 24 Lohse, Jon C., and Fred Valdez. eds. "Chapter 3: The Role of Pottery and Food Consumption among Late Pre- Classic Maya Commoners at Lamanai, Belize by Terry G. Powis." Ancient Maya Commoners. 25 Callaghan, Michael G. Technologies of Power: Ritual Economy and Ceramic Production in the Terminal Preclassic Period Holmul Region, Guatemala. Diss. Vanderbilt U, 2008. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Vanderbilt University Electronic Theses and Dissertations. Web. 18 Mar. 2017. 26 Culbert, T. Patrick. The Lost Civilization: The Story of the Classic Maya. New York: Harper & Row, 1974. Print. 27 Lohse, Jon C., and Fred Valdez. eds. "Chapter 3: The Role of Pottery and Food Consumption among Late Pre- Classic Maya Commoners at Lamanai, Belize by Terry G. Powis." Ancient Maya Commoners. 28 Sabloff, Jeremy A. Lowland Maya Civilization in the Eighth Century A.D. 29 Ibid. and Reents-Budet, Dorie. The Late Classic Maya Holmul Style Polychrome Pottery. Ph.D. Dissertation. U of Texas at Austin., 1985. Print. 30 Rice, Prudence M. "Maya Pottery Techniques and Technology." Ancient Technology to Modern Science: Ceramics and Civilization 1 (1985): 113-32. Print. 31 Callaghan, Michael G. Technologies of Power 32 Ibid. 33 Golden, Charles W., and Greg Borgstede. Continuities and Changes in Maya archaeology: Perspectives at the Millennium. New York: Routledge, 2004. Print. 34 Sabloff, Jeremy A., and John S. Henderson. Lowland Maya Civilization in the Eighth Century A.D. Hammond, Norman. Lubaantun: A Classic Maya Realm. Cambridge (Massachusetts): Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology, Harvard U, 1975. Print. Demarest, Arthur Andrew., Prudence M. Rice, and Don Stephen. Rice. The Terminal Classic in the Maya Lowlands: Collapse, Transition, and Transformation. Boulder: U of Colorado, 2004. Print. 35 Fox, Richard Gabriel. Urban anthropology: cities in their cultural settings. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice- Hall, 1977. Print. 36 Callaghan, Michael G. Technologies of Power 37 Smith, A. Ledyard. Uaxactun, Guatemala; excavations of 1931-1937. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1950. Print. 38 Ruppert, Karl. The Caracol at Chichen Itza, Yucatan, Mexico. Washington, D.C.: Carnegie institution of Washington, 1935. Print. 39 Callaghan, Michael G. Technologies of Power 40 Demarest, Arthur Andrew. The Terminal Classic in the Maya Lowlands 41 Ibid. 1024

42 Smith, A. Ledyard. Uaxactun, Guatemala; excavations of 1931-1937. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1950. Print. 43 Callaghan, Michael G. Technologies of Power 44 Ardren, Traci. Social Identities in the Classic Maya Northern Lowlands: Gender, Age, Memory, and Place. Austin: U of Texas, 2015. Print. 45 Ibid. 46 Sharer, Robert J., and Loa P. Traxler. The Ancient Maya. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2006. Print. 47 Smith, A. Ledyard. Uaxactun, Guatemala; excavations of 1931-1937. Washington: Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1950. Print. 48 Ricketson, Oliver Garrison, and Edith Bayles Ricketson. Uaxactun, Guatemala. Group E--1926-1931. Washington: Carnegie institution of Washington, 1937. Print. 49 Sharer, Robert J., and Loa P. Traxler. The Ancient Maya. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2006. Print. 50 Ibid. 51 Demarest, Arthur A. Ancient Maya: The Rise and Fall of a Rainforest Civilization. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 2011. Print. 52 Ibid. 53 Schele, Linda, and David A. Freidel. A Forest of Kings: The Untold Story of the Ancient Maya. New York: William Morrow and Company, Inc, 1990. Print. 54 Ibid. 55 Sharer, Robert J., and Loa P. Traxler. The Ancient Maya. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2006. Print. 56 Goetz, Delia. Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya. 57 Ibid. 58 Sharer, Robert J., and Loa P. Traxler. The Ancient Maya. Stanford, CA: Stanford UP, 2006. Print. Golden, Charles W., and Greg Borgstede. Continuities and Changes in Maya archaeology: Perspectives at the Millennium. New York: Routledge, 2004. Print. 59 Golden, Charles W., and Greg Borgstede. Continuities and Changes in Maya archaeology: Perspectives at the Millennium. New York: Routledge, 2004. Print. 60 Tedlock, Dennis. Popol Vuh: The Mayan Book of the Dawn of Life. NY, NY: Simon & Schuster, 1985. Print. 61 Goetz, Delia. Popol Vuh: The Sacred Book of the Ancient Quiche Maya. 62 De Guire, Eileen. "History of Ceramics." Ceramics.org. The American Ceramic Society, 19 May 2014. Web. 03 May 2017. 63 Miller, Mary Ellen., and Simon Martin. Courtly Art of the Ancient Maya. San Francisco: Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco, 2004. Print. 1025