THE LIFE-GIVING MYTH ANTHROPOLOGY AN13 ETFINOGRAPE-IY

THE LIFE-GIVING MYTH ANTHROPOLOGY AN13 ETFINOGRAPE-IY

Routledge Library Editions Anthropology and Ethnography WITCHCRAFT, FOLKLORE AND MYTHOLOGY In 6 Volumes I Japanese Rainmaking Bowrras I1 Witchcraft Confessions and Accusations Dozlglas 111 The Life-Giving Myth Hocart IV The Structural Study of Myth and Totemism Lead V Witchcraft and Sorcery in East Africa Middletorr 6 Wirrtw VI The Witch Figure Newall

THE LIFE-GIVING MYTH And Other Essays A M HOCART Routledge Taylor&Francis Group LONDON AND NEW YORK

ISBN 978-1-136-55117-8 (ebk)

A. M. HOCART THE LIFE-GIVING MYTH and other essays Edited, with an Introduction, by LORD RAGLAN METHUEN & CO. LTD. LONDON 36 Essex Street, J'lrand, W.C.2

First published in 1952 CATALOGUE NO. 50111~ P m IN ORIDAT BRITAIN BY THBl RIVEBEIDE PRESS, EDXNBURQE

CONTENTS a m n INTRODUCTION I. THE LIFE-GIVING MYTH 11. FLYING THROUGH THE AIR 111. TURNING INTO STONE IV. THE COMMON SENSE OF MYTH V. THE PURPOSE OF RITUAL VI. RITUAL AND EMOTION VII. THE ORIGIN OF MONOTHEISM VIII. THE DIVINITY OF THE GUEST IX. YAKSHAS AND VADDAS X. MONEY XI. MODERN CRITIQUE XII. IN THE GRIP OF TRADITION XIII. SNOBBERY XIV. CHASTITY XV. SAVIOURS XVI. THE AGE-LIMIT XVII. CHILDHOOD CEREMONIES XVIII. BAPTISM BY FIRE XIX. INITIATION AND MANHOOD XX. INITIATION AND HEALING XXI. TATTOOING AND HEALING XXII. KINSHIP SYSTEMS XXIII. BLOOD-BROTHERHOOD XXIV. COVENANTS XXV. THE UTERINE NEPHEW XXVI. WHY STUDY SAVAGES? XXVII. ARE SAVAGES CUSTOM-BOUND? XXVIII. FROM ANCIENTO MODERN EGYPT XXIX. INDIAND THE PACIFIC XXX. DECADENCE IN INDIA ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

INTRODUCTION A GLANCE at the chapter-headings might suggest that the subjects of these essays are largely unconnected, but this is not so; there are themes which run through nearly all of them. Of these the most important is that myth, ritual and social organisation are inseparably connected and cannot profitably be studied apart. Myth, owing chiefly to the use made by the Latin poets of the Greek myths, most of which had become functionless survivals, has persuaded scholars that myths are merely a strange kind of fiction; but for all illiterate peoples, and many that are not illiterate, myths form the most important part of their traditions, not merely justifying and sanctifying all their rites and customs, but being regarded as in themselves a source of life. Whether myth is older than ritual we cannot say, but ritual as we know it everywhere depends on myth. The myth purports to tell how the ritual originated, and a knowledge of it is necessary to enable the officiant to perform the ritual correctly and thereby obtain the life which the ritual, if correctly performed, confers. Social organisation is, in its origins, organisation for the performance of ritual, and it too depends on the myth, which purports to tell how the kingship, classes, castes, clans and so on came to be instituted, and thereby explains and justifies the part which they play in the life of the community. The two most important institutions are, or were, the divine kingship and the dual organisation. The worship of the divine king is the earliest religion of which we have any certain knowledge. It is still widespread to-day, and beliefs and customs derived from it 6

Introduction 7 are almost universal. In the dual organisation a community is divided into two groups; members of one group initiate, marry and bury members of the other group, and are, as the Fijians say "gods to one another". This idea will seem strange to those who regard gods only as remote and awe-inspiring beings, but to savages, as to the ancients, a god is any person or thing with power to confer life. The dual organisation has left in Europe but a few traces, such as team games, and is found in full operation only among savages. This might suggest that it is older than the divine kingship, but this need not be so. Unlike the divine kingship, it can hardly flourish except in communities so small that everyone can stand in some sort of relationship to everyone else. The second thesis which runs through these essays, or many of them, is that all ritual consists in investing some person or thing with power, in order that he or it may be able to confer life, and by life is meant health, wealth and fertility. This is done by performing certain acts and at the same time reciting the myth, which tells what the originator of the rite is supposed to have done. No person or thing has any power to confer life until they have been invested with it in this way. There is no such thing as " nature-worship ". Nobody ever worshipped the sun simply as the sun; it is worshipped only when it is deified, that is to say when a god has been put into it. The same applies to idols of all kinds, including stones and trees, and to human beings. Those who speak of natureworship are ignorant of the theory and practice of ritual, which are everywhere the same. In his Kingship Hocart showed that the ritual of the divine kingship, in whatever part of the world it is performed, is not merely similar, but is the same ritual. He reverts to this fact here and also shows that the ritual of initiation is the same in North America and Central Australia, that the sister's son has the same strange ritual

The Life-giving Myth functions in South Africa as in Fiji, and that there are many curious resemblances between the customs of the Hindus and those of the Melanesians. Since none of these rites and customs can reasonably be supposed to arise naturally in the human mind, their distribution must be due to historical causes. The last essay is on a different subject. It is a contribution to the study of the causes of decadence. We do not know why civilisations decline, but we do know that it cannot be because nations grow old. Nations are not organisms, and civilisations are sometimes rejuvenated, as individuals never are. Hocart studies the problem in so far as it is concerned with India and Ceylon. In conclusion I should add that Hocart contemplated a book of this kind and there is a draft list of essays among his papers. Some of these, however, I have been unable to identify and this book contains many which he did not mention. These have been obtained through references in his writings, and searches in likely periodicals. I should like to acknowledge the help which I have received in the latter task from Miss B. J. Kirkpatrick, Librarian to the Royal Anthropological Institute. I have omitted many papers which seemed to me too long or too technical, and have made cuts in some of the papers which I have included. RAGLAN